Author: admin

Open Democracy
Dec 24 2004

The three faces of Christmas
Maryam Maruf
23 – 12 – 2004

>>From Warrington to Abu Dhabi, shami kebabs and plastic trees, crap TV
or a day at the beach? Maryam Maruf’s quirky tale of a child’s
Christmas in the Persian Gulf.

There is a saying in Pakistan that the only place you will ever
really feel at home is in the city where you were born. When I was
nine years old I went back to Dubai, the city of my birth, for the
first time. I got off the plane with my father and fifteen-year-old
brother that December night, and walked down the metal staircase to
the shuttle bus. The surge of warm air made our jeans stick to our
legs. I remember the look on the visa man’s face when he saw our
British passports; the exhausted-looking Afghani taxi drivers waiting
patiently in the heat by their un-air conditioned cars; and a row of
palm trees, all artificially planted in a straight line, stretching
for miles along the Airport Road. But I remember, most of all,
feeling strangely happy and at peace, and at home.

We had just spent fourteen hours flying from London with airport-only
stops in Frankfurt and Muscat, and while my father got to sit in
First Class, my brother and I sat in Economy in the middle aisle next
to a sleeping man who smelt of horseradish sauce and burped in my ear
all the way to Muscat. We had come from Warrington, a town in
Cheshire, northwest England, where we were the only Pakistani family
in our neighbourhood, and where it had been raining because it was
still December. To go on this holiday, I had finished school, where I
was the only Pakistani child, two weeks before anyone else.

Now I spent long days on Jumairah beach with my cousins; took trips
to City 2000, in 1989 the biggest amusement park in the United Arab
Emirates; ate ice creams at 39 Flavors, before it became Baskin
Robbins; had endless rides on the dhow on the Dubai Creek; and
watched all the American sitcoms – Who’s the Boss, Different Strokes
and Family Ties – which they didn’t play on British television. At
that moment everything that felt home to me was everything that was
not English.

Five years later, a few days before my fourteenth birthday, I went
back to the UAE, but this time to Abu Dhabi, the capital city, and
the city where I wasn’t born. This time I was with my mother and we
were going to live indefinitely with my father, who I hadn’t seen
since he said goodbye to me and my brother at the boarding gate at
Dubai airport. This time we were coming from Manchester, not
Warrington, where we had left after my mother’s car had been set on
fire and PISS OFF PAKIS sprayed in white paint on our front porch.
This time, though I was happy to see my father again, I hadn’t wanted
to leave England.

I had woken up one morning and realised I just had my first dream in
English, and then I was thinking in English, and when I spoke, it was
no longer in my Pakistani-American sitcom accent: I spoke like the
other English kids I knew. Urdu gradually lost its importance, it
became the language my mother used to ask me to get some milk from
the corner shop, it became the language I had to talk with tiresome
Aunties, who weren’t really my Aunties, who would come round on Eid,
a previously important event which now became an occasion where my
mother would wake up early to make biryani and we would have to
entertain tiresome Aunties. And also by then, Michael J Fox had
become just some American actor. It wasn’t the place where I was
born, but I felt that England, at that moment, for those childish
reasons and more, had become my home.

In mid-December, three months after my mother and I arrived in Abu
Dhabi, and exactly five years after my brother, father and I left for
Dubai via Frankfurt and Muscat, I was stood in the school playground
with my four friends and realised with a shock that it was the day
before Christmas Eve.

The school that I went to, for one year only, was called Al-Worood,
and was on the outskirts of the city and near nothing but the desert.
I hadn’t been looking forward to starting at a school where my
uniform was an ankle-length grey smock; where the boys had classes on
the first floor, and the girls on the third, and the only time we
would get to see each other was in the car park or in assemblies
where we would be standing in straight lines facing each other; and
where the headmistress was a tyrannical old woman called Mrs Hayat,
who wore royal blue blazers and who, at the start of spring term,
would slap me across the face during assembly as she caught me
chewing gum.

The school playground, where we also had assemblies, was a long
courtyard with a border of rose bushes. I was sat on a bench in front
of a rose bush with my friends Zaynab, an Iraqi girl with green eyes
who had lived in New York for a year; Greta, a tall Armenian girl;
Lizanne, who was new like me, a Canadian girl with small piggy blue
eyes and long blonde plaited hair and would later be expelled for
smoking in the carpark with the boys; and Mona, who like me was a
Pakistani-Muslim, but unlike me, took her culture and religion
seriously.

“It’s the day before Christmas Eve,” I said and looked around at the
others. Zaynab and Mona shrugged their shoulders and continued
talking about the new Maths teacher, Mr Jalal. Greta, who was born in
Abu Dhabi, didn’t look that excited. She was a Christian, but she
said her family didn’t really exchange gifts and that they just went
to church for a bit, then turned towards Mona and Zaynab and voiced
her opinion on Mr Jalal. But Lizanne, who was also interested in
discussing Mr Jalal, looked at me like she knew what I meant.

“At least it’s on the weekend so we get the day off school”, I said,
now just talking to Lizanne.

“Yeah. It makes me miss home”, she said in a bored voice. “You don’t
really feel that it’s Christmas here. I want to see some snow. We
don’t even have a tree, and I don’t think Dad can get a turkey.
Spinneys is sold out.”

Spinneys was a supermarket in Khaldiya, a prosperous neighbourhood on
the other side of town from us, where Lizanne lived, along with most
of the North American, British, Australian and European people.
Spinneys was the only place in Abu Dhabi where you could get HP baked
beans, British newspapers, which included only The Times and the
Daily Mail, and turkeys.

“Hey, listen,” Lizanne said to me, still in a bored voice. “What are
you doing tomorrow? The British Club are having a special Christmas
party-dinner-thing. D’you wanna come?”

“I’ll have to ask my dad, he doesn’t really get on with the guy who
runs it, so I don’t know if he’d want me to go there.”

“Oooh”, said Lizanne, not sounding bored anymore, and her little blue
eyes shining. “Did they fight? What happened? Did your dad write
anything about it in his paper.”

“Dunno, it was a long time ago and not such a big deal really,” I was
purposely vague, not wanting to give Lizanne any more gossip about my
father, who was a Deputy Editor of a big English daily paper in the
UAE, and had an argument at the British Club because they refused him
entry to a show that he was supposed to be writing about because he
didn’t have the right ticket.

“Okay”, Lizanne sounded a bit disappointed. “Ask tonight and let me
know, I know the people sorting the party out so I can bring special
guests. Oh, bring your brother as well, he’s over for the holidays
right?”

In the end my brother and I went for the party but didn’t stay for
the dinner as there was no room at the table, and Lizanne had
forgotten to say that we were coming. Unsurprisingly I felt awkward
at the British Club. It was like being in Warrington again, minus the
spray paint and burnt cars. We were surrounded by a group of people
asserting their Britishness and their right to be in one place over
ours. Like Warrington, we knew we didn’t really belong there, which
made us miss our home even more.

The next day was Friday, the last day of the weekend, and Christmas
Day. My dad had received an invitation for a posh Christmas lunch at
the Sheraton. We laughed and remembered the first time we ever
celebrated Christmas in our council flat in Warrington. We had put up
a plastic tree my mother had bought in the market and my father
cooked a special curry of okra, shami kebabs and naan.

We went and had our lunch and then phoned my sister who was in
Manchester, where it was raining and there was crap TV on. After
that, we all went and sat on the beach.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Turkish-Jewish ties focus of panel
by Sandra Adelstein

Washinngton Jewish Week
Dec 24 2004

WJW Intern — Turkey’s star is rising. The country’s inclusion into
the European Union is on the horizon, enabling it to transcend hundreds
of years of isolation as the only Muslim country in Europe.

Its relationship with Israel is stable, with military and economic
cooperation continuing, despite rising Turkish anti-Semitism and
criticism of Israeli government policies.

At a D.C. forum on Turkish-Jewish relations, held earlier this month
at the 25th annual convention of the Assembly of Turkish American
Associations, speakers offered insights into Turkey’s historical and
current relations with the Jewish people.

A Turkish-Jewish activist who lived in Israel for more than 15 years,
Rachel Sharon Krespin, now a Connecticut resident, called on the
Turkish government to condemn anti-Semitism.

She characterized the anti-Semitic activities of ultra-right parties
as an “anti-Jewish campaign,” and described an increasingly hostile
atmosphere fomented by right-wing journalist and political parties
that culminated in the bombing of two synagogues and the killing of
a Jewish dentist.

Jewish citizenship and loyalty are questioned, according to Krespin,
and Adolf Hitler is praised by these extremist voices. She drew
a direct parallel between anti-Jewish hysteria and anti-Israeli
propaganda, noting the words of Turkish journalist Ayse Onal, “It is
impossible to write one good thing about Israel without being attacked
as a lackey of the Jews.”

She added that Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon was called a
butcher by protesters when he arrived in Turkey last year.

Anti-Semitism in Turkey is at it its highest level since World War II,
according to Daniel Mariaschin, B’nai B’rith International’s executive
vice president, who also spoke on the panel.

He singled out political cartoons, which he likened to cartoons in
the Nazi press.

A member of the Republican opposition to Turkey’s government took a
different perspective, downplaying the impact of anti-Semitism. The
bulk of Turkish people are not anti-Semitic and “disagreeable voices
don’t represent the views of Turkey,” said panelist Sukru Ekdag,
a former Turkish ambassador to the United States.

He focused his criticism on the Israeli government. “What is being
criticized,” he said, are Sharon’s policies. “Israel has to be more
constructive in resolving the Palestine issue,” he said.

Krespin, however, lashed out at criticism of Israeli actions. “Turkey
should not characterize the actions against Hamas as state terrorism,”
she said. Although she applauded Turkey’s potential participation
in Middle East talks, she warned against Hamas’ participation in the
peace process, which some in Turkey have supported.

“Hamas’ credo is the destruction of the State of Israel,” she said.
“Inclusion in the political process would not negate its long-term
goal of the destruction of the state of Israel.”

Despite the rising anti-Semitism and criticism of Israeli policies
in the West Bank and Gaza, Turkey and Israel continue their military
cooperation. An agreement signed by the two nations in 1996 has
burgeoned into economic and cultural agreements. American Jewish groups
also have lobbied Congress on behalf of Turkish military interests.

Krespin also pointed out that Turkey was one of the first nations to
establish relations with the state of Israel, soon after Israel’s
independence, and forecasted that both countries have an important
role to play in bringing freedom and democracy to the Middle East.

According to Krespin, Turkey has written human rights into its
constitution providing for the rights of minorities and prisoners in
preparation for its admission as a full member of the European Union.

She cautioned, though, that reforms should not “constitute an all-costs
national goal.”

Asked about the Turkish government’s stance on the Armenian genocide,
she said that a massacre of Armenians took place between 1915 and 1917,
but denied that it had been planned by the Turkish government.

Krespin, who is the executive director and founder of the American
Council on Jewish Turkish, insisted that the Armenians had massacred
as many Turks as Turks had massacred Armenians, a supposition that
many historians dispute.

It is estimated that between 600,000 and 1 million Armenians were
killed by Turks between 1915 and 1917, and that hundreds of thousands
more were forced into exile.

The panelists had no comment in response to a question about Seymour
Hersh’s New Yorker magazine article last June, which said that Israel
was providing military and intelligence support to the Kurds to offset
the influence of Iran, a serious point of contention between Israel
and Turkey.

Asked about the point after the conference, David Siegel, press attache
at the Israeli embassy, denied Israeli involvement with the Kurds.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Baku Balances the Ukrainian Revolution
By Anar Valiyev

Journal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey
Dec 24 2004

For the last month, the presidential elections in Ukraine captivated
the attention of the world’s Mass Media. The stalemate in Kiev
divided the CIS into two camps. While Russia and its satellites
Armenia and Belarus acknowledged Viktor Yanukovich as president,
Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Moldova took a “wait-and-see” position.
Azerbaijan in particular became a hostage of the differing stances
of Western countries and Russia. Supporting either side in Ukraine
would aggravate Azerbaijan’s foreign policy situation. Meanwhile,
the Azerbaijani ruling elite fears a revival of a strong opposition
within the country, which could result in increased pressure for
democratization.

BACKGROUND: The Georgian “rose revolution” made official Baku
uneasy. At the culmination of the Georgian events, Ilham Aliyev’s
government sided with president Eduard Shevarnadze, officially
supporting him. Shevarnadze’s resignation and his opponent’s
triumph was an embarrassment to official Baku, temporarily obscuring
Azerbaijani-Georgian relations.

On the eve of the Ukrainian elections, President Aliyev as well
as the presidents of Belarus and Russia attended the sixtieth
anniversary of Ukraine’s liberation from Nazi German occupation. The
event, orchestrated by Russian president Vladimir Putin, was an
indirect support of the Kremlin candidate Ukrainian Prime Minister
Yanukovich. Seeing the financial and administrative resources
controlled by Yanukovich, Aliyev’s government expected the victory
of the Kremlin’s candidate. After the second round of elections,
it became obvious that Yanukovich would not become president that
easily. Widespread fraud, cheating, and deceptions in the Ukrainian
elections led to a strong disapproval from the the United States and
the European Union. Yet on November 24, the Kremlin acknowledged
Yanukovich as president. Russia’s allies in the CIS – Belarus,
Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Armenia – recognized Yanukovich as well.
Uzbekistan initially followed suit, though it qualified its stance
subsequently, blaming Russia of intervening in Ukraine’s affairs.

Azerbaijan’s government decided not to rush with recognition. On
the other hand, the Azerbaijani opposition tried to take advantage
of the Ukrainian revolution. The Musavat party leader Isa Gambar
made a blitz visit to Kiev to support Yushchenko. Upon his return,
Gambar stated that the elections in Ukraine were not just a change
of power. ‘This is a new era in the post-Soviet space. The events
in Ukraine will impact all regimes in post-soviet republics.’ Gambar
believes in an inevitable collapse of all authoritarian regimes in
the former USSR. The leader of the Azerbaijan National Independence
Party Etibar Mamedov also expressed his assurance that Azerbaijan
would be ‘the next country that embraces democracy after Ukraine’.
IMPLICATIONS: Ilham Aliyev is in a difficult position. For the
Azerbaijani president, supporting Yanukovich could have a detrimental
effect. For the last five years, Azerbaijan has established its own
balanced system of strategic relations with the West including the
NATO and the EU. At the same time, Ukraine Azerbaijan’s strategic
ally in GUUAM, and has permanently supported the Azerbaijani cause in
international organizations. By allying himself with Russia, Aliyev
would have lost support from the EU, NATO and the United States while
it would have weakened Azerbaijan’s respect in the world’s democratic
community. In the case of a Yushchenko victory, such a decision could
damage Azerbaijani-Ukrainian relations too. Since 2000, Azerbaijan
has built good and positive relations with Russia. This process has
been strengthened lately. Before the Ukrainian elections, Aliyev’s
team thought that it was possible to have good relations with Russia
while being loyal to the West at the same time. But the Ukrainian
elections required Azerbaijan to make a crucial decision. Despite
increased pressure from Russia, Baku decided to wait for the end of
the standoff in Ukraine.

The Ukrainian “orange revolution” has implications for Azerbaijan’s
domestic affairs as well. Since October 16, 2003, the opposition
parties remain in an amorphous condition. In the last year, the
activities of major opposition parties have shrunk. But the Ukrainian
wind of change woke up the Azerbaijani opposition from its slumber.
Obviously, the revolutions in Ukraine and Georgia are very attractive
for Azerbaijani opposition parties, which failed to do the same in
October 2003. The last opposition activities show that the opposing
parties are considering various possibilities to use Georgia’s
and Ukraine’s experience in Azerbaijan. Despite the ruling elite’s
reluctance to support Yanukovich, it is unsettled by democratic changes
in neighboring countries. The current government of Azerbaijan would
rather prefer somebody like Yanukovich rather than any leader who
came to power on a revolutionary wave. The current elite is still
cautious toward the new regime in Georgia. In particular, the ruling
elite fears the establishment of a youth opposition movement like
the Georgian Kmara or the Ukrainian Pora. President Aliyev recently
commented on the Azerbaijani opposition’s contacts with Yushchenko:
“They join demonstrations in foreign countries with ribbons on their
neck. Let them do the same here. If someone is brave enough, he could
tie a ribbon or something else on the neck and stage a demonstration
here.” On December 3, Ziyafet Askerov, vice-speaker of the Azerbaijani
parliament, accused Ali Kerimli, the leader of the Popular Front Party
of Azerbaijan of attempting a coup d’etat. He stated that according
to intelligence information, the Ukrainian youth organization Pora
finances Kerimli’s party in order to repeat the Georgian and Ukrainian
scenario in Azerbaijan. Kerimli denied these accusations. Instead,
he argued that Askerov and the elite to understand that they cannot
always falsify the elections. “Our fight will result in a democratic
change of regime,” Kerimli claimed, “Askerov and other members of
the ruling team understand it and therefore worry.”

CONCLUSIONS: Ilham Aliyev soberly understood that putting himself in
the same boat with such odious leaders as Lukashenko, Nazarbayev
and Putin would not strengthen his regime nor help Azerbaijan
internationally. In fact, given the relative pluralism in Azerbaijan,
it would increase the risk of making Azerbaijan the next candidate
for revolution.

Hence the president of Azerbaijan began to play the role of
democratic leader in order to insure himself from further pressure
from the Council of Europe, the EU and the United States. By refusing
to recognize Yanukovich, Aliyev sent a persuasive signal to the
West that he was not a member of the club of pro-Russian dictators.
Despite the confrontation between the opposition and the ruling elite,
both sides worked for the benefit and positive image of Azerbaijan. The
Ukrainian opposition will remember the reluctance of Azerbaijan
to acknowledge Yanukovich as president if they come to power. Even
if Yanukovich would come out on top, it will not negatively affect
Azerbaijani-Ukrainian relations. The future Ukrainian president will
not have absolute power and will need to share it with a democratic
parliament. The only negative effect from the Ukrainian standoff
might be a possible deterioration of Azerbaijani relations with
Russia. Aliyev’s defiance to follow Putin’s policies definitely
annoyed the Russian establishment.

AUTHOR’S BIO Anar Valiyev currently is a Ph.D. student at University
of Louisville, School of Urban and Public Affairs. He holds an MA in
history from Baku State University and an MPA from Indiana University
Bloomington.

–Boundary_(ID_IHjb9UYep0/CVngt8aDPpw)–

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Irano-Azeri DMs met for defense cooperation

IranMania, Iran
Dec 23 2004

LONDON, Dec 23 (IranMania) – Defense Ministers of Iran and Azerbaijan
met and conferred on Wednesday evening about regional armies`
cooperation to boost joint security in Caucasus region.

Islamic Republic of Iran`s Defense Minister Rear Admiral Ali Shamkhani
referred to the two nations` shared historical, religious and cultural
backgrounds during the meeting, considering them the “huge capital
that can serve to boost bilateral ties.”

He referred to the deep bilateral understanding and mutual trust,
as well as comprehensive defense and security consultations, as main
prerequisites for establishment of a comprehensive bilateral defense
cooperation. Shamkhani added, “Joint efforts aimed at boosting
regional peace and stability is the main axis for Iran-Azerbaijan
comprehensive cooperation.”

The Iranian Defense Minister said, “Presently terrorism, narcotic
drugs and arms smuggling, organized crime, and vast presence of foreign
forces are biggest threats against regional security and such threats
cannot be eliminated, except through effective regional cooperation
and constant consultative interactions.”

Elsewhere in his remarks, stressing that the Islamic Republic of
Iran considers the Caspian Sea the “sea of peace and friendship”,
Shamkhani added, “This region`s security is in need of collective
cooperation and mutual trust.” Elaborating on Iran`s stand about
Karabakh conflict, Rear Admiral Shamkhani said, “Iran favors

peaceful resolution of the Karabakh conflict and is ready to continue
its mediation efforts in that regard.”

He referred to President Seyyed Mohammad Khatami`s state visit of
Azerbaijan and President Elham Aliev`s upcoming state visit to Tehran
as beset signs of both countries` officials` strong determination to
take advantage of all opportunities at service of boosting ties.”

The Azeri Defense Minister Safar Abiev, too, appreciated his country`s
ever-improving ties and cooperation with Iran and considered the
Iranian Defense Minister`s visit of Baku “a very effective move in
further strengthening bilateral ties.”

He emphasized, “Late Azeri President Geidar Aliev`s 2002 state visit of
Iran opened a new chapter in Tehran-Baku relations, agreeing with his
Iranian counterpart on the point that shared historical and cultural
backgrounds of the two nations serve as an excellent foundation for
boosting comprehensive ties.”

Abiev added, “The Islamic Republic of Iran was among the first
countries in the world to recognize the independence of Azerbaijan
Republic and the Azeri nation will never forget that.”

The Azerbaijan Republic is situated in eastern Transcaucasia, on
the western coast of the Caspian Sea. To the South it borders Iran,
to the West Armenia, to the North-West Georgia, and to the North the
Republic of Dagestan, in Russia.

The Nakhichevan autonomous Republic is a part of Azerbaijan, although
it is separated form the rest of Azerbaijan by Armenian territory.
Azerbaijan also includes the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast,
which is largely populated by the Armenians, but does not legally
constitute a part of Armenia.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
December 23, 2004
Contact: Linda Yepoyan
Phone: 610-642-6633

[email protected]

BIRTH RIGHT ARMENIA SPONSORS STRING OF OPPORTUNITY FAIRS

Young diasporans interested in learning more about the wealth of
volunteer programs being offered in Armenia, will want to take advantage
of the Opportunity Fairs being sponsored by Birthright Armenia this
coming January. Birthright Armenia is organizing these unified
promotional and recruitment events for all sponsored organizations that
offer youth programs to Armenia, with the goal of providing young
diasporan adults with a one-stop shop of information pertaining to
volunteer and study abroad opportunities in the Homeland under one roof.

Birthright Armenia will be pilot testing the Opportunity Fair idea in
Montreal and Toronto prior to conducting larger outreach events in
Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Washington, DC. The key objectives
of the Opportunity Fairs are three-fold: to promote the idea and
importance of volunteerism in Armenia to large groups of youth; to
support the organizations implementing youth programs in Armenia in
getting a jump-start on their recruitment with captive audiences of
youth; and to simplify the research process of all available volunteer
opportunities for the youth in attendance. Opportunity Fairs of this
kind are unprecedented, so if these six pilot events prove to be
successful, Birthright Armenia vows to move forward with the idea of
sponsoring them annually on a national level.

Attendees of the Opportunity Fairs along the east coast can expect
presentations from more than half a dozen of the various diasporan
organizations implementing volunteer and internship programs in Armenia.
The organizations already scheduled to present at one or more of the
fairs include: ACYOA, Armenian Assembly of America, ASA-NY, Armenian
Tree Project, Armenian Volunteer Corps, AYF, Fund for Armenian Relief,
Habitat for Humanity, and Land and Culture Organization. It is
Birthright Armenia’s goal to get all of the diasporan organizations to
mobilize their staff, program alumni and volunteers to participate in as
many fairs as possible to speak to interested youth, to share first hand
experiences with fair attendees, and to encourage early submission of
applications. In addition, Birthright Armenia staff will inform the
audience about the availability of newly created local Armenian NGO
internship programs designed specifically for diasporan youth in the
areas of arts, education, environment, health, human rights, public
policy, social welfare, and youth affairs.

The Opportunity Fairs are currently scheduled for the following days,
cities, venues and times:

January 14: MONTREAL – McGill University, 6:00 – 9:00 p.m.
January 15: TORONTO – location to be finalized
January 20: BOSTON – Armenian Library and Museum of America in
Watertown, 6:00 – 9:00 p.m.
January 21: NEW YORK – NYU, Kimmel Center 803, 6:00 – 9:00 p.m.
January 23: PHILADELPHIA – St. Sahag & St. Mesrob Armenian Church in
Wynnewood, 6:00 – 9:00 p.m.
January 24: WASHINGTON, DC – Embassy of the Republic of Armenia, 6:00 –
9:00 p.m.

For those interested in learning more about Birthright Armenia and the
Opportunity Fairs listed above, please visit
for more detailed, up-to-date information on exact venues and event
times as they become available or email: [email protected].

Birthright Armenia’s mission is to strengthen ties between the homeland
and diasporan youth by affording them an opportunity to be a part of
Armenia’s daily life and to contribute to Armenia’s development through
work, study and volunteer experiences, while developing a renewed sense
of Armenian identity. This is accomplished by supporting and
complementing the initiatives of existing diasporan organizations that
offer youth programs in Armenia, and encouraging them to expand their
offerings in depth and breath. Birthright Armenia assists with travel
fellowships, language instruction, in-country seminars, orientation and
excursions in exchange for community service in Armenia.

# # #

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Azeri official dismisses Armenian threat to quit peace talks

Ekspress, Baku
23 Dec 04

Excerpt from report by Alakbar Raufoglu in Azerbaijani newspaper
Ekspress on 23 December headlined “Iravan [Yerevan] is blackmailing:
‘We will officially walk out of the dialogue with Azerbaijan, if
Nagornyy Karabakh is not involved in the talks'”

The next meeting between the Azerbaijani and Armenian foreign
ministers will be held in Prague in mid-January, Armenian Foreign
Minister Vardan Oskanyan has told Armenian Public TV.

[Passage omitted: reported details]

The non-involvement of Karabakh’s separatist regime in the talks has
no effect on Yerevan’s position: “This is not about the strengthening
or weakening of our position. Karabakh’s involvement in the talks is
a need. Despite Azerbaijan’s approach to the problem, Azerbaijan and
Karabakh are the parties to the conflict. Armenia is taking part in the
talks because Baku does not want to talk to Xankandi [Stepanakert]. If
Azerbaijan interprets our involvement in the talks differently and
tries to change the essence of the issue, Armenia will refuse to take
part in the dialogue. That’s why, we want the settlement process to
be held in the format of the [OSCE] Minsk Group. The inclusion of
the issue in the UN agenda changes the format, and Yerevan will not
be able to represent Nagornyy Karabakh in this format.”

[Passage omitted: more details]

“One should put an end to unlimited manipulations in the Karabakh
talks. Moves of this kind promise nothing positive to the peace
process,” the Azerbaijani deputy foreign minister and the president’s
special representative on the Karabakh issue, Araz Azimov, told
Ekspress newspaper, commenting on Oskanyan’s views on the need to
involve the Armenian community of [Karabakh] in the talks.

Baku hopes that the upcoming talks will be held “on the basis of
more specific positions”. Armenia should send “precise signals”
in this connection.

Azimov did not speak about the essence of the current discussions.
“Everything will be clear after the next meeting. In any case,
the discussions have been held for 14 years now. The international
community has been making persistent statements on the process as
well. All these factors will be recorded,” Azimov said.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Azeri editor says local Jewish leader threatens him over Hitler’s book

Sources:

ANS TV, Baku
22 Dec 04

Assa-Irada, Baku
22 Dec 04

[Presenter] The editor-in-chief of Xural newspaper, Avaz Zeynalli, who
was repeatedly summoned to law enforcement agencies after publishing
in Azerbaijani Adolf Hitler’s “Mein Kampf” – My Struggle – has
accused the head of the community of mountain Jews, Semen Ikhiilov,
of making threats.

[Correspondent over video of news conference by Zeynalli] Pressure on
me is increasing gradually after I published Adolf Hitler’s “Mein
Kampf”, the editor-in-chief of Xural, Avaz Zeynalli, told a news
conference today.

The editor’s lawyer, Elcin Qambarov, spoke about the current state of
the legal proceedings instituted into the case. He said that despite
the fact the legal action had been taken against the editor under
Article No 282 of the Criminal Code, that is inciting religious and
racial hatred, no official charges have yet been brought against
the editor.

The lawyer said that “Mein Kampf” is being examined by experts of
the investigation department of the [Azerbaijani] National Security
Ministry.

Talking about the translation of the book, Zeynalli said that he
knows the identity of the person who threatened him by telephone on
8 December this year.

[Zeynalli, addressing the news conference] The person who called
me was Semen Ikhiilov. He was born in Kustanay [Kazakhstan]. He is
friendly with the families of some esteemed people in Azerbaijan. He
has many businesses [in Azerbaijan].

[Correspondent] You might recall that the person mentioned by Zeynalli
is now leading the community of mountain Jews. As to the threats to
the editor, Ikhiilov’s answer was very brief.

This is completely groundless and I have never phoned him, end
of quote.

Baxtiyar Salimov, Sehrac Azadoglu, ANS.

[The Azerbaijani news agency Assa-Irada quoted Zeynalli as telling the
journalists that “Mein Kampf” will “always be popular and useful”. “To
read Hitler does not mean to be a fascist,” he said, adding that those
“who think so are ignorant”.]

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

FRENCH PRIME MINISTER REMINDS TURKEY OF ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

Azg/arm
24 Dec 04

Turkey waxes indignant every time the recognition of the Armenian
Genocide floats to the surface. Today, when the EU gave green light
to starting accession talks, Turkey is furiously balking at the idea
of Genocide recognition whenever European officials hint about it.

The French foreign minister Michel Barnier was one of those officials
who stated at the EU ministers’ get-together in Brussels on December
13 that Turkey has to put up with its past because France is going
to propose the issue of the Armenian tragedy during the talks.

Turkey was taken by surprise when Michel Barnier used the term
“Armenian genocide” instead of “Armenian tragedy” in his speech at
the French National Assembly on December 14 and in an interview to
French RTL radio on December 20.

Turkey’s response came on December 21 on the pages of Miliyetand
Radical. The Turkish newspapers wrote that though the French National
Assembly enacted a law in 2001 recognizing the Armenian Genocide,
the members of French government are cautious in using the term
“genocide”, and Barnier was the first to use it on December 14.

The French prime minister, Pierre Raffarin, followed Barnierâ~@~Ys
example soon after. In a parliament sitting to discuss Turkey-related
issues Raffarin reminded the Armenian Genocide, underscoring that the
Genocide issue together with the Kurdish issue will be brought before
Turkey. TurkishZamanin its turn responded to prime ministerâ~@~Ys
words on December 22.

By Hakob Chakrian

–Boundary_(ID_lcguzbAwjH6/y1ewSHKJ5A)–

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

THE LETTER OF KAZIMIROV

Azat Artsakh – Nagorno Karabakh Republic (NKR)
23 Dec 04

In 1992-96 the personal representative of the Russian president on
Karabakh issue Vladimir Kazimirov sent a letter to the PACE reporter on
the Karabakh issue David Atkinson and expressed his indignation with
the emphasized pro-Azerbaijani nature of the report. Particularly,
according to Kazimirov, in Atkinsonâ~@~Y s report, the achievement of
the ceasefire on May 12, 1994 is ascribed to the OSCE Minsk Group and
the personal representative of the OSCE chairman-in-office, whereas
the ceasefire in Karabakh was maintained owing to the Russiaâ~@~Ys
mediation, and the Minsk Group was founded in December 1994, and
the post of personal representative was created years after the
ceasefire. â~@~The most important international documents on Karabakh
resolution were prepared on a balanced basis in order to facilitate
making compromises for the parties. None of these were so much biased
towards Azerbaijan as your project,â~@~] writes Kazimirov. The former
mediator in the Karabakh issue, who is well acquainted with the
Karabakh conflict detail by detail and during his office visited the
region 47 times, reminds Atkinson that in his and Davisâ~@~Ys reports
the prehistory of the conflict, the military actions in 1992-94, the
process of resolution were paid little attention. â~@~Many problems
connected with the Karabakh conflict occurred by the fault of the
conflict parties, whereas in your project only the Armenian side
was blamed. I do not want to justify the Armenians at all but it is
necessary to give an unbiased assessment of all the parties. Moreover,
it was Azerbaijan to support the settlement of the conflict by
force and to refuse the steps directed at easing tensions,â~@~]
he writes. Kazimirov emphasizes that in the UN resolutions and OSCE
documents Nagorni Karabakh is recognized as a conflict party. â~@~Only
in your resolutions is this problem evaded, Armenia and Azerbaijan are
recognized as conflict parties which favours Bakuâ~@~Ys interests.â~@~]
He also reminds that in the OSCE summit in Budapest three conflict
parties are clearly mentioned. â~@~The conflict party is Azerbaijan
and not the Azerbaijani community of Nagorni Karabakh. There are
no differences in the positions of Azerbaijan and the Azerbaijani
community of Karabakh,â~@~] mentions Kazimirov and blames Atkinson for
stressing the importance of the Azerbaijani community of Karabakh in
the report. â~@~Is it possible to say â~@~the British community of
Londonâ~@~], â~@~the Azerbaijani community of Bakuâ~@~], â~@~the
Russian community of Moscowâ~@~]?â~@~] Kazimirov is surprised that
the Davis-Atkinson report makes reference to the four resolutions
of the OSCE Council for Security but only the demand of withdrawal
of Armenian forces is stressed. â~@~Before May 1994, that is for
more than a year (after the first resolution of the UN Council for
Security â~@~S ed.), the Azerbaijani authorities who neglected the
main requirements of the four resolutions and betted on the settlement
of the conflict through force, have broken the ceasefire for a number
of times. Azerbaijan accepted the ceasefire not because it honoured
the resolutions of the UN Council for Security but because of their
utter defeat in the war and the threat of losing power. The problems
of Armenians were also enough but Armenians were more flexible and
constructive,â~@~] notices Kazimirov and adds, â~@~For the occupation
of territories and the growth of the number of refugees not only
Armenia and Nagorni Karabakh but also Azerbaijan is to blame.â~@~]
The former Russian diplomat admits that Armenians do not withdraw
their forces and insist on the package resolution. But â~@~in fact,
the Azerbaijani government did not honour any requirement of the four
resolutions of the UN Council for Security.â~@~] â~@~And it does not
honour presently either. Moreover, it demands that Turkey maintain
the blockade of Armenia, regularly threatens to settle the conflict
through force, encourages the anti-Armenian hysteria in Azerbaijan
but there is not a word on this (in the Atkinsonâ~@~Ys report â~@~S
ed.).â~@~] In the end Kazimirov reminds that Armenians control 5
regions completely and 2 partially and not 8 regions as Atkinson
mentions. The former Russian diplomat mentions that Azerbaijan has
also occupied Armenian territories, such as Artsvashen. At the end of
the letter Kazimirov states that such an authoritative organization
as the PACE might have a balanced approach to the Karabakh conflict.

AA. 23-12-2004

–Boundary_(ID_zjnqydXgIorYwwpb46yzIQ)–

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

FIRST TWO SECTIONS OF ROPEWAY OF TOURIST COMPLEX IN RESORT TOWN OF
TSAKHKADZOR PUT INTO EXPLOITATION

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 22. ARMINFO. First two sections of ropeway of
a tourist complex in the resort town of Tsakhkadzor were put into
exploitation on Wednesday.

Armenian President Robert Kocharyan attended the opening
ceremony. Talking to journalists, Construction Manager Laurent
Mikaelyan stated that the construction had been started in June, 2004
by a Swiss company “Leitner.” The length of the first two sections is
1,400 and 1,500 meters respectively. The sections have 21 piers. In
his words, the works on the third section will be restored in 2005. As
regards the date when the forth section will be put into exploitation
as well as the cost of the project, Mikaelyan stated that it was a
commercial secret.-

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress