Author: admin

Agency WPS
DEFENSE and SECURITY (Russia)
August 30, 2004, Monday

MOUNTAINOUS TASK FORCE

SOURCE: Rossiya, No. 32, August 26 – September 1, 2004, p. 11

by Leonid Malakhovsky

August has been an uneasy month at the Russian Defense Ministry:
it only has a month to draw up and submit the plans of setting up
and training two new Special Forces brigades, designed for actions
in mountainous landscapes. The president hinted at a recent Cabinet
meeting that he had given this order to the defense minister long
ago and time has come to see the results. Sergei Ivanov managed to
put off the report for the only month, within which the documents to
be submitted to the president are to be given their definitive form.

Ivanov’s forgetfulness is unlikely to be the reason why he proved to
be unprepared to report to Putin. Military analysts say that this
issue involves many problems and couldn’t be settled on impulse,
due to the specific existence, training and actions of the future
Special Forces brigade.

As a matter of fact, the present-day army structures have nothing
of what had been earlier called the professional mountainous unit.
Mountainous Special Forces of the 128th Regiment of the 7th Army
stationed in Armenia were among the last to cease its existence after
disintegration of the USSR. The units, which shielded mountain ranges
across the former Soviet border, were disbanded too. Russia’s modern
map has the Caucasian Mountains alone, which make the hottest spot
for a decade already.

>>From the very beginning the Chechen campaign made the security
structures to face a problem: how to act against gangsters in the
mountains? (…) Until now, the gangster groupings feel safe in
the mountains, which enables them to make blazing raids into calm
regions. When they faced the local landscape, Russian militants
said they’d be using bomb and artillery strikes to get rid of the
guerrillas. To all appearances, this phase has passed and it has been
decided to use the Special Forces units to capture the separatists.

This is where the notions were substituted. Common Special Forces
units were taken into the mountains. However, it is very hard for
them to act under specific conditions.

Finding the manpower for the mountainous Special Forces units is
the major problem which the Defense Ministry has encountered when
it started working out the concept of mountainous Special Forces
brigades. It was proposed to use the experience of those who had been
to Afghan mountains. This experience matters indeed, but since that
time those servicemen who are still in the army have grown to ranking
positions. Where could one get a platoon or a company commander? No
educational institutions are training mountainous officers. Skills
of mountainous operations were formerly taught in Vladikavkaz, but
this institution doesn’t exist for a long while.

(…)

By the way, the problem, which the Defense Ministry is trying to
settle now, had emerged in the Border Service much earlier. At
the initiative of Konstantin Totsky, former commander of the Border
Service, the border guards started formation of a special border unit
(as far as is known, in the vicinity of Mineralnye Vody). The border
guards, trained how to act in the mountains, equipped according to
the climate conditions and armed with most up-to-date weapons were
sent to the most vulnerable sectors of the Russian-Georgian border.
This was when the Border Service started forming an assault unit.
This group was to appear in 2003. When our reporter inquired about the
situation in the unit now, the regional border service headquarters
in the North Caucasus avoided any details and said that all border
guards assigned to this region are initially mountain shooters. It
could be that existence of new border units in the south of Russia
is indeed a military secret.

Very likely Yevgeniy Podkolzin, former Airborne Troops commander,
has unveiled this secret. In his words, in its due time the General
Staff refused to form a mountainous unit which could be used in
Chechnya. Besides, the general criticized the idea of using the
common Special Forces, even GRU Special Forces units. It is not
about weak professional skills of the Special Forces. Broad theaters
of operations, especially the mountains which require professional
skills, become extremely vulnerable.

It happened so: where mountains rise, the military and other security
structures form mountainous units. The Russian Defense Ministry wants
to keep pace with time. However, in Kyrgyzstan the National Guards
are fulfilling this mission (analog of the Russian internal troops).
The Pantera Special Forces unit, the first to be formed there,
excelled itself in the elimination of bandit groupings in Batken in
1999-2000. One more mountainous unit has been formed now. All officers
are being prepared in Turkey, which has educational institutions for
training mountainous Special Forces soldiers.

Ukraine is also involved in the innovations: its internal troops have
two units of mountainous shooters, which are stationed in Balaklava
and Simferopol. Given experience of our neighbors it is possible to
calculate the cost of a mountainous Special Forces unit.

Given the habitual allowance of a soldier from the plains, special
equipment is added in the mountains. Each soldier of a mountainous
Special Forces unit has above 40 pieces of individual ammunition, not
including the team equipment (tents, fuel, avalanche tents, etc.) –
20 pieces more. In addition, such units require most state-of-the-art
firearms, ammo and food. According to the most modest calculations
a mountain shooter is by tens of times more expensive than a plains
shooter.

However, the huge spending is unlikely to become the stumbling
block for creation of new military units in Russia – mountainous
Special Forces brigades. As promised by Ivanov, jointly with the
border guards such soldiers will cover the mountain passes of the
Big Caucasus neighboring Georgia, which is a strategic task. Military
experts tend to think that instability in this region, generated by
irreconcilable Chechen recluses has spurred up the Defense Ministry
to accelerate this step. The hastiness with which the mountainous
Special Forces are being born gives the only cause for concern. Any
trifle to be forgotten in the offices may cause adversity.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Coup trial in African oil state mirrors thriller plot
By ELLEN KNICKMEYER, Associated Press Writer

The Associated Press
August 30, 2004, Monday, BC cycle

MALABO, Equatorial Guinea — Frederick Forsyth wrote it up as
“The Dogs of War,” and set it here: A ragtag band of mercenaries,
recruited by a British elite, tries to seize control of a mineral-rich,
African backwater.

Forsyth – writing during a Cold War stay three decades ago on this
palm-lashed volcanic island capital – rechristened Equatorial Guinea as
“Zangoro” for the thriller, and put his soldiers of fortune in quest
of platinum, not oil.

Despite those broad variations, the basic plot is playing out again
here as a trial unfolds for 19 South Africans, Armenians and others
accused of a failed plot to overthrow the government of Equatorial
Guinea, Africa’s No. 3 oil producer.

Equatorial Guinea insists this time it is fact, not pulp fiction. The
country has been emboldened by the arrest in recent days of Mark
Thatcher in South Africa, and the Zimbabwe conviction of famed
Eton-educated mercenary Simon Mann in connection with the alleged coup
plot. It accuses Thatcher, son of the former British prime minister,
and his London friends of scheming to replace President Teodoro
Obiang’s 25-year-old regime with a puppet government.

Star witness Nick du Toit, a South African arms dealer, appears to
be “an intermediary between the mercenaries and the financiers,”
Attorney General Jose Olo Obono, who is leading the prosecution,
told reporters. Du Toit, who faces the death penalty for his role in
the plot, has cooperated with prosecutors.

For the elites in the novel, a coup has an allure beyond any
run-of-the-mill robbery.

“Knocking off a bank or an armored truck is merely crude. Knocking
off an entire republic has, I feel, a certain style,” Forsyth’s
coup-plotter, Sir James Mason, observes in the fictional version.

Prosecutors say the real coup plot fell apart in March, when security
forces in Zimbabwe and Equatorial Guinea, tipped off by South Africa’s
intelligence service, arrested 90 suspected mercenaries as they were
allegedly moving into position to seize power.

So far, prosecutors have built their entire case on the testimony
of du Toit – and skepticism that the Cold War- and apartheid-era
veterans he recruited came to this oil-rich nation for the fishing
and agriculture opportunities, as they claim.

Equatorial Guinea says du Toit was the advance man for Mann, the
plot’s alleged mastermind, and Mann’s alleged British associates
– including Thatcher, financier Eli Calil, and businessman Greg
Wales. Equatorial Guinea reportedly has filed a civil case against
alleged British backers in London, and says it is pursuing its own
international warrants against them.

Other evidence cited by Equatorial Guinea out of court – such as a
note sent out of prison by Mann, allegedly seeking help from Thatcher,
Calil and others – has yet to be introduced at the trial.

Some of the suspects say their confessions were obtained under torture,
which the U.S. State Department and others say is routine here. One
of the original 90 defendants, a German, died in his first days of
custody after what Amnesty International said was torture.

In court on Monday, South African Jose Cardoso testified that he was
physically abused – or “shocked” – and that interrogators invented his
confession. “Is it normal for statements to be taken as you’re being
taken to the torture room, to be tortured, as I was?” Cardoso said,
gesturing with chained hands.

Du Toit’s wife, Belinda, who is attending the trial, also claims he
was tortured. She shows a photo of her husband before he left South
Africa for Equatorial Guinea, looking trim, prosperous and relaxed.
The Nick du Toit testifying in chains is 60 pounds thinner, his face
gaunt, hair and beard shaggy, clothes hanging off him.

President Obiang, whose tiny nation of 500,000 pumps roughly $15
million in oil daily, has engaged European public-relations firms
and lawyers to advise him on the conduct of the trial. The British
and French lawyers, who refuse to be identified, are the ones who
intervened to let journalists watch the proceedings.

Obiang’s government faces deep suspicions over the impartiality of
the eventual verdicts in his country, which the International Bar
Association and others say is essentially an enterprise of Obiang’s
tribe, with a suppressed opposition and no independent radio or press.

Forsyth’s thriller, and its coincidentally overlapping plot, hangs over
the courtroom at times. Obono referred to du Toit as a “dog of war”
not only in the courtroom but in the criminal charges themselves. In
a 1988 coup attempt, mere possession of Forsyth’s book was enough to
net one soldier’s conviction here.

Diplomats and rights groups monitoring the trial daily cite the
suspected torture and shortcomings of the trial, which is being
translated from Spanish – the official language – for the Afrikaners,
Armenians and other foreigners on trial. Local defense lawyers,
compelled by the government to represent the 19, met their clients
only the day before the trial and complain of intimidation.

Du Toit is the only defendant facing the death penalty, and the
government has raised the prospect of a possible presidential pardon
for him. A member of Equatorial Guinea’s security services suggested
a different fate, however, approaching Belinda du Toit in court one
day and drawing a hand across his throat, she said.

In fiction, “The Dogs of War” ends disastrously for the mercenaries,
with their plot collapsed and mercenaries dead. Ultimately, Nick du
Toit believes the real-life end will be different.

“He believes he’s coming home,” his wife said.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

PINR (Power & Interest News Report)
Aug 30 2004

”Proposed Russian Military Deployment in Iraq Fraught with
Consequences”

Over the last several months, political discussion has centered on
the rumored deployment of up to 40,000 Russian troops to either Iraq
or Afghanistan in order to help the United States fight the “war on
terrorism” and to provide much-needed relief to Washington’s forces.
While there are no final details yet on whether or not the deployment
will actually occur, the idea itself raises a number of strategic
concerns for the Russian Federation as it tries to re-establish its
influence in world affairs.

Positive Effects of Deployment

The proposed deployment would have positive aspects to both Moscow
and Washington. For the U.S., a major deployment of an international
military force to either Iraq or Afghanistan means a much-needed
foreign policy victory for President Bush in the closing months of
the presidential election campaign. Such a sizeable deployment means
much relief for the American forces that have been fighting nonstop
since the end of major combat operations in the spring of 2003.
Washington will also be able to dilute a strong French-German-Russian
quasi-alliance that defied the United States prior to and during its
war in Iraq.

For Russia, the future benefits of such an overseas military
deployment mean a greater economic stake in Iraq, especially for its
oil and gas companies, and a possible membership in the World Trade
Organization. While the benefits of this possible deployment are
significant, questions still remain over whether Russia will indeed
be able to pull off such a large deployment of men and materiel to
major military hotspots.

Moscow Attempts to Strengthen its Regional Influence

Since the end of the Cold War, Moscow has tried to reassert its
military weight in world affairs, and is bent on regaining influence
amongst its former satellites, most notably in Central Asia. It
already maintains military bases in Kyrgyzstan and restive Georgia,
helps to protect the borders in Tajikistan, and has a very strong
military alliance with Armenia. All signs point to the increase of
such activities in the years to come, as the Russian Federation will
compete with the United States and China for influence in Central
Asia and the Caucasus. Over the years, Moscow has been holding
military exercises in order to strengthen influence in its near
abroad and to re-orient its military towards the new challenges of
the 21st century. Two such recent exercises are useful tests of
whether or not Russia will be able to successfully deploy a large
contingent and maintain its military edge in the Middle East or
Afghanistan.

This summer, Russian, Kazakh, Kyrgyz and Tajik special forces and
marine detachments — comprising a thousand soldiers — have engaged
in a mock battle with a “terrorist” contingent of several hundred
fighters in the “Frontier-2004” exercise, conducted on the border
region between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. On June 21-25, Russia
conducted the “Mobility-2004” exercise in the Far East region,
preparing for a possible deployment of a rapid reaction force from
one part of the country to the other. As the coalition forces battled
the “insurgents” during “Frontier-2004,” they had to first deploy the
troops around the suspected “rebels” via newest and upgraded
helicopters and under cover of close-support aviation, and then fight
their way into a village taken over by the retreating “enemy.”
Coordinated actions of this multinational force finished off the
“insurgents” in just several hours.

While this type of operation might be exactly the kind of warfare
Russian troops will be experiencing in possible conflicts in Central
Asia, the Caucasus, and even Iraq or Afghanistan, the success of the
exercise was almost guaranteed by the presence of Russia’s Defense
Minister Sergei Ivanov, Kyrgyz President Askar Akayev and a large
number of Russian and Central Asian military and political
representatives. To hand a defeat to this coalition force or to
suffer a setback would have embarrassed the generals and ministers
present, all of whom wanted a victory — even if somewhat scripted —
in order to declare preparedness to fight new types of wars against
terrorist- and religious-fundamentalist formations.

Russia’s second exercise, “Mobility-2004,” involved 3,000 troops,
several hundred armored vehicles and artillery pieces and several
dozen support ships and aircraft. This particular exercise was held
in order to simulate the deployment of a marine-type military
formation to an unfamiliar environment in order to conduct short- and
long-term operations. To the Russian military, which has been based
for decades on the offensive-defensive Cold War-style warfare, this
type of deployment is a new and untested territory. It will call its
forces to act on local conflicts happening either deep inside another
country or within its coastal regions, demanding mobility and rapid
reaction to the constantly changing battlefield environment.

While “Mobility-2004” was a worthy attempt at simulating this type of
warfare, the exercise was handicapped by a small number of troops and
materiel present. Essentially, Russia was capable of “deploying” only
several battalions into the “unfamiliar” territory — while the real
battle scenario might call for thousands more troops. The total
number of marines in Russia is currently a fraction of its equivalent
force in the United States — the country Russia tries to imitate
through its military reforms. Nor does Russia have enough equipment
to support a deployment in excess of its recently conducted exercise.

Negative Effects of Deployment

The proposed deployment of Russian forces to either Iraq or
Afghanistan will expose them once again to the very environment that
is painfully familiar to the entire country. From 1994 to 1996, and
from the fall of 1999 to the present day, Russian forces are fighting
a bloody and difficult war in its restive republic of Chechnya.
Officially, the Kremlin keeps assuring its people and the
international community that it has full control over the republic
and only few pockets of resistance remain. Thousands of Russian
soldiers have lost their lives in quelling the Chechen rebellion, and
thousands more have been wounded. Russia has expended enormous
resources in order to sustain its military operations there, and
nearly all of its combat-ready troops are located there or in the
surrounding territory.

Chechen warfare is eerily similar to what is happening in Iraq at the
moment, especially in Najaf and the Sunni Triangle. Even as Russian
forces brought overwhelming military superiority to bear on the
rebels, no clear end is in sight for this war that is straining
Russia’s patience and is a constant source of embarrassment for the
government. And while in “Frontier-2004” Russian and allied forces
have been able to successfully defeat the enemy troops that resemble
Chechen fighters, the unscripted reality is a much darker and
bloodier picture.

In June of this year, for example, a large rebel formation of between
several hundred to more than a thousand men attacked Russian military
positions and installations in Ingushetia, Chechnya’s neighboring
republic. Russian forces were caught by surprise, and nearly a
hundred perished in one night of fighting. The Russian military was
not able to mobilize close support in time to beat back the attack —
the insurgents simply melted away, either retreating back into
Chechnya or disappearing amongst the local Ingushetian population. To
this day, no perpetrators or ringleaders have been found, prompting a
government shake-up at the highest levels of power, including the
dismissal of the Chief of Staff Anatoly Kvashnin and head of the
interior ministry forces Vyachesalv Tikhomirov.

This latest round of violence resulted in more troops to be stationed
in Chechnya. As the Russian military continues its long campaign in
the republic, major questions remain if the country will be able to
sustain a second Chechnya-style war conducted overseas. Even
well-equipped, well-motivated and well-trained American forces have
not been able to put an end to the insurrections in both Iraq and
Afghanistan. While Russian and American troops have a lot in common
as they counter guerrilla-style warfare, Russian forces display their
combat inability to win this type of war in Chechnya, and offer only
limited level of success in their military exercises designed for
combating possible Iraqi- and Afghan-style warfare.

In addition, Russia’s deployment to either Iraq or Afghanistan has
profound consequences for its relationship with Arab and Muslim
countries. Long a patron of Middle Eastern and South Asian states, it
might find its support slipping in exactly the area where Russia
still can exercise some international clout. The Soviet Union, and
later, Russia, have been able to provide support to a wide range of
countries, from Algeria to Indonesia, acquiring favor amongst the
millions of Muslims around the world.

Russian companies have been active in Iraq all the way prior to the
U.S. invasion. Even during the Iraq-Iran war in the 1980s, Russia was
able to sell weapons to both countries. Russia currently is one of
the strongest supporters of the Iranian nuclear program, long a
source of agitation and discomfort in Washington. Furthermore, Russia
is often perceived as a counter-balance to U.S. influence in the
Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Thus, the military deployment to
the areas which remain an active source of discussion and unrest in
the Muslim world can turn the “Arab street,” long the tacit supporter
of Moscow’s policies, against Russia proper.

The prospect of major fighting in Iraq or Afghanistan would mean that
Russian troops will be equal to the American forces in the eyes of
the world’s Muslims, who perceive U.S. actions in both countries as
unjustified and detrimental to the region. The turning of the Arab
tide against Moscow itself might exacerbate the volatile situation in
Chechnya, where most of the rebel fighters come from Arab countries
and are known to have connections to al-Qaeda.

Russia’s return to Afghanistan or Iraq might give more strength to
al-Qaeda, which has been negatively affected by U.S.
counter-terrorism operations. The return of a once-vanquished
“infidel” power to the old battlegrounds of Afghanistan might
generate a new wave of enlistment to the ranks of the mujahideen, in
turn leading to renewed attacks on Russian territory and worldwide
targets.

Russia’s war in Chechnya and American efforts in both Iraq and
Afghanistan demonstrated that this type of warfare couldn’t be
achieved without significant battlefield losses. The Russian public
has been angered by the military losses in Chechnya, prompting a rise
of powerful grassroots movements that even advise Russians to avoid
military service. Even if the tightly-controlled Russian media
carefully filters information about its overseas deployments, news of
the combat losses — which inevitably will be in the hundreds and
thousands — will reach the Russian people who see Iraq and
Afghanistan as America’s war, and not their own.

The fact that the Russian government did not expressly rule out such
deployments might indicate that Moscow, for the time being, has
largely conceded to Washington its once formidable influence in the
Muslim world. With an American military presence in Iraq and
Afghanistan, with Egypt and Jordan in the U.S. sphere of influence,
with Libya re-establishing diplomatic relations with Washington, with
the American Pan-Sahel initiative achieving success in the Western
Saharan countries, and with U.S. forces present in Somalia and
Central Asia, Russia might see its deployment as an attempt to regain
trust with its former Muslim clients. However, it is wrong for
Russian policymakers to think that the presence of their soldiers in
Iraq or Afghanistan will be met with less resistance than given to
the American forces. The rebels in both countries will meet Russian
troops with just as much antagonism as is currently directed at U.S.
soldiers.

Russia’s deployment can also be perceived as an attempt to catch up
to its former satellites, who now receive significant favors from
Washington. Poland has sent thousands of troops to Iraq. Tiny
Georgia, locked in an antagonistic and currently escalating
relationship with Russia, will be sending a battalion of its
U.S.-trained forces to Iraq. In light of its former clients receiving
benefits for their support of U.S. military operations, Russia might
want to gain even more from its evolving relationship with Washington
by also sending its military contingents.

Conclusion

As the military exercises discussed earlier have shown, Russia is
capable of deploying and maintaining a limited military force — not
the 40,000 troops discussed in previous months — in order to
properly manage its combat operations. Furthermore, given the Russian
government’s insensitivity to combat losses in order to achieve
objectives, a military force might indeed be sent to either Iraq or
Afghanistan. Russia has been trying to build its relations with the
United States on an equal footing, especially after the September 11
terrorist attacks. One of the ways America might concede a greater
role in world affairs to Russia is to ask it to step up to the plate
— to deliver a military force in order to assist Washington in its
endeavors. To do so would mean a greater role for Russia, with which
it is possible for the United States to agree on many issues — in
contrast to the current deadlock in relations with France and
Germany.

Yet, there has not been a single major overseas deployment of Russian
forces since the fall of the Soviet Union. Throughout the Cold War,
only Korea and Afghanistan were the major arenas of fighting for
Soviet forces — its troops acted mostly in an advisory capacity in
the world’s other hotspots. The proposed military deployment is truly
an untested territory for the Russian armed forces that are currently
taxed to the limit by lack of funds and necessary reforms, as well as
by the war in Chechnya. Russia’s possible deployment to either Iraq
or Afghanistan is fraught with consequences, which will shape its
position in world affairs for decades to come.

Report Drafted By:
Yevgeny Bendersky

The Power and Interest News Report (PINR) is an analysis-based
publication that seeks to, as objectively as possible, provide
insight into various conflicts, regions and points of interest around
the globe. PINR approaches a subject based upon the powers and
interests involved, leaving the moral judgments to the reader. This
report may not be reproduced, reprinted or broadcast without the
written permission of [email protected]. All comments should be
directed to [email protected].

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

MTV
Aug 30 2004

Tom Morello, Serj Tankian Releasing Axis Of Justice CD/DVD

Tom Morello at an Axis Of Justice event
Photo: Kevin Estrada
“It just seemed like it was a really special, even historic, evening
of musicians coming together for social change.” – Tom Morello

Audioslave guitarist Tom Morello and System of a Down singer Serj
Tankian were thinking the same thing midway through last month’s
benefit for their Axis of Justice political action group. “Maybe we
should release this,” Tankian recalled.

“As it was going on, it just seemed like it was a really special,
even historic, evening of musicians coming together for social
change, but in an artistic atmosphere that was pretty unprecedented,”
Morello said. “So we started discussing putting it out.”

Those discussions have led to Axis of Justice Concert Series Volume
1, a CD/DVD set recorded and filmed by friends for free at the July
17 concert at the Avalon in Hollywood (see “Flea, Tool Singer Join
Fight Against Hunger, Homelessness”).

“Everyone did everything out of [the goodness of] their hearts, and
that’s what made it so special,” Tankian said. “It wasn’t a gig, it
was more like friends that care about causes getting together and
making music.”

Axis of Justice will release the collection on November 2 – Election
Day. “It’s making a statement in saying that we need a more just
America,” Tankian said. “We have the biggest hearts in the world, but
the people who represent us don’t show that and instead foster hate
against us.”

Both the CD and DVD will include the memorable all-star
collaborations from the show, including an encore of U2’s “Where the
Streets Have No Name” with Tankian and A Perfect Circle’s Maynard
James Keenan on vocals, Pete Yorn on guitar and vocals, Morello on
guitar, the Red Hot Chili Peppers’ Flea on bass, Audioslave’s Brad
Wilk on drums and Jonny Polonski on keyboards. That lineup, minus
Keenan and Polonski and with Tankian on piano, also covers Bob
Dylan’s “Chimes of Freedom” and Funkadelic’s “Alice in My Fantasies.”
An improvisational jam featuring Flea, Wilk and Tankian is also
included.

The CD features Tankian’s “Charades” and an improv piano number, two
songs from Morello as the Nightwatchman (“Until the End” and “Union
Song”), Pete Yorn’s cover of Junior Kimbrough’s “I Feel Good Again,”
two songs from Jurassic 5 (“What’s Golden” and “Freedom”), and two
spoken-word tracks from Knowledge: the self-explanatory “President
Evil” and “Speak on It,” about the Armenian genocide and featuring
Tankian on piano.

As a bonus, the CD will include a cover of Nick Lowe’s “(What’s So
Funny ‘Bout) Peace, Love and Understanding” performed by Chris
Cornell and Keenan at last summer’s Lollapalooza.

The DVD will include most of the same tracks, along with the
Nightwatchman’s “The Road I Must Travel” with Tankian on piano, Yorn
on guitar, Polonski on bass and Wilk on drums, and Yorn’s “Strange
Condition” and “Broken Bottle.”

Bonuses on the DVD will include excerpts from Morello and Tankian’s
Axis of Justice radio show, such as interviews with Michael Moore and
Janeane Garofalo, as well as four songs from an early Axis show at
West Hollywood’s Troubadour.

Morello and Tankian have yet to schedule their next concert, although
Axis is sponsoring a show Tuesday at the Knitting Factoring in New
York featuring the Nightwatchman, the Coup’s Boots Riley, Spearhead
and a special guest. The Nightwatchman is also performing Wednesday
at a protest of the Republican National Convention in New York, and
the Axis of Justice radio show is taking over New York’s K-Rock for
three hours on Monday afternoon.

“I’ll be playing rebel music and telling the truth as I see it, so
look out,” Morello said.

– Corey Moss

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

SwissInfo
30 août 2004

Relancer le dialogue avec la Turquie

En janvier dernier, le président suisse, Joseph Deiss, rencontrait le
premier ministre turc, Tayyip Erdogan, lors du Forum économique de
Davos. (Keystone)

Une délégation parlementaire suisse se rend en Turquie pour
réchauffer les relations entre les deux pays après la crise
diplomatique de l’an dernier.

Suite au débat ouvert en Suisse sur le génocide arménien, le
gouvernement turc avait annulé une visite de la ministre suisse des
Affaires étrangères à Ankara.

Un «affront», une «provocation»: c’est ainsi que quelques politiciens
suisses avaient qualifié, il y a un an, la décision des autorités
turques d’annuler la visite à Ankara de Micheline Calmy-Rey.

La ministre suisse des Affaires étrangères (DFAE) – qui aurait voulu
évoquer la question du respect des minorités et des droits de l’homme
au cours de son voyage – s’était quant à elle diplomatiquement
contentée de juger «excessive» la décision de la Turquie.

Une fois encore, c’était la question du génocide des Arméniens qui
avait suscité l’ire du gouvernement turc. Une question «trop» souvent
évoquée ces dernières années en Suisse aux yeux du gouvernement
d’Ankara.

Pour mémoire, 800’000 des 1,8 million d’Arméniens vivant en Turquie
auraient été, selon les recherches historiques, systématiquement
déportés et exterminés par l’Empire ottoman entre 1915 et 1918.

Petite crise diplomatique

Toujours nié par la Turquie, qui affirme que «seulement» 200’000
Arméniens auraient été tués durant les opérations de la Première
Guerre mondiale, ce génocide a été reconnu en 1998 par le parlement
du canton de Genève.

En 2001, la Chambre basse du parlement fédéral avait quant à elle
rejeté un postulat dans ce sens, mais par seulement trois voix
d’écart.

Les choses ont toutefois rebondi l’an dernier. La question arménienne
est revenue sous les feux de l’actualité lorsque, le 23 septembre, le
parlement du canton de Vaud a à son tour reconnu le génocide.

Peu de jours après, le gouvernement turc annonçait sa décision
d’annuler le voyage de Micheline Calmy-Rey, ouvrant ainsi une petite
crise diplomatique qui a refroidi les relations entre les deux pays.

Un refroidissement d’autant plus vif qu’en décembre dernier, la
Chambre basse du parlement fédéral, appelée à se prononcer sur un
nouveau postulat, reconnaissait à son tour le génocide.

Cette décision n’a pas plu aux Turcs. Le nouveau premier ministre
Recep Tayyp Erdogan l’a d’ailleurs regrettée lors d’une rencontre
avec Micheline Calmy-Rey et le président de la Confédération Joseph
Deiss en janvier dernier en marge du Forum économique mondial (WEF)
de Davos.

Nouvelles possibilités de dialogue

Annulée en octobre 2003, la visite en Turquie des membres de la
Commission de politique extérieure (CPE) de la Chambre haute du
parlement suisse peut donc être considérée comme un pas important
vers la relance du dialogue et d’une amélioration des relations entre
les deux pays.

«L’an dernier, nous avions préféré renoncer à notre visite, déclare
le sénateur Peter Briner, président de la commission et chef de la
délégation. Les relations bilatérales était alors marquées par une
certaine irritation et nous n’aurions pas pu trouver d’interlocuteurs
turcs prêts à dialoguer.»

«Le temps a permis de surmonter cette irritation, poursuit-il. Nos
collègues du parlement turc et l’ambassadeur turc à Berne nous ont
assuré que nous serions les bienvenus dans leur pays.»

La visite aura donc lieu du 30 août au 3 septembre. La délégation
suisse sera reçue par des représentants politiques de haut rang du
parlement et du gouvernement turcs, notamment par le ministre des
Affaires étrangères Abdullah Gül.

La coopération économique et technique sera au centre des
discussions. Mais la question du respect des minorités et des droits
de l’homme, aujourd’hui en Turquie, sera également abordée.

«Nous voulons aussi faire le point sur les réformes que la Turquie
entend mettre en `uvre et sur les efforts qu’elle a déjà accomplis
dans le cadre des ses préparatifs pour adhérer à l’Union européenne»,
précise Peter Briner.

Des visions opposées

Selon le président de la Commission de politique extérieure de la
Chambre haute, la délégation suisse ne veut en revanche pas revenir
sur la question du génocide arménien, toujours tabou en Turquie.

«Nous ne voulons pas juger cette terrible période historique avec une
attitude de moralistes, déclare-t-il. Cette tche revient aux
historiens. Chaque pays doit se confronter tout seul à son propre
passé.»

Mais cette position n’est probablement pas partagée par bon nombre de
ses collègues parlementaires. Le débat tenu le 16 décembre dernier à
la Chambre basse sur le génocide arménien avait en effet une nouvelle
fois fait apparaître deux visions opposées de la politique étrangère.

D’un côté, il y a la volonté de privilégier l’implication de la
Confédération en faveur des droits de l’homme et des minorités.
Surtout quelques mois après l’adhésion de la Suisse à une Cour pénale
internationale appelée à juger les cas de génocide.

D’un autre côté, il y a en revanche la volonté de maintenir le
dialogue et de ne pas compromettre les relations avec un partenaire
économique important comme la Turquie.

En 2003, la Suisse occupait en effet le 6e rang des investisseurs
étrangers en Turquie et le 7e rang des pays exportateurs (1,6
milliard de francs d’exportation vers la Turquie en 2003).

Moment particulièrement favorable

Même si elle n’abordera peut-être pas toutes les questions les plus
délicates, la visite de la délégation suisse en Turquie est
accueillie favorablement par les représentants de la communauté
arménienne de Suisse.

«Si elle ne se base pas sur le mensonge, la recherche du dialogue est
fondamentale pour que la Turquie se débarrasse de l’obstructionnisme
qu’elle a toujours pratiqué», estime Sarkis Shahinian, vice-président
de l’association Suisse-Arménie.

Or le moment pour y parvenir semble particulièrement favorable, étant
donné la volonté de la Turquie d’adhérer à l’Union européenne et son
ambition d’assumer un rôle stratégique de pont entre le monde
occidental et le monde islamique.

«C’est le moment pour la Turquie de faire la lumière sur son passé et
de s’adapter enfin aux critères de respect des droits humains
indispensables pour pouvoir adhérer à l’Union européenne», conclut
Sarkis Shahinian.

swissinfo, Armando Mombelli

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

The Daily Telegraph (Sydney, Australia)
August 28, 2004 Saturday

Goodnight Irene, vows Vic

by GRANTLEE KIEZA

FOR a little bloke with an embarrassing first name, Irene Pacheco
lacks nothing in confidence.

Facing the undefeated, hard-hitting Australian flyweight Vic
Darchinyan next week, the IBF champion from Colombia declares
“Darchinyan has a serious problem coming across my path.”
Darchinyan, who represented Armenia at the Sydney Olympics and has
lived here ever since, fights Pacheco at the Seminole Indian Casino
in Hollywood, Florida next Saturday afternoon (Sydney time) and has
been training with Jeff Fenech and world super-middleweight champ
Danny Green in Los Angeles for the last two weeks.

The clash is a battle of unbeaten southpaw sluggers.

Pacheco has 23 KOs in his 30 wins and Darchinyan 16 KOs in 21
victories.

Pacheco, 33, has not fought since stopping Irishman Damaen Kelly in
Colombia last September.

Kelly outpointed Australia’s world title challenger Hussein Hussein
at the Atlanta Olympics but could not handle Pacheco’s speed and
power in their title fight and succumbed after six rounds of constant
bombardment.

Despite his layoff, Pacheco comes into the fight confident.

“I started training way back on January 13,” he told American
reporters.

“And I have hardly been out of the gym. I took just one break not to
overtrain but I got right back into the gym.

Darchinyan, 28, has been sparring world-class fighters such as
Hussein Hussein, Nedal Hussein and Lovemore Ndou, who has switched to
a southpaw stance to mimic Pacheco’s loose limbed style.

Pacheco won the world title in 1999 but has fought just six times in
the years since.

In fact in the last four years he has boxed four times compared to 21
starts for the Australian.

“It is not good for Pacheco to be out of the ring so long,”
Darchinyan said.

“I will pressure him from the start. That is why I am called The
Raging Bull. I will destroy him and bring the title back to Sydney.”
Darchinyan’s title shot comes in a huge week for Australian boxing.
The following day Central Coast rugby league prop Kali Meehan fights
Lamon Brewster for the WBO world heavyweight title in Las Vegas.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Azer Tag, Azerbaijan State Info Agency
Aug 28 2004

AZER GASYMOV: THE VISIT BY PRESIDENT ILHAM ALIYEV TO GERMANY WAS
FRUITFUL AND SUCCESSFUL
[August 28, 2004, 19:50:31]

The following is the interview President’s press-secretary Azer
Gasymov gave to the Azerbaijan National Television to comment on the
results of the visit by President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev to
Germany.

As you know, President of Azerbaijan Republic Ilham Aliyev stayed on
an official visit in the Federative Republic of Germany in August
24-26 . This visit was very successful and fruitful from the
standpoint of both bilateral and multilateral relations. It is well
known that Azerbaijan-Germany cultural relations have rich history.
These relations have been developed for many centuries, and entered a
qualitatively new stage by the end of the 20th since nationwide
leader Mr. Heydar Aliyev returned to power in Azerbaijan.

The official visit by Mr. Heydar Aliyev to Germany in 1996 laid the
foundation of the today’s Germany-Azerbaijan relations. Since Mr.
Ilham Aliyev’s election as President of Azerbaijan Republic, the
course towards Germany’s priority in foreign policy of Azerbaijan has
been further developed. These relations are being developed and
expanding day by day.

Germany today is one of the politically and economically most
important developed countries not only in the European but also in
the global scale. Germany is one of the world’s leaders in trade
turnover. Besides, Germany is one of countries enabling to strongly
influence the political processes taking place around the world. From
this standpoint, development of relations with Germany is extremely
important for Azerbaijan, as well as Azerbaijan plays very important
role in Germany’s foreign policy. Thus, the Southern Caucasus is one
of the main parts of the European security architecture, and the fact
that Germany considers Azerbaijan as a leading state in the Southern
Caucasus, the most developed one in all spheres, and attaches special
significance to our country, is also very important. Keeping in mind
the above-mentioned, one can say that the visit by President of
Azerbaijan Republic to the Federal Republic of Germany was of
paramount importance for development of our relations in political,
economic, cultural and other spheres.

One of the most important results of the visit for the political
viewpoint is the Germany’s unambiguous position as to the settlement
of the Armenia-Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh conflict that was
reflected in the statement by Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder.

Chancellor of the Federative Republic of Germany Mr. Gerhard
Schroeder stated unambiguously: Germany has always supported and will
continue to support the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan. That is
very important statement. This fact reaffirms that our country’s
stance with respect to Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict settlement based
on the norms and principles of the international law gets more and
more support from the international community.

Touching on our political relations, it should be noted that during
the talks, the parties reaffirmed with deep satisfaction the
realization of a high-level political dialogue between our two
countries, and further continuation of this dialogue still remains on
the agenda. They exchange views on a wide range of regional and
international security issues.

The results of the visit naturally cover the economic sphere, as
well. A number of important documents on economic cooperation were
signed during the visit. One of the noteworthy facts is that German
businessmen, as well as the country’s leading companies are involved
in economic development of Azerbaijan. They stated that they are
going to increase the volume of investments in Azerbaijan, and that
Germany is interested in bringing new technologies to Azerbaijan.
This indeed is a graphic evidence of recognition of Azerbaijan as a
country of rapid economic growth. Another important result of the
visit is the agreement on purchasing several passenger aircrafts from
Germany.

The visit was significant also from the standpoint of multilateral
relations development. As you know Azerbaijan and Germany are
carrying out very fruitful and mutually beneficial cooperation in the
framework of international organizations including the Council of
Europe, European Union, NATO and other structures. Our cooperation at
the European Union, which is playing increasingly important role in
the European political and economic space, should be noted in
particular. During the visit, the German side stated once again its
readiness to contribute to integration of Azerbaijan into the
European family, the European Union.

I want to note that political and business circles of Germany, as
well as the country’s leading mass media were closely watching and
widely covering the visit by President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev. A
number of influential TV channels of Germany prepared a lot of
special programs related to the visit.

All these factors indicate that Germany attaches special importance
to relations with Azerbaijan, and that Azerbaijan is on its way to
take a worthy place in the region and the European family on the
whole. This visit will undoubtedly contribute to further development
of Azerbaijan-Germany relations.

Azer Tag, Azerbaijan State Info Agency
Aug 28 2004

AZERBAIJANI-GERMAN RELATIONS IN GOOD PROGRESS
[August 28, 2004, 18:01:45]

As reports from press service President of the Republic of
Azerbaijan, in connection with official visit President Ilham Aliyev
to Germany a Germany’s department of press were spread an official
report on August 25.

According to the report Germany and Azerbaijan have intend for still
more developing mutual economics relations. About that were declare
the Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder and President Ilham Aliyev
in Berlin on August 26.

After the conversation with President of the Republic of Azerbaijan
Ilham Aliyev

the Federal Chancellor Mr. Schroeder has made a statement for
representatives of mass media. ` Relations between Azerbaijan and
Germany are at a fine high level.’ The reforms wich are carried out
in Azerbaijan to set going surprising economic achievments.

The Federal Chancellor has noted that President Ilham Aliyev is very
much interested in creation in Azerbaijan of a lawful state, makes
huge efforts for this purpose and has achieved successes. Therefore,
I regard him with the deep respect.

He made the point that activity of the German companies in Azerbaijan
will be extend.

President Ilham Aliyev frankly noted that activity of the Cerman
companies in Azerbaijan are wishfull. The Federal Chancellor had
announce that in the coming autumn or in the beginning of the next
year both countries to carry out in Berlin a conference with
participation of representatives of the German economy in connection
with investments in Azerbaijan. In the conference will discuss real
opportunities of expanding economic relations with Azerbaijan.

With the attention of President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev and
Federal Chancellor of Germany Gerhard Schroeder was sighned the
agreement for the avoidance of double taxation and the contract
between State Concern `AZAL’ of Azerbaijan Republic and the company
`Airbus’ of the Federative Republic of Germany on purchasing four
airbuses. In accordance with the contract in sum 169 euro will be
realized purchase a three aircraft A-319, as well as one corporative
jet A-319.

The Federal Chancellor emphasized that the contract on the purchase
of four airbuses are indication of Azerbaijan’s integration into
Europe. At the same time, the question is realization of the EU New
Neighborhood Policy.

CONFLICT WITH ARMENIA SHOULD BE SETTLED BY PEACE WAY

Then, concerning of conflict over Nagorny Karabakh Mr. Schroeder were
convinced that Germany has recognized and will recognize territorial
integrity of Azerbaijan. Gerhard Schroeder and Ilham Aliyev has noted
that the Armenia-Azerbaijan, Nagorny Karabakh conflict should be
settled only by peace way. The Federal Chancellor underscore a point
Germany’s contribution and efforts within the framework of activity
of the OSCE Minsk Group.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

CEREMONY ON OCCASION OF 13TH ANNIVERSARY OF UKRAINE’s INDEPENDENCE
HELD AT UKRAINIAN EMBASSY

YEREVAN, AUGUST 28. ARMINFO. A ceremony on the occasion of the 13th
anniversary of Ukraine’s independence has been held at the Ukrainian
Embassy in Armenia.

RA Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan, who attended the ceremony,
congratulated the Ukrainian people and expressed a hope that
friendship and mutual understanding between Armenia and Ukraine will
be developing to the two people’s benefit. In his turn, Ukrainian
Ambassador to Armenia Vladimir Tyaglo said that Ukraine has marked its
13th anniversary and proved to be a dynamically developing state. The
country is also developing its relations with Armenia. Responding to
journalists’ questions concerning the weak points of bilateral
relations, Tyaglo pointed out that a wide range of issues is currently
being worked out. According to him, Ukraine has not until this year
supplied means of transportation to Armenia. This year, Ukrainian
buses and cars have been supplied to Armenia. The Ukrainian diplomat
added that the bilateral relations are successfully developing in such
spheres as energy, construction, science, and education, the
last-named being exemplary in bilateral relations. Tyaglo said that
this year Armenian children received 17 Ukrainian certificates. Also,
the ancient Armenian epic work “David Sasuntsi” and “Book of Sadness”
by Grigor Narekatsi have been translated into the Ukrainian
language. Tyaglo pointed out that negotiations are currently under way
for intensifying the supply of mixed fodder to Armenia. Although the
transport problem exists and transport expenses exceed all the norms,
the problem will shortly be resolved, the Ambassador said. Tyaglo
also pointed out an increase in the exports of Armenian rubber,
brandy, wines and confectionery to Ukraine. Responding to a question
concerning possible changes in Armenian-Ukrainian relations after the
presidential elections in Ukraine, Tyaglo quoted President Leonid
Kuchma as saying that after the presidential elections there will be
no changes in either domestic or foreign policy of Ukraine.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Russian paper reports Georgian “secret plan” for regaining South Ossetia

Moskovskiy Komsomolets, Moscow
28 Aug 04

A Russian newspaper has said it has obtained a copy of a “secret plan”
by which Georgia will use military force to restore its control over
the breakaway region of South Ossetia. In an article published on 28
August, Moskovskiy Komsomolets said the plan was contained in a
document which was allegedly stolen from the former chief of the
Georgian General Staff, Givi Iukuridze. The paper said the plan
envisages a “military-humanitarian” operation to seize control of
South Ossetia, to be accompanied by the sealing off of Russian
military bases on Georgian territory, which it said would pose a
direct challenge to Russia. The following is excerpted from the
article:

“You want total war,” Dr Goebbels, Reichsminister for propaganda,
shouted, and in response the German people unanimously bayed: “Yes!!!”
Both old men and youngsters marched in orderly columns to sign up for
the Wehrmacht. A similar cry was given out recently by Georgian
President Mikheil Saakashvili: “It is essential that any enemy that
ventures aggression against the country know that, aside from the
regular army, he will be opposed by thousands of reservists and that
he will encounter a well-organized army of five million!!!” In
addition to the above-mentioned doctor, the leader of the Georgian
revolution has decided, it would seem, to follow the example of
Kerenskiy [provisional government leader in 1917], who is famous for
having formed a women’s battalion, “President Misha” [Saakashvili] has
decided to draft ladies into his invincible host.

So Georgia continues to prepare for war. With the aid of a “black
tights battalion” or without, Saakashvili continues to hope to subdue
South Ossetia by force. Secret documents in the possession of
Moskovskiy Komsomolets testify to this. Moskovskiy Komsomolets has
learned of a secret plan for a Georgian military operation in South
Ossetia. The “pacification of the unruly autonomy” could begin within
the next few days.

On 25 August Zurab Zhvania, prime minister of Georgia, announced that
Maj-Gen Givi Iukuridze had been removed from the post of chief of the
Georgian armed forces General Staff. It is likely that the former CGS
will be appointed military attache to Russia.

Iukuridze is 48 years old, a professional military officer. He was
appointed chief of the Georgian armed forces General Staff this
February. He had until recently been considered the favourite of the
president of Georgia. He often opposed the “hawks”, who have since
this spring been insistently pushing the new leadership of Georgia
into a military solution to the conflict with South Ossetia and
Abkhazia. It was mainly on account of this that he began to lose the
president’s favour. In addition, he had entered into a conflict on a
number of fundamental issues of military organizational development
with Interior Minister Irakli Okruashvili, who is becoming
increasingly influential – on questions of a resolution of the problem
of “pacification of the rebel autonomies” included.

Military circles and the political beau monde of Georgia had been
talking about the imminent removal of Iukuridze from the post of CGS
for several weeks, but the formal ground for the dismissal, evidently,
was his recent loss of a folder of secret documents of particular
importance. The official inquiry conducted in this connection has not
come across the trail of the thieves.

The Ministry of Defence and the Georgian General Staff are continuing
to say all but openly here that the documents could have been stolen
only by an insider with an interest in Iukuridze’s speediest
removal. The organizers of the theft are being called representatives
of some “third force”, which is not only inciting tension in the
Georgian-Ossetian conflict area but is also reshuffling the leadership
of the force entities after its own fashion, moving into the key posts
people from the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the closest
associates of the minister of internal affairs.

The secret data contained in the documents from the stolen folder and
also certain original documents and their copies have recently begun
to surface both in Georgia itself and abroad.

A piece of tracing paper taken from a map containing the version of a
plan of a military operation to capture Tskhinvali and restore
Georgia’s sovereignty over South Ossetia was recently forwarded to
Moscow from Tbilisi. This tracing paper was conveyed to a
representative of the Georgian diaspora in the Russian capital and
came via him into the possession of Moskovskiy Komsomolets. It is
significant that the “well-wishers” that had sent the tracing paper to
Moscow had prudently, albeit in slapdash fashion, translated the
inscriptions and notations into Russian, thereby facilitating the work
of the journalists and military specialists that do not know
Georgian. We thank them for this.

The newspaper’s military experts, superimposing the tracing paper on
the map and making use of contradictory information concerning
Tbilisi’s military plans that had been published earlier, “read” the
overall concept of the military campaign with a certain degree of
reliability.

It ensues from the plan that it is contemplated to return South
Ossetia to Georgian jurisdiction in the form of a
military-humanitarian operation. This solution, as intended by the
Georgian military, is designed to conceal from the public Tbilisi’s
main emphasis on the military component of the plan and is geared
mainly to use for propaganda purposes.

The concept of the operation appears, as a whole, as follows:

First, to secure with the forces of units of the army’s special forces
and the police with the enlistment of the Georgian volunteer defence
force control of the main transport directions (establish a transport
blockade), concentrating the main efforts on taking full control of
the Roki, Mamison and Krestov passes. Second, in the guise of
transport convoys carrying humanitarian goods for the local citizenry,
Ossetian included, to activate units of the people’s volunteer defence
force, increase their arms and deliver the requisite military
equipment.

Depending on how the situation develops, it is contemplated at the
second stage of the operation to redeploy, by air included, the Davit
and Betta force components and the 16th Mountain-Rifle Brigade from
their staging areas to seal off centres of resistance of units of the
armed forces of the Republic of South Ossetia in the areas of the
localities of Tsinagari, Sunisi and Java.

It is planned that the Koba assault force will be moved out from the
staging area in three directions to seal off the capital of South
Ossetia, depriving units of the armed forces of South Ossetia of the
possibility of manoeuvring forces and assets. The right flank of the
Betta force will be secured by the American adviser-trained 11th
Separate Mechanized Brigade of the armed forces of Georgia. A
calculation based on US economic and military-political support in the
resolution of this problem may be traced, on the whole.

The paper’s military experts believe that all this will be accompanied
also by the simultaneous sealing off of the Russian military bases on
Georgian territory with a view to preventing units of Russian troops
moving out from their permanent basing locations, and this is a direct
challenge to Russia.

Whether Georgia will go ahead with implementing the plan in the form
in which it is contained in the “Iukuridze folder”, the future will
tell. There has already been information to the effect that the
Georgian armed forces General Staff is urgently reworking it for a
report for final approval by President Saakashvili no later than 28
August. Any concealment of war as a military-humanitarian operation is
being jettisoned here. [Passage omitted]

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress