The other day, the CP Department decided that NA Vilen Gabrielyan should be the candidate for the chairman of the Standing Committee on Defense and Security Issues, leaving Armen Khachatryan and Sasun Mikayelyan out of the competition, and the latter was eliminated in the first round.

Why did the National Assembly decide? Andranik Kocharyan did not fight for the position of the chairman of the Standing Committee on Defense and Security Affairs, he has his own explanation for that, claiming that Vilen Gabrielyan’s participation in the fight has nothing to do with it.

 “I led that committee for 8 years, and the biggest problem is that after 8 years it might be worth it…, then you got used to me a lot, a new one should come, try not to forget me, good or bad, it doesn’t matter. After all, it looks like work in comparison Was the quality high or not?” In a briefing with journalists on August 3, he stated and continued. “Here there is no question of being elected or not, I have said that the first step for me to be elected is to run. I have never nominated myself, in the 90s, when the “Karabakh” committee offered me the position of Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, I offered myself, and it has always been offered: Ministry of Defense, National Assembly.

Andranik Kocharyan responded to the retort of the journalists – is it not true that he was rejected? Who rejected him? As such, no such mechanism was set up.

“The mechanism was as follows: let whoever wants to nominate himself. I didn’t want to, there is nothing incomprehensible, everything is very clear.” he emphasized.

Basically, the problem here is not even the mechanism, but the unwillingness to be publicly declared defeated. if you are offered, it means that your victory is guaranteed in the “election battle”, therefore, it is not excluded that if Andranik Kocharyan knew that the CP Department would elect him, he would have run for office. This is no less simple than Andranik Kocharyan’s explanation, and why is it not understandable and natural?

But it was not possible for the CP Department to prefer Andranik Kocharyan, if before this there were reports several times that his issue would be discussed as the chairman of the National Defense and Security Standing Committee. Of course, we do not rule out that there was also a question of not being “self”.

But it turns out that Andranik Kocharyan has decided to change the arrows of his “parliamentary activity”, as stated in Meschyan’s famous song, and to be nominated as a member of the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on State and Legal Affairs, because it has the reports of investigative bodies, including the Chief Prosecutor, and according to Kocharyan, they are also related to security issues. By the way, the candidate for the chairman of this committee is the current chairman Arusyak Julhakyan, under whom, so to speak, Andranik Kocharyan will not be constrained to work, perhaps because he did not head this committee.

And the main purpose of addressing Andranik Kocharyan is what he did and didn’t do as the chairman of the 44-day investigative commission, and the fact that the report was never submitted due to different dates being changed. We remember the Andranik Kocharyan-Alen Simonyan “legislative” debate in this regard.

And no matter how much we admit that if Nikol Pashinyan really wanted to, he would have bypassed the law, the legal obstacles pointed out by former NA Speaker Alen Simonyan, we still cannot forget how Andranik Kocharyan kept the finished report in his “safe”, how late he passed it to the NA Speaker and decided to present it in the plenary session, how the requirement set by the NA Regulations, Article 22 of which on the rights of invited persons was violated, states that the Investigator Officials invited to the commission or persons who submitted information related to the commission’s jurisdiction have the right to:

– to get acquainted with the protocols of the committee meetings with his participation, as well as to submit a request to make changes in them,

– to provide clarifications regarding the commission’s report, as well as justifying its position in its entirety.

But Andranik Kocharyan was ready very late only to hand over the protocols to the former military leadership, of course, the former head of the General Staff Onik Gasparyan did not even express such a wish, only the former Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia Davit Tonoyan, whose writings with this demand were also rejected by the then Speaker of the National Assembly Alen Simonyan.

Andranik Kocharyan continues to insist that the 44-day report still has a way to go, everything is not finished.

A report can ‘sleep’, but since it’s in a completed state, it will go down if it needs to go down, and come back up again. There are such conclusions in that report that it is absolutely necessary to  read our relevant structures, especially the defense department.  We also used the analyzes of the Ministry of Defense to prepare the report, but we managed to collect more information because we were also able to call people, listen, make videos, up to the Prime Minister. Don’t doubt that the importance of that report can decrease for a second. A few days ago, I was listening to the interview of the editor-in-chief of “Hetk”, where he talked about why we lost. The answer to that “why” is there.” Andranik Kocharyan told journalists, noting that he would like the report to be read by the society whose family had a victim during the 44-day detention. The number of our victims is needless to say.

And what is it? to say 

Editor-in-Chief of “Hetki” Edik Baghdasaryan. We picked up a few thoughts from the podcast with him on Why Did We Lose the 44 Day War?

■ The defeat in the 44-day warthe main reason: there was no management, the army was not managed.

■Special forces yearwent out to hold a position, they did nothing in the rear (this is in the case when Azerbaijan also emphasized its special forces. – M.P.)

■There was a man, one of the volunteers was holding a weapon for the first time.
■  2020-from no was azerbaijani accumulations, that a lot more early is was, themselves more early are troops accommodate, dugouts to make, positions to dig: But from the war ahead again exploratory data we are had, for example, In Mataghis, Stepthey were having fun in Anakert, and in Jabrayil, on September 25, he had already given an order and the whole army was in position, that is, their commander had decided… but it is impossible that the head of the General Staff, the minister did not know.

■ And Kamo Vardanyan, who was the chief of staff of the Armed Forces, does not remember the most important details about the operations, including the well-known counterattack operation, in which nothing was taken into account, including the morale of the troops.

As Andranik Kocharyan says, the 44-day report contains the answers to these questions, including the well-known counter-strike operation approved by Nikol Pashinyan, for the failure of which Jalal Harutyunyan was initially blamed, later he was acquitted. And Pashinyan does not give a responsible answer for this, maybe one day find him, especially when he pointed the accusatory arrow at Onik Gasparyan during his interrogation in the Investigative Commission. And now in the court about the “component” of the counterattack operation, in the case of “Lele Tepe” passes Seyran Ohanyan’s son, Artur Ohanyan, commander of Tsor military unit and not only. He brings shameful facts to the surface in the court and demands that his superiors be held accountable.

By the way, the report cannot be complete if the directors of the Artsakh and RA National Security Service during the war, the commanders of the Armed Forces, etc., were not invited for questioning. The investigative commission has its subjective side in other respects as well we have touched on: We we wrote also that Andranik Kocharyan very late attached to it the written analysis of the former head of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia Onik Gasparyan, about 70-80 pages, and his several-page letter-analysis related to the Su-30s, which he presented to Pashinyan, and which was also mentioned in the investigative commission during Pashinyan’s interrogation. Why the 44-day report cannot be complete and objective, other facts can be brought.

And now, since the agenda of the newly elected NA inaugural session also includes voting in favor of the candidate for the chairman of the NA Standing Committee on Defense and Security, Vilen Gabrielyan, they will ask him questions, he will give a speech, about the 44-day report in the near future. had answered.

“Now, the report of the investigative commission has arrived… let’s say, isn’t it clear to you that it will also be published in some way?”

Maybe at a really convenient political moment, Pashinyan will publish it, and Vilen Gabrielyan will attribute this “success” to himself, or to the new NA Speaker.  Andranik Kocharyan will leave his committee with sufficient information about the 44-day program, maybe one day he will need it. Let’s wait for the development of events.

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