The Armenian government should support Armenians displaced from Karabakh in settling in the Republic of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan said during the conference titled “Inclusive Development: Achievements and Things to Do.”
“I consider it very important that we help our sisters and brothers displaced from Karabakh to move beyond a state of psychological uncertainty. We should focus on assisting and supporting them in every possible way, so that they can obtain citizenship of the Republic of Armenia, settle in Armenia, and permanently link their fate with Armenia,” he stated.
According to Pashinyan, since 2023, about 145 billion drams have been allocated from the Armenian state budget under various programs to meet the needs of people displaced from Karabakh.
Born in Aleppo, Syria, Sassounian immigrated to the United States in 1969, earning a Master’s degree in international affairs from Columbia University in New York in 1975, and after moving to Los Angeles , he earned an MBA from Pepperdine University in 1977, while working for Bank of America.[2] Fluent in five languages, including Armenian, Arabic, Turkish, and French, he has built a career centered on Armenian advocacy, serving as a non-governmental delegate on human rights at the United Nations in Geneva for a decade.[1][2] His syndicated opinion columns, which address topics such as the Armenian Genocide and geopolitical challenges facing Armenia, are reprinted in numerous outlets worldwide and have positioned him as a prominent voice in Armenian media.[3]Sassounian’s humanitarian efforts include presiding over the United Armenian Fund, and subsequently, the Armenia Artsakh Fund which together raised $1.1 billion of aid to Armenia and Artsakh from 1979 to 2026. He also held a vice chair role at the Lincy Foundation, contributing $242 million in Armenian infrastructure projects.[1][2] In recognition of his journalistic impact, he received Armenia’s Golden Pen Award—the nation’s highest journalism honor—in 2016, and he authored The Armenian Genocide: The World Speaks Out, 1915-2015: Documents and Declarations to compile historical evidence on the topic.[1] In 2024, he digitized The California Courier, expanding its reach to daily updates and a global online audience without subscriptions.[3]
Early Life and Background
Childhood and Family
Harut Sassounian was born in 1950 in Aleppo, Syria, to Armenian parents within a diaspora community shaped by the aftermath of the Armenian Genocide, as some of his grandparents’ relatives had survived the Ottoman-era massacres.[4] Aleppo hosted one of the largest Armenian populations outside Armenia, fostering institutions for cultural preservation, language maintenance, and communal solidarity amid historical displacement and minority status in the region.[5]Sassounian later recalled a happy childhood in this environment, free from overt discrimination during his early years in Syria, which allowed immersion in Armenian traditions and family narratives of resilience.[4] These familial ties to genocide survivors instilled an early awareness of Armenian historical trauma and the imperatives of cultural continuity in exile.[6]In 1965, at age 15, Sassounian’s entire family departed Aleppo for Beirut, Lebanon, reflecting broader patterns of Armenian migration amid regional instabilities.[2] He immigrated to the United States independently in 1969, arriving at age 18, with his family reuniting and settling in California in the following years, marking the transition from Middle Eastern diaspora life to American integration.[2]
Education
Sassounian completed his secondary education at Sofia Hagopian Armenian High School in Beirut, Lebanon, an institution emphasizing Armenian language, history, and culture alongside standard curricula, which cultivated his early proficiency in Armenian studies and multilingualism.[7][8]He then earned a Master’s degree in International Affairs from Columbia University in New York City, between 1973 and 1975. This graduate-level training focused on global political dynamics, diplomacy, and international relations, equipping him with analytical frameworks for examining ethnic conflicts and state policies.[9][5][10][2]Subsequently, Sassounian obtained a Master of Business Administration (MBA) from Pepperdine University’s Graziadio School of Business and Management in Los Angeles, where coursework in business strategy, management, and operations provided practical skills in organizational leadership and media economics.[9][5][10]
Professional Career
Journalism and The California Courier
Harut Sassounian assumed the role of publisher of The California Courier in 1983, taking over from its original founders, George Mason (Elmassian) and Reese Cleghorn, who had established the English-language weekly newspaper in Fresno, California, in 1958 to serve the Armenian-American community, particularly those less fluent in Armenian.[11] Under Sassounian’s leadership, the newspaper relocated its operations to Los Angeles in 1988 to better reach the expanding Armenian diaspora in the region, which had become the largest outside Armenia.[11]The publication grew from an initial base of approximately 700 subscribers, primarily in Glendale and Fresno, by serving as a dedicated platform for diaspora news, community achievements, and non-partisan discourse on Armenian matters.[10] Under Sassounian’s management, the newspaper evolved into a consistent voice for English-speaking Armenians across California and beyond, reflecting the community’s demographic shifts from the Central Valley to urban centers.[11]Editorially, The California Courier under Sassounian prioritized factual reporting and open discussion of social, cultural, civic, and political issues affecting Armenians, with a commitment to countering distortions of historical events such as the Armenian Genocide.[12] This approach included dedicated coverage of genocide recognition efforts and regional conflicts involving Armenia, emphasizing vigilance to preserve accurate narratives amid denialist claims.[12] The newspaper maintained a non-partisan stance, fostering debate without endorsing specific political factions, which helped solidify its role as a milestone in Armenian-American journalism.[11]
Syndicated Column and Media Presence
Harut Sassounian authors a weekly syndicated column originating in The California Courier, distributed to Armenian-American publications including the Armenian Weekly.[13][14] The column emphasizes detailed examinations of Armenian diplomatic and security matters, drawing on verifiable reports and historical records to support its assessments.[15] Its syndication extends Sassounian’s commentary to broader diaspora audiences, with contributions also appearing in outlets like LA Progressive.[16]In addition to print syndication, Sassounian serves as a frequent television commentator on Armenian networks, providing analysis during key events in regional politics.[17] He has appeared on programs such as Horizon TV, offering insights into diaspora organizational efforts.[18]Sassounian also engages in audio media, guesting on podcasts including the Armenian News Podcast and WiseNuts, where episodes focus on historical philanthropy and community structures without delving into partisan endorsements.[19][20]Sassounian is among the most widely circulated writers addressing Armenian topics internationally, attributing this to the column’s consistent publication since 1983 and its reliance on documented evidence over unsubstantiated narratives.[3] This reach positions his work as a staple reference for diaspora readers seeking fact-based perspectives on geopolitical developments.[21]
Other Professional Roles
Sassounian served as an international marketing executive for Procter & Gamble in Geneva, Switzerland, from 1978 to 1982, focusing on business development in a multinational corporate setting.[17] This early role involved applying strategic marketing principles across global operations, distinct from his later media endeavors.[22]Leveraging his MBA from Pepperdine University’s Graziadio School of Business, Sassounian has held CEO positions emphasizing media production and operational scaling, including leadership in entities that expanded fundraising and infrastructure initiatives.[9] These experiences highlight his entrepreneurial approach to business growth.[17]In addition to executive roles, Sassounian chairs the Board of Directors for HyeID, a diaspora-focused organization, where he directs strategic governance and development efforts.[23] This position underscores his involvement in leadership structures beyond publishing, prioritizing organizational trusteeship and policy direction.[19]
Activism and Philanthropy
Armenian Genocide Advocacy
Harut Sassounian has utilized his platform as publisher and columnist for The California Courierto advocate for the recognition of the Armenian Genocide, emphasizing historical evidence from Ottoman-era telegrams, U.S. diplomatic records, and eyewitness accounts that document systematic deportations and massacres resulting in approximately 1.5 million Armenian deaths between 1915 and 1923.[24] In his columns, he critiques Turkish denialism as a state-funded effort to distort primary sources, such as German and Allied archival materials confirming Ottoman orders for extermination, arguing that these policies causally led to the near-total eradication of Armenian populations in Anatolia, with pre-war numbers exceeding 2 million dropping to under 100,000 by 1922.[24] [25] Sassounian attributes denial to political expediency rather than evidentiary disputes, citing scholarly consensus and U.S. acknowledgments, including a 1951 State Department filing to the International Court of Justice and Ronald Reagan’s 1981 proclamation referencing the genocide.[24]As a former United Nations human rights delegate, Sassounian led the lobbying effort for the 1985 recognition of the Armenian Genocide by the U.N. Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, which adopted a report affirming the Armenian Genocide by the overwhelming vote of 15 to 1.[26] He continues educational efforts through lectures and events, such as his scheduled keynote address on April 6, 2025, at the “Forgotten, Unforgettable” commemoration marking the 40th anniversary of this U.N. milestone, hosted by Armenian organizations in Watertown, Massachusetts, to highlight the sub-commission’s role in countering revisionist narratives.[26] These initiatives focus on disseminating verifiable documents, including Ottoman memos revealing centralized planning of relocations that resulted in documented mass atrocities, to educate diaspora communities and policymakers on the empirical basis for genocide classification.[24]During the 2015 centennial commemorations of the genocide’s onset, Sassounian participated in global events to amplify calls for U.S. federal recognition, including speaking at the “Responsibility 2015” conference in New York City, where he addressed reparations grounded in legal precedents like insurance claims awarded to survivors’ heirs in U.S. courts.[27] He also attended the launch of the “100 LIVES” initiative, engaging with international figures to underscore the demographic and cultural devastation evidenced by pre- and post-war censuses, while advocating against normalization of denialist claims that minimize causal links between Ottoman directives and the resulting humanitarian catastrophe.[27] [24] His work prioritizes primary-source-driven arguments over symbolic gestures, linking recognition to demands for restitution based on successor-state liability under international law.[24]
Armenia Artsakh Fund and Donations
Harut Sassounian serves as president of the Armenia Artsakh Fund, a non-profit organization he founded in 2015 to continue humanitarian aid efforts to Armenia and Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) that began following the 1988 Spitak earthquake, with cumulative deliveries exceeding one billion dollars.[13][10] The fund’s contributions include medicines, food, and support for displaced populations, with public financial reports from GuideStar verifying distributions to economically disadvantaged families and medical aid recipients in these regions.[28]In response to the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, the Armenia Artsakh Fund provided $15 million in humanitarian assistance to Armenia and Artsakh over the subsequent five months, aiding war-affected civilians through direct shipments of essentials.[29] This included partnerships for delivering $486,000 worth of medicines to displaced Artsakh Armenians sheltered in Armenia, as documented in fund announcements and partner reports from organizations like Direct Relief.[30] These efforts prioritized verifiable outcomes, such as medical distributions tracked via shipment logs, rather than unquantified appeals.
Political Commentary on Armenian Issues
Harut Sassounian has sharply critiqued Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan for interfering in the Armenian Apostolic Church, accusing him in a July 28, 2025, column of seeking control over ecclesiastical leadership amid governance failures, including demands to verify the moral integrity of Catholicos candidates without clear mechanisms.[31] He further alleged Pashinyan’s use of divide-and-rule strategies, such as pressuring Catholicos Karekin II to resign and inciting clergy divisions, as detailed in a December 1, 2025, piece, which Sassounian framed as undermining the church’s independence to consolidate power.[32] These criticisms align with Sassounian’s broader concerns over Pashinyan’s hostility toward religious institutions, dating back to early tensions where the prime minister denigrated church figures.[33]Sassounian has also questioned the integrity of Pashinyan’s political operations, highlighting irregularities in donor lists for his party’s Yerevan mayoral candidate in February 2024, where fake names appeared, contradicting claims of transparent elections and suggesting systemic deception.[34] In external affairs, he has voiced skepticism toward concessions in Artsakh disputes, citing a May 26-28, 2022, Gallup poll showing 89% of Armenians opposing placement under Azerbaijani rule, and arguing that yielding territory signals weakness that invites aggression rather than ensuring security, as concessions historically dishonor sacrifices without deterring threats.[35]On diaspora relations, Sassounian has advocated unity with Armenia, warning in a February 2010 analysis that policy rifts—such as over Turkish protocols—must not fracture ties, as diaspora support bolsters national resilience, even amid criticisms of government actions that alienate overseas Armenians.[37] He contends that internal divisions, fueled by Pashinyan’s rhetoric, weaken collective bargaining power against external foes, prioritizing causal links between cohesion and deterrence over short-term political expediency.[38]
Writings and Publications
Books and Edited Works
Sassounian compiled and introduced The Armenian Genocide: The World Speaks Out, 1915-2005: Documents and Declarations, published in 2005 by the 90th Anniversary Committee of the Armenian Genocide to mark the Ottoman Empire’s systematic extermination campaign against Armenians.[39] The volume aggregates dozens of primary documents, including diplomatic cables, eyewitness testimonies, parliamentary resolutions, and media reports from 1915 onward, prioritizing raw archival materials over interpretive narratives to substantiate the genocide’s scale and international awareness at the time.[40]An expanded edition, The Armenian Genocide: The World Speaks Out, 1915-2015: Documents and Declarations, was released in 2015 for the centennial commemoration, incorporating additional post-2005 materials such as U.S. presidential statements, European Parliament declarations, and scholarly analyses grounded in declassified records.[1] Sassounian’s editorial approach emphasizes verifiable evidence from governmental archives and contemporary observers, avoiding unsubstantiated claims while highlighting patterns of denial and delayed recognition by major powers.[17]
Key Columns and Opinions
Sassounian’s columns frequently address tensions between the Armenian Apostolic Church and the Armenian government, particularly highlighting divisions in 2024-2025 over ecclesiastical appointments and state influence. In a January 2024 piece, he criticized Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s administration for attempting to install a government-aligned candidate as Catholicos, arguing that such moves undermine the church’s autonomy and risk alienating the diaspora, which views the institution as a symbol of national resilience. He contended that historical precedents, including Soviet-era interferences, demonstrate the perils of politicizing religious leadership, potentially eroding public trust in both entities.On economic matters, Sassounian has opined on Kirk Kerkorian’s investments in Armenia, acknowledging their tangible benefits. He balanced this by noting Kerkorian’s philanthropy but emphasized that sustained foreign investment requires domestic reforms to convert capital inflows into self-sustaining growth.Sassounian advocates for Armenian self-sufficiency in columns debunking over-reliance on foreign aid, arguing that diaspora remittances—totaling over $2 billion annually to Armenia—foster dependency rather than innovation. In a 2023 analysis, he countered narratives of perpetual victimhood post-Armenian Genocide by urging policy shifts toward export-driven economies, citing Israel’s model of technological self-reliance despite similar historical traumas as evidence that internal reforms outperform aid petitions. He supported this with data showing Armenia’s GDP growth stagnating at 4-5% pre-2020 without diversification, warning that unchecked aid expectations could perpetuate cycles of corruption observed in post-Soviet states. This stance includes critiques of U.S. congressional resolutions for genocide recognition, which he views as symbolic but insufficient without accompanying economic empowerment strategies.
Controversies and Criticisms
Stances on Armenian Government and Diaspora Politics
Sassounian has been a vocal critic of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s administration, particularly regarding alleged corruption and electoral manipulations. In a 2021 column, he accused Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party of fabricating funding documents for Yerevan mayoral candidate, citing discrepancies in reported donations from diaspora sources that were later revealed as non-existent or misattributed. He argued this undermined electoral transparency, drawing on public financial disclosures and opposition reports to substantiate claims of systemic favoritism toward ruling party candidates.On ecclesiastical politics, Sassounian has questioned Pashinyan’s influence over the Armenian Apostolic Church, alleging in 2019 that the prime minister harbored ambitions to install a loyalist as Catholicos to consolidate power. He referenced Pashinyan’s public statements and church election interferences, such as the 2018 push against Karekin II, as evidence of politicization eroding the church’s independence. Sassounian defends his positions with verifiable timelines of government actions, such as delayed church reforms post-Velvet Revolution.In diaspora politics, Sassounian advocates for a confrontational stance toward Turkey, opposing Pashinyan’s normalization protocols signed in 2022, which he deemed a betrayal of Genocide recognition efforts without reciprocal concessions. He has praised diaspora organizations for funding military aid to Artsakh, contrasting this with government policies he views as appeasing Ankara at the expense of historical justice, supported by analyses of trade data showing minimal Turkish economic benefits to Armenia by 2023. Sassounian asserts with evidence of Turkey’s unfulfilled 2009 protocol commitments, emphasizing causal links between diplomatic softness and territorial losses in 2020-2023.
Responses to Opposing Viewpoints
Sassounian has countered Turkish denial of the Armenian Genocide by exposing state-sponsored efforts to fabricate doubt through academic funding. In a 2011 report, he detailed Prof. Taner Akçam’s findings from a Turkish insider source, revealing that the Turkish Foreign Ministry transferred substantial funds to U.S. scholars around 2004–2005 to author denialist books, with transactions documented by signed receipts retained in ministry records.[41] He cited works like Michael Gunter’s Armenian History and the Question of Genocide as exemplars of this strategy, which aimed to normalize skepticism rather than outright rejection, thereby undermining empirical evidence of the 1915–1923 extermination of 1.5 million Armenians.[41]Against Azerbaijani narratives asserting territorial integrity over Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), Sassounian rebutted claims of sovereignty by emphasizing demographic realities and historical self-determination, arguing that Baku’s blacklisting of Artsakh visitors since 2013 violated international norms and masked revanchist ambitions evidenced by post-2020 encroachments into Armenian territory.[42]In engagements with pro-Pashinyan diaspora factions defending concessions for purported peace, Sassounian highlighted causal failures in the 2023 Artsakh crisis, where Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s directives to Artsakh leaders for direct talks with Azerbaijan abandoned 120,000 Armenian citizens—entitled to protection under Armenia’s constitution—to a blockade initiated in December 2022 and a September 2023 invasion, yielding hundreds killed, thousands missing, and near-total ethnic cleansing via mass flight.[43] He refuted Pashinyan’s assertion that pre-2018 Armenian leaders recognized Artsakh as Azerbaijani, deeming it a falsification unsupported by official records or actions, and warned that such miscalculations ignored Aliyev’s documented expansionism, including occupation of Armenian border villages and rhetoric framing Armenia as “Western Azerbaijan.”[44][43]Sassounian has addressed left-leaning critiques labeling Armenian advocacy as excessive nationalism by invoking data on appeasement’s perils, paralleling Pashinyan’s deference—which sidelined military readiness despite Azerbaijan’s 44-day war victory in 2020—to historical precedents where territorial concessions emboldened aggressors, as seen in the Genocide-era Ottoman expansions unchecked by early deterrence.[43] This approach underscores that verifiable strategic inaction, not defensive nationalism, precipitated Artsakh’s fall, with over 100,000 refugees straining Armenia’s resources by late 2023.[43]
Legacy and Impact
Influence on Armenian Community
Sassounian’s tenure as publisher of The California Courier since 1983 has sustained the newspaper’s role as a primary platform for Armenian diaspora discourse, with his columns on political advocacy reprinted across U.S. and international outlets, fostering heightened awareness of Armenian issues among readers over four decades.[11][45] The publication, established in 1958 as the oldest independent English-language Armenian weekly, has amplified calls for unity and action, influencing community engagement on topics from humanitarian aid to international lobbying.[11]As president of the United Armenian Fund—a coalition of seven Armenian-American charities—Sassounian oversaw the delivery of $575 million in humanitarian assistance to Armenia and Artsakh from 1989 to 2009, exemplifying successful diaspora resource mobilization for post-Soviet reconstruction and crisis response.[45] This effort underscored the diaspora’s capacity to provide economic support independent of government constraints, channeling funds into infrastructure and relief that bolstered Armenia’s stability during vulnerable periods.[46]Sassounian received the ANC-WR Legacy Award from the Armenian National Committee of America, Western Region, in recognition of his over 30 years of volunteer support for the ANC and other organizations.[45]His advocacy advanced Armenian Genocide recognition, including a pivotal role as a non-governmental delegate in securing the United Nations Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities’ acknowledgment in 1985.[45][47] Sassounian’s documentation in The Armenian Genocide: The World Speaks Out, 1915-2005 compiled global declarations, aiding educational and lobbying campaigns that pressured policymakers toward formal recognitions.[45]These initiatives elevated genocide awareness and diaspora activism. Sassounian’s uncompromising rhetoric denounced participation in Turkish-hosted events like the 2010 Akhtamar church service as propaganda. Proponents credit this approach with sustaining vigilance against denialism.[46]
Recent Activities
In response to the 2023 Artsakh refugee crisis, the Armenia Artsakh Fund, under Sassounian’s presidency, intensified humanitarian aid efforts, delivering $486,000 worth of medicines to displaced Armenians in Armenia by November 2023.[49] This included shipments facilitated by partners like Direct Relief, which donated $27 million in medicines to Armenia in the first 10 months of 2023 alone.[49] By October 2024, the fund airlifted an additional $630,463 in medicines to Armenia, addressing ongoing needs from the displacement of over 100,000 Artsakh residents.[50]Sassounian continued publishing critical columns on Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s policies in 2024, arguing in July that only 13% of Armenians supported Pashinyan, urging new elections due to lost mandate amid territorial concessions.[51] In September, he critiqued Pashinyan’s Diaspora summit remarks as misguided, timing errors that alienated overseas Armenians by downplaying eternal struggle narratives.[52] He further accused Pashinyan’s government of internal dismantling through economic mismanagement and foreign policy shifts.[53]On church divisions, Sassounian warned in late 2024 of Pashinyan’s encroachments on the Armenian Apostolic Church, suggesting potential self-declaration as Catholicos amid disputes over Catholicos Karekin II’s authority.[54] These commentaries highlighted tensions between state policies and ecclesiastical independence.In media appearances, Sassounian discussed U.S. election impacts on Armenian issues in a November 2024 podcast, emphasizing diaspora advocacy.[55] He followed with a February 2025 Armenian News podcast interview detailing Kirk Kerkorian’s investments in Armenia, covering Kerkorian’s discovery of the country, funding projects until his 2015 death, and lessons for future philanthropy.[56]
Cyprus opens special voter lists for Maronite, Armenian and Latin groups
Cyprus is preparing special electoral lists for the Maronite, Armenian and Latin religious groups ahead of the parliamentary elections scheduled for May 24, 2026, the Interior Ministry said.
The elections for the representatives of the three religious groups will be held at the same time as the parliamentary vote, with separate electoral lists drawn up for voters belonging to each group.
The special electoral lists will be open for public inspection for 10 days, from March 16 to March 26, 2026. They will be available at clearly marked locations in district administration offices and at the Elections Branch offices of the Interior Ministry so that voters can check their details and file objections if needed.
The ministry called on voters from the Maronite, Armenian and Latin communities to inspect the lists in good time and take any necessary steps if details need to be added or corrected, so their right to take part in the upcoming elections is protected.
The final electoral lists will be drawn up after the supplementary electoral roll due on April 2, 2026. They will also include new voters from the three religious groups who turn 18 by election day, provided they submit the relevant application by April 2, 2026.
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan held a meeting with EU Commissioner for Internal Affairs and Migration, Magnus Brunner.
The Prime Minister welcomed Commissioner Brunner’s visit to Armenia and emphasized the steady development of cooperation with the European Union, the Prime Minister’s Office said in a readout.
PM Pashinyan highlighted the EU’s continued support for the effective implementation of democratic reforms in Armenia, adding that the government’s goal is to introduce standards across various sectors that meet EU criteria.
The Prime Minister also expressed satisfaction with the work carried out toward Armenia–EU visa liberalization, noting that visa liberalization will be another important step in deepening and expanding bilateral relations.
In turn, Magnus Brunner emphasized that Armenia is successfully and efficiently implementing the visa liberalization action plan, expressing hope that Armenia’s consistent efforts will lead to the expected outcome. At the same time, the EU Commissioner reiterated the EU’s readiness to provide support to advance these reforms.
The parties exchanged views on the agenda of Armenia–EU cooperation and also discussed other issues of regional significance.
Harutyun Agha-Sargsyan, president of the Pan-Armenian Council for the Protection of the Armenian Church, made a statement regarding Nikol Pashinyan’s remarks against the Armenian Church in the European Parliament.
The statement says:
“From the podium of the European Parliament, Nikol Pashinyan carried out an open and brazen attack against the strongest pillar of Armenian statehood, the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church. Instead of protecting the interests of the country, he used that high pulpit for the insidious purpose of defiling national sanctities and degrading the Church in the eyes of the enemy.
This was not just another political slip or ignorance. this was a direct, deliberate and treacherous blow to the two-thousand-year-old spiritual backbone of the Armenian people. When the appointed head of the country declares his own Church to foreigners as a nest of conspiracies and a security threat, he ceases to be just an opponent. he goes directly to the service in the camp of those who annihilated the Armenian identity.
The Armenian Church is not a den of agents, as the adventurers who sold their souls to foreigners try to represent. The Armenian Church is the guarantor of the existence of the Armenian people, its memory, blood and non-negotiable sanctuary. Any person who throws mud on that sanctity in international courts commits the gravest state and national crime, undermining the spiritual security and protection of the entire nation.
This shameful campaign should be considered in one single, destructive chain. when the statehood and sovereignty of Armenia are consistently destroyed, the turn has come to the last citadel of the people’s resistance, the Church. A program of national dismantling is imposed on our people with the false and disgusting packaging of “peace” and “democracy”. This attack against the Armenian Church is not an internal political dispute, this is a nationalistic war against the Armenian species.
We strongly condemn and consider unacceptable this anti-church, anti-national behavior of Nikol Pashinyan. Selling national sanctuaries in order to find external sponsors for attacks on the Church is a pathetic and shameful move.
Let everyone clearly record and finally understand that the Armenian Church is not a political toy of the rulers of the day and will never become their sacrificial lamb. Whoever dares to lay a dirty hand on the Mother Church will receive the blow of the righteous anger of the Armenian people and the merciless judgment of history.
Pashinyan’s statements against the Armenian Church in the European Parliament are just the peak of national shame.
This is not just a fight between the clergy and the laity. this is a sacred struggle for our existence, Armenian gene and dignity. And in this struggle, conciliation and silence are tantamount to suicide.
Imagine standing at the gates of 'Nubarashen', a name that resonates with the echoes of unresolved stories and silenced voices. Here, at this criminal-executive institution, a confrontation unfolds between the press and the pillars of justice in Armenia, a tussle not of fists but of fundamental rights. At the heart of this struggle lies Armen Ashotyan, the vice-president of the Republican Party of Armenia (RPA) and a political prisoner, whose voice journalists sought to amplify, only to be met with denial. This is not merely a story of denied access; it's a narrative about the intricate dance of democracy, where every step and misstep counts.
On February 16, a collective of Armenian journalists found their application to interview Armen Ashotyan unceremoniously rejected. The reason provided was a puzzling one; Ashotyan had apparently exhausted his visitation rights for the month. This rationale sparked disbelief and frustration among the journalists, who argued that the law allows for at least two short visits per month, with the potential for more. This incident wasn't just about a denied request; it was perceived as a symptom of a larger malaise affecting journalistic freedom and the right to information in Armenia.
The rejection letter, steeped in bureaucratic language, cited Article 15 of the RA Law "On Keeping Arrested and Detained Persons", but failed to convince. The journalists, well-versed in the laws of their land, pointed out inconsistencies and potential biases in the decision-making process. They saw this as a direct interference from higher political echelons, including Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, aimed at stifling press freedom. This wasn't just a matter of protocol or policy; it was seen as a deliberate obstruction, a means to control the narrative and suppress dissenting voices within Armenian society.
The refusal to grant journalists access to Ashotyan raises significant questions about the balance between security, order, and the fundamental rights of freedom of _expression_ and press freedom. These events resonate beyond the walls of 'Nubarashen', touching upon the core values that underpin a democratic society. The right of prisoners to communicate with the media, unless there are compelling reasons to restrict this right, is a cornerstone of press freedom and transparency. This incident, therefore, is not an isolated grievance but a reflection of the challenges facing journalistic freedom in Armenia and possibly beyond.
In the end, the clash at 'Nubarashen' serves as a poignant reminder of the delicate equilibrium between state authority and individual freedoms. It underscores the importance of vigilance and advocacy in safeguarding the rights that enable societies to flourish. As this narrative unfolds, it serves as a testament to the enduring struggle for transparency, accountability, and the unyielding spirit of those who seek to bring light to the shadows.
Turkic genocidal bloodlust against its ancient victim, Armenia, is on the verge of flaring out again, though the world fails to see.
On Feb. 13, 2024, Azerbaijan opened fire on and killed four Armenian soldiers in bordering Syunik, Armenia. Two days later, on Feb. 15, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan warned that Azerbaijan is planning a “full-scale war” on Armenia.
Such a war would certainly be in keeping with Azerbaijan’s behavior in recent months and years.
Modern day hostilities between Armenia, an ancient nation and the first to adopt Christianity, and Azerbaijan, a Muslim nation that was created in 1918, began in September 2020. That’s when Azerbaijan launched a war to claim Artsakh, more commonly known as Nagorno-Karabakh. Although it had been Armenian for over two thousand years, and 90% of its inhabitants were Armenian, after the dissolution of the USSR, the “border makers” had granted it to Azerbaijan, hence the constant warring over this region. (See “15 Artsakh War Myths Perpetuated By Mainstream Media.”)
Once the September 2020 war began, Turkey quickly joined its Azerbaijani co-religionists against Armenia, though the dispute clearly did not concern it. It dispatched sharia-enforcing “jihadist groups” from Syria and Libya — including the pro-Muslim Brotherhood Hamza Division, which once kept naked women chained and imprisoned — to terrorize and slaughter the Armenians.
One of these captured mercenaries later confessed that he was “promised a monthly $2,000 payment for fighting against ‘kafirs’ in Artsakh, and an extra 100 dollars for each beheaded kafir.” (Kafir, often translated as “infidel,” is Arabic for any non-Muslim who fails to submit to Islam, which makes them de facto enemies.)
Among other ISIS-like crimes committed by the Islamic coalition of mercenaries, Turks, and Azerbaijanis that waged war on Armenia in late 2020, they “tortured beyond recognition” an intellectually disabled Armenian woman by sadistically hacking off her ears, hands, and feet, before finally executing her.
Similarly, video footage showed camouflaged soldiers overpowering and forcing down an elderly Armenian man, who cries and implores them for mercy, as they casually try to carve at his throat with a knife. Azerbaijani soldiers also raped an Armenian female soldier and mother-of-three, before hacking off all four of her limbs, gouging her eyes, and mockingly sticking one of her severed fingers inside her private parts.
Such unbridled sadism is par for the course, said Arman Tatoyan, an Armenian human rights activist:
The President of Azerbaijan and the country’s authorities have been implementing a policy of hatred, enmity, ethnic cleansing and genocide against Armenia, citizens of Armenia and the Armenian people for years. The Turkish authorities have done the same or have openly encouraged the same policy.
At any rate, the war ended in November 2020, with Azerbaijan claiming a significant portion of Artsakh.
Almost immediately, and as if to underscore the religious aspect of the conflict, Muslim Azerbaijan began to systematically erase Artsakh’s ancient Christian heritage — destroying churches, crosses, Christian cemeteries, and other cultural landmarks. In one instance, an Azerbaijani stood atop an Armenian church, after its cross had been broken off, triumphantly crying “Allahu Akbar!”
Then, on December 12, 2022, Azerbaijan sealed off the Lachin Corridor — the only route between Artsakh and the outside world, prompting a months’ long humanitarian crisis.
On August 7, 2023, Luis Moreno Ocampo, the former Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, summarized the situation well:
There is an ongoing Genocide against 120,000 Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh, also known as Artsakh.
The blockade of the Lachin Corridor by the Azerbaijani security forces impeding access to any food, medical supplies, and other essentials should be considered a Genocide under Article II, (c) of the Genocide Convention: ‘Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction.’
There are no crematories, and there are no machete attacks. Starvation is the invisible Genocide weapon. Without immediate dramatic change, this group of Armenians will be destroyed in a few weeks.
This, of course, was not the first time that Turks starved Armenians to death (as a picture of a Turkish administrator taunting emaciated Armenian children with a piece of bread in 1915 makes clear).
Similarly, after going on a fact-finding mission to Armenia, former U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, Sam Brownback referred to the blockade as the latest attempt at “religious cleansing” of Christian Armenia:
Azerbaijan, with Turkey’s backing, is really slowly strangling Nagorno-Karabakh. They’re working to make it unlivable so that the region’s Armenian-Christian population is forced to leave, that’s what’s happening on the ground.
In his testimony, Brownback said that this latest genocide was being “perpetrated with U.S.-supplied weaponry and backed by Turkey, a member of NATO.” If the U.S. does not act, “we will see again another ancient Christian population forced out of its homeland.”
And so we did: on Sept. 19, 2023, Azerbaijan launched another large scale military offensive against Artsakh, prompting an exodus of its beleaguered and emaciated Armenians.
Then, on Jan.1, 2024, the Armenian Republic of Artsakh was formally dissolved.
Despite Azerbaijan’s total victory — which some international observers thought might put an end to hostilities between the two nations — six weeks later, an ever-expanding Azerbaijan opened fire on Armenia proper, killing the aforementioned four soldiers last week.
“Our analysis shows that Azerbaijan wants to launch military action in some parts of the border with the prospect of turning military escalation into a full-scale war against Armenia,” said Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan at a government meeting last week. “This intention can be read in all statements and actions of Azerbaijan.”
The Armenian government is rightfully concerned that Azerbaijan, emboldened by its unimpeded successes, is preparing to invade more Armenian territory.
As should be clear by now, no amount of appeasement short of total capitulation will seemingly ever satisfy Armenia’s powerful Muslim neighbors, namely Azerbaijan and its “big brother,” Turkey.
Appropriating Artsakh appears to be only the first step of a larger project. As Azerbaijan’s president, Ilham Aliyev, once proclaimed, “Yerevan [the capital of Armenia] is our historical land and we Azerbaijanis must return to these historical lands.” He has also referred to other ancient Armenian territories, including the Zangezur and Lake Sevan regions, as “our historic lands.” Taking over those territories “is our political and strategic goal,” Aliyev maintains, “and we need to work step-by-step to get closer to it.”
Back in the real world, Armenians founded Yereyan, their current capital, in 782 BC — exactly 2,700 years before Azerbaijan came into being in 1918. And yet, here is the president of Azerbaijan waging war because “Yerevan is our historical land and we Azerbaijanis must return to these historical lands.”
Armenia was also significantly larger, encompassing even modern day Azerbaijan within its borders, over two thousand years ago. Then the Turkic peoples came riding in from the east, slaughtering, enslaving, terrorizing and stealing the lands of Armenians and other Christians of the region in the name of jihad (as discussed here).
As Longtime Armenian-activist, Lucine Kasbarian, author of Armenia: A Rugged Land, an Enduring People, put it,
Dictator Ilham Aliyev’s belligerent stance towards Armenia is in keeping with Azerbaijan’s long “war of aggression” towards Armenia and its people. Aliyev’s agenda is to conquer what is left of sovereign Armenia all while claiming to be the victim rather than the victimizer. The Aliyev regime even goes so far as to refer to Armenia as “Western Azerbaijan,” even though Armenia has existed on ancient maps for thousands of years while Azerbaijan was first created in 1918.
In short, all modern day pretexts and “territorial disputes” aside, true and permanent peace between Armenia and its Turkic neighbors will only be achieved when the Christian nation has either been conquered or ceded itself into nonexistence.
Nor would it be the first to do so. It is worth recalling that the heart of what is today called “the Muslim world” — the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) — was thoroughly Christian before the sword of Islam invaded. Bit by bit, century after century following the initial Muslim conquests and occupations, it lost its Christian identity, its peoples lost in the morass of Islam, so that few today even remember that Egypt, Iraq, Syria, etc., were among the first and oldest Christian nations.
Armenia—the first nation in the world to adopt Christianity — is a holdout, a thorn in Islam’s side, and, as such, will never know lasting peace from the Muslims surrounding it.
Raymond Ibrahim, author of Defenders of the West and Sword and Scimitar, is the Distinguished Senior Shillman Fellow at the Gatestone Institute and the Judith Rosen Friedman Fellow at the Middle East Forum.
YEREVAN: In order to reduce dependency on Russia, Armenia singed arms deal with France to purchase arms, said Armenia Defense Ministry on Friday. Under the agreement, the France will supply precision rifles to Armenia and provide training to Armenian military officers.
Addressing a press conference along with his French counterpart, Armenian Defense Minister Suren Papikian said that Armenia has finalized a contract with the French arms manufacturer PGM for the purchase of these rifles.
With recent conflicts erupting with neighboring Azerbaijan, Armenia has been actively seeking to enhance its defense capabilities. “Armenia is committed to modernizing its armed forces, utilizing both its own resources and support from allied nations,” stated Papikian. “Our goal is to leverage all available means to safeguard our borders.”
While the specifics of the deal were not disclosed, the two nations also sealed an agreement for France to train five Armenian soldiers at its prestigious Saint Cyr Coetquidan military academy, with an additional offer to assist in training non-commissioned officers.
French Defense Minister Sebastien Lecornu emphasized France’s commitment to Armenia’s defense, announcing the deployment of a military adviser specializing in ground-based air defense systems. This move aims to bolster Armenia’s ability to counter potential threats and safeguard civilian populations from attacks.
Highlighting Armenia’s pursuit of reliable security partners, Lecornu addressed concerns over strained relations between Yerevan and Moscow, its traditional ally. His visit to Yerevan, accompanied by members of parliament and defense industry representatives, comes at a time of escalating tensions between Armenia and Russia, particularly regarding Moscow’s perceived inaction during Armenia’s conflicts with Azerbaijan.
France’s involvement in the region, underscored by a significant Armenian diaspora, has led to its mediation efforts in the longstanding dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh. The recent sale of defense equipment to Armenia by France, announced in October 2023, drew ire from Azerbaijan, especially following Baku’s capture of the Nagorno-Karabakh region from Armenian separatists. This event led to the displacement of around 100,000 Armenians.
France's Sebastien Lecornu is due to travel to Armenia on the first trip by a French defence minister to the South Caucasus nation, as tensions rise with Yerevan's historic rival Azerbaijan.
Lecornu's trip comes after French President Emmanuel Macron expressed concern about a "risk of escalation" between Armenia and Azerbaijan as he received Armenian leader Nikol Pashinyan on Wednesday.
Pashinyan last week warned that Azerbaijan is preparing for a "full-scale war" with Armenia after decades of tensions over the breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh.
"France and Armenia have a historical relationship of friendship, but the defence relations have not reached the level of the intensity of the bilateral relations," Lecornu's office said.
The minister, who will be accompanied by members of parliament and defence industry representatives, is due to arrive in Yerevan on Thursday evening.
The visit comes amid a growing rift between the Soviet-era master Moscow and Yerevan, which has grown angry with the Kremlin over its perceived inaction on Armenia's long-running confrontation with Azerbaijan.
In October 2023, France announced the sale of defence equipment to Armenia, provoking anger from Azerbaijan.
The deal was announced weeks after Baku seized the breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh from Armenian separatists.
Lecornu said at the time that Armenia would buy three Ground Master 200 (GM200) radar systems from French defence group Thales.
Armenia has also signed a contract to buy night-vision goggles from the French group Safran, and the French army is also set to train Armenian troops this year.
– 'Policy of militarisation' -
"Armenia is in a position to defend its territory and population, and defence cooperation with France is strictly in line with the objective of helping it to defend itself," the defence ministry said.
France opened a defence mission in Yerevan in January 2023.
Baku, which is backed militarily by Turkey, has slammed what it called France's policy of "militarisation" in the South Caucasus.
France, home to a large Armenian diaspora, has played a mediating role in the decades-long conflict over control of Karabakh, whose recapture by Azerbaijan led to the exodus of some 100,000 Armenians.
On Wednesday, a stateless Armenian poet who died fighting the Nazi occupation of France during World War II became the first non-French Resistance fighter to enter the Pantheon mausoleum for national heroes.
Yerevan fears that Azerbaijan, which has been emboldened by its capture of the disputed territory, might now seek to target southern Armenia.
Last week both sides accused each other of opening fire on their volatile border in a skirmish that Armenia said left four of its soldiers dead.
After the new spate of tensions Armenia and Azerbaijan's leaders held direct talks on the sidelines of a security gathering in Munich and agreed to push on with peace negotiations.
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev then travelled to Turkey where he held talks with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Monday.
Azerbaijan has repeatedly hit out at France for criticising Baku's Karabakh offensive last year, and for plans by Paris officials to help arm neighbouring Armenia.
In January, an Azerbaijan parliamentary commission called for the expulsion of French companies from the oil-rich country.
Azerbaijan authorities arrested a Frenchman on espionage charges in December.
YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 21, ARMENPRESS. The Aurora Humanitarian Initiative announced that a special series of events will be held from May 8–10, 2024 in Los Angeles, CA. The events, including the 2024 Aurora Prize Ceremony and the Human Rights and Humanitarian Forum, are being organized in partnership with The Promise Institute for Human Rights at UCLA.
The events are co-chaired by Dr. Noubar Afeyan, Co-Founder of the Aurora Humanitarian Initiative, Founder and CEO of Flagship Pioneering, and Co-Founder and Chairman of Moderna, and Dr. Eric Esrailian, UCLA professor and Chief of the Vatche and Tamar Manoukian Division of Digestive Diseases. Dr. Esrailian, also an Emmy-nominated film producer and entrepreneur, led the efforts to establish The Promise Institute for Human Rights at UCLA in 2017.
“We are honored to join forces with The Promise Institute for Human Rights to support outstanding humanitarians and human rights defenders putting themselves at risk to help others,” said Dr. Afeyan. “Over the past eight years, Aurora has fostered a global network of like-minded individuals committed to this important work, and we look forward to the events in Los Angeles to further elevate the voices of grassroots activists everywhere and show the world the power of each individual to bring about positive change.”
“The 2024 Aurora Prize events in Los Angeles will offer guests and participants a chance to express their appreciation to those who selflessly help others in need. People will hopefully come away inspired to channel that gratitude into action, join us in this global movement, and contribute to our common cause,” said Dr. Esrailian, co-chair of the events. “By shining a light on the best of humanity, which often emerges in the darkest of times, we intend to raise awareness – both in the US and around the world – of ordinary human beings whose sense of compassion and justice motivates them to do extraordinary things.”
The 2024 Aurora Prize for Awakening Humanity Laureate will be announced during the Aurora Prize Ceremony, with the Laureate selected from the Aurora Humanitarians shortlisted in September 2023. The prize award will enable the Laureate to continue the cycle of giving and supporting grassroots humanitarians and organizations that give a second chance to people in need.
The Human Rights and Humanitarian Forum and other events will bring together leading experts in the field for insightful discussions on a range of topics including gender justice, women’s empowerment, global health crisis and education.