Turkish press: Gyumri, cheap gas and banned cognac: Will Armenia seek a new p

Turkey Today
April 27 2026

Gyumri, cheap gas and banned cognac: Will Armenia seek a new partner in Türkiye?

By Yakup Kenan

For 33 years, the border between Türkiye and Armenia has been a locked door. But as Moscow leans on its traditional tools of control, and normalization with Türkiye speeds up, the door is slowly starting to crack open.

A geopolitical fantasy is now taking shape between Türkiye and Armenia. Direct flights have resumed, visa rules are easing, and a full reopening for goods and people is on the horizon.

And Moscow’s heavy-handed tactics are only speeding up the clock.

On April 1, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian left Moscow empty-handed. His sit-down with Vladimir Putin fell flat, with the two leaders clashing over security and energy cooperation. Just three days later, on April 4, Armenian Parliament Speaker Alen Simonyan delivered an ultimatum: if Moscow hikes gas prices, Yerevan could walk away from both the Russian-led CSTO military alliance and the Eurasian Economic Union.

Moscow didn’t wait long to fire back. On April 7, Russia’s alcohol and tobacco regulator yanked the distribution license of Armenian cognac maker Proshyan. The official excuse was “non-compliance with product composition.” But the writing on the wall was clear: the Kremlin was taking a political sledgehammer to a prized symbol of Armenian exports.

For years, Russia has kept Yerevan on a tight leash using three main levers: the military base in Gyumri, control over the natural gas tap, and access to Russian markets. Gas is the ultimate trump card. Russia sells gas to Armenia at a rock-bottom $177.5 per thousand cubic meters, a fraction of the $500–$550 prices seen in Europe.

Old tactics always pay off?

Putin spins this as a reward for loyalty. But in Yerevan, it looks more like a chokehold. Every subsidized cubic meter is a bargaining chip, and history shows that negotiations with Moscow rarely end well for the smaller partner. If regional tensions flare, a sudden price hike is likely the Kremlin’s next move.

Meanwhile, statements from Russian politicians and propagandists against Pashinyan show no signs of cooling. If Moscow wants to squeeze harder, Armenian alcohol, agriculture, and food exports—sectors deeply dependent on Russian buyers—will be the first to suffer.

The Kremlin routinely masks these economic strikes as “technical” issues, using surprise inspections or temporary bans to inflict political pain while maintaining legal deniability.

But instead of bringing Yerevan to heel, Moscow’s bullying is driving Armenia away at record speed. Facing blocked exports, Armenia desperately needs new trade routes. Suddenly, transit corridors through Türkiye look highly attractive. Yerevan’s new geopolitical compass isn’t just pointing toward the EU; it’s pivoting toward Türkiye and Azerbaijan.

The turning point came in 2023. When Azerbaijan fully reclaimed Karabakh, Armenia watched the CSTO stand by. In Yerevan’s eyes, Russia was exposed as an unreliable ally, and the defense bloc as a paper tiger. In response, Pashinian has pushed for regional integration to escape Moscow’s orbit, repeatedly insisting that normalizing ties with Türkiye is “only a matter of time.”

Walking a tightrope

The facts on the ground back him up. By early 2026, Turkish Airlines had launched regular Istanbul–Yerevan flights. Border trade negotiations are in high gear. As of Jan. 1, diplomatic and service passport holders can score free e-visas. Turkish Vice President Cevdet Yilmaz has praised the step-by-step progress, noting that opening the borders will be the ultimate peace dividend for the region.

Still, Ankara is playing it safe, coordinating every move with its primary ally, Baku. The diplomatic groundwork was laid in August 2025, when Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev signed a joint peace declaration in Washington, brokered by U.S. President Donald Trump.

Now, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan predicts a formalized peace agreement could be inked in the first half of 2026. At the center of this new dynamic is the TRIPP transport corridor—dubbed the “Trump Route”—which will link Azerbaijan to Nakhchivan through Armenian territory. Backed by U.S. oversight and designed to bypass both Russia and Iran, this corridor could transform Armenia from an isolated enclave into a vital transit hub, feeding directly into Türkiye’s Europe–China “Middle Corridor.”

But Pashinian is walking a tightrope. He has to balance his pivot to the West and Türkiye with the harsh reality of Armenia’s reliance on Russia—from the gas grids to the railways to the troops stationed in Gyumri. Looming parliamentary elections in June 2026 raise the stakes even higher, with the domestic opposition fiercely accusing the Prime Minister of selling out the country’s national interests.

Normalizing ties with Türkiye remains a deeply polarizing issue for Armenian voters. When Pashinian urges his country to “overcome historical patterns,” he is taking a massive political gamble. Critics warn that a sudden break from Moscow could leave Armenia physically defenseless without Western military guarantees, economically stranded by strict European market regulations, and vulnerable to internal sabotage given Russia’s ownership of the country’s critical infrastructure.

Yet, the geopolitical current is undeniably shifting.

Putin’s weaponization of “discounted gas” has only proven how dangerous it is to rely on Moscow. By trying to trap Yerevan, the Kremlin is actually accelerating its escape. As the South Caucasus transforms to the detriment of Russian power, Türkiye is stepping into the vacuum—no longer just an old rival, but a pragmatic partner in a brand-new regional order.

Russia’s election interference playbook targets Armenia

EU vs Disinfo
April 27 2026

Russia continues its attempts to disrupt and interfere with democracies in its neighbourhood. Learning from its failure in its attempt in the latest parliamentary elections in Moldova, Russia shifted its focus to the upcoming parliamentary elections in Armenia – and this time with a head start, nearly a year before elections are set to take place. Russia tested the ground throughout the winter, seeding hostile narratives against the current Armenian authorities and candidates,rehashing messaging attacking the country’s cooperation and rapprochement with the EU. Now, with the 7 June parliamentary elections firmly in sight, the Russian Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference (FIMI) machine has been unleashed.

 

Lessons from Moldova

Just as in Moldova, the Kremlin is using its FIMI machine to threaten, deceive and influence the Armenian population, interfering in a sovereign state’s democratic process. It does so through a number of well-known techniques and tactics:

 

  1. Threaten the population: In Moldova, the Kremlin used for instance its war on Ukraine to instill fear among Moldovan citizens, claiming NATO troops will annex Transnistria and drag Moldova into the war. Likewise, Russian famous propagandist and TV host Vladimir Solovyov in early January threatened Armenia and Central Asian states with a special military operation during one of his online live shows. According to him, if Russia justified launching a “special military operation” in Ukraine on security grounds, it could do the same elsewhere. His other similar shows are broadcasted on state television and are considered as Russia’s top-rated daily political talk show.
  2. Attack disobedient candidates: Once the candidates are known, Moscow decides whom it will support and whom it wants down, unleashing lies, rumours and conspiracy theories supported by a flood of AI-generated content. In Moldova, President Maia Sandu was allegedly ‘trafficking children’(opens in a new tab). In Armenia, smear campaigns, which were amplified online, accused(opens in a new tab) Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, Parliament Speaker Alen Simonyan, and other government officials of… ‘child sex trafficking’(opens in a new tab). The Prime Minister was also accused(opens in a new tab) of buying a house in France worth several million euros, owning some real estate in UAE or of importing radioactive waste from France to bury it in Armenia.
  3. Blame democratic process and the EU: Coming in at a later stage of the election interference scheme, the Kremlin’s disinformation infosphere targets local institutions, the electoral process or international partnerships with accusations of ‘rigged elections’ and ‘interference’, to either mobilise the pro-Russian electorate or dissuade pro-democracy voters. The narrative is launched a few weeks before election day, when opinion polls give more visibility on the prospects of Russia’s favourite candidates.

 

The ‘EU Interference” allegations

This “election interference” narrative is unfolding against a backdrop of shifting geopolitical conditions that have made the Kremlin’s position uncomfortable and may have provided additional motivation for Moscow to step up its information manipulation against the EU in Armenia.

This might explain the Russian Foreign Ministry’s repeated efforts to reinforce the narrative to the alleged ‘EU interference in Armenia’. While the EU and Armenia have started long-term cooperation on countering hybrid threats in the framework of their Political and Security Dialogue, Russia opportunistically dismisses and distorts the EU-Armenia partnership through official channels(opens in a new tab), supported by coordinated amplification and multilingual cross-platform posting from aligned(opens in a new tab) channels(opens in a new tab) such as Rybar(opens in a new tab) and the(opens in a new tab) Pravda(opens in a new tab) network(opens in a new tab), along with some other actors in the region close to the Kremlin propaganda efforts.

Russia’s response to democracy

On 4 March 2026 and again on 1 April, in response to Armenia and EU cooperation to counter hybrid threats, Russian Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Maria Zakharova offered(opens in a new tab) to send a Russian “rapid response task force” to Armenia, claiming(opens in a new tab) that Russia – “contrary to the EU” – has the necessary expertise(opens in a new tab) in electoral procedures to assist the country. And indeed, Russia has significant electoral expertise when it comes to poison political opponents, close independent media, intimidate civil society organisations, shut down social media platforms, manipulate information, and ban international election observation missions. Finally, in what sounded like a warning, she reminded Armenia is member of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), and not a member of the EU.

Armenians alone should choose their country’s future and not put before a choice framed by Moscow. They deserve to make their choice based on organic information, free from manipulation, intimidation and fear.

Kazakhstan Looks to Armenia for a Future Middle Corridor Branch

The Times of Central Asia
April 27 2026

Kazakhstan’s deepening engagement with Armenia has made TRIPP, part of the Armenia–Azerbaijan peace formula, a practical question for the Middle Corridor. The Armenia–U.S. implementation framework published in January presents the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) as a project for unimpeded, multimodal transit connectivity on Armenian territory. The means for its realization remain under discussion.

TRIPP has thus become relevant to Kazakhstan, even though Astana is not a direct party to the prospective Armenia–Azerbaijan settlement. Recent Kazakhstani diplomacy with Baku and Tbilisi has confirmed that the existing Azerbaijan–Georgia route remains the operative western channel of the Middle Corridor. A route through Armenia would not replace the Azerbaijan–Georgia line; it would widen the Middle Corridor’s western options. If constructed, it would link the main body of Azerbaijan with Nakhchivan and open new transit opportunities from Central Asia and the Caspian to Europe.

Astana Brings Yerevan into the Route System

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan visited Astana in November 2025. His talks with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev emphasized economic sectors, including trade, infrastructure, transport, agriculture, and air transport, together with humanitarian sectors such as education and culture. The official Armenian account also recorded the leaders’ interest in unblocking regional communications, importing wheat from Kazakhstan to Armenia by rail, and bringing TRIPP to life. Tokayev described the first shipment of Kazakhstani wheat reaching Armenia through Azerbaijan as having both political and economic significance. The cargo moved along existing lines, through Russia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. Astana’s April 2026 Regional Ecological Summit showed the same regional widening from another angle: it brought Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia into a forum that connected environmental pressure with economic security and regional cooperation.

The Kazakhstan–Armenia agenda has since become more specific. Foreign Minister Yermek Kosherbayev visited Yerevan as part of an official delegation earlier this month. Kosherbayev’s presence gave the visit added weight, bringing recent cabinet experience and a record on politically sensitive regional issues rather than merely protocol standing. His talks with Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan on April 8 extended the discussion to a broader institutional basis, including the bilateral Intergovernmental Commission and the Kazakhstan–Armenia Business Council. The two parties agreed that transit and logistics interconnectivity create new opportunities for market integration between Central Asia and the South Caucasus. The talks did more than raise the bilateral profile. They brought Armenia closer to the network already carrying Kazakhstan’s westbound trade.

Regional connectivity received more detailed treatment on April 9, when Kosherbayev met with Pashinyan to discuss transport, transit, and trade within the 2026–2030 Roadmap for Trade and Economic Cooperation. Kosherbayev also reaffirmed Kazakhstan’s interest in long-term agricultural exports, especially grain and meat, and informed the Armenian side about measures to establish regular direct air connections. These meetings showed Astana and Yerevan moving toward the same practical premise: Armenia may become part of the wider route system.

TRIPP Becomes a Middle Corridor Question

Azerbaijan has completed infrastructure up to the Armenian border, but TRIPP has not yet begun construction through Armenia itself. It remains tied to the Armenia–Azerbaijan peace process and to U.S. sponsorship. The January implementation framework says its success depends on further institutionalization of peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan, progress toward Armenia–Turkey normalization, and regional stability. It is also framed to respect sovereignty, territorial integrity, and jurisdiction. TRIPP therefore requires political consent and effective state capacity before it can become a transport fact.

For Kazakhstan, the question is whether the Middle Corridor can gain another workable western route. The Trans-Caspian chain running through Azerbaijan and Georgia remains Astana’s current South Caucasus route to Europe. A multimodal route through Azerbaijan, Armenia, Nakhchivan, and Turkey toward European markets would give the Middle Corridor a second western branch. That would supplement the existing route, not displace it. Kazakhstan’s interest is in adding another workable path through the South Caucasus.

Tokayev made the connection explicit. The official Armenian account of Pashinyan’s November 2025 visit to Astana recorded the two leaders’ interest in bringing TRIPP to life. Tokayev also acknowledged the possibility of integrating Armenia’s Crossroads of Peace initiative, which is more circuitous and more exposed to security problems than TRIPP, with the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR, Middle Corridor) linking China, Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Europe. Crossroads of Peace is more complicated and less immediately workable than TRIPP, but Tokayev was still pointing to the same transport problem. A future TRIPP route would more readily add capacity, redundancy, and political flexibility to the existing westbound system.

The Railway Constraint

The status of Armenia’s railway system, including repair and reconstruction of its segment through southern Armenia, is perhaps the most nettlesome operational constraint. What is at issue is not ownership of the national railway network per se, but the operating concession held through Russian Railways. South Caucasus Railway, a subsidiary of Russian Railways, has operated Armenia’s railway system under a 30-year concession agreement signed in 2008 that could be extended afterward. Armenian railways thus remain under a structure that ties access, management, and political consent to Moscow.

Pashinyan has floated the possibility that the concession could be transferred to a third country friendly to both Armenia and Russia. Reports have named Kazakhstan, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar. At the same time, he has signaled that Armenia would not discuss the matter behind Russia’s back or act against Russia. Kazakhstan has officially denied that negotiations are underway for Kazakhstan Temir Zholy to acquire Russia’s concession management of Armenia’s railways. The same report also noted the statement by Russia’s transport minister that Moscow was not negotiating the transfer of the concession management to Kazakhstan.

The denials set the present constraint, but they do not remove the concession from the route question. Russian-language reporting shows why easy progress on the matter is unlikely. Sputnik Armenia has reported a Russian Security Council estimate that any potential buyer would need at least $250 million for rights and compensation, plus additional costs. Such an official Russian figure shows that Moscow views the matter as a serious political and economic issue. Even if the precise numbers are disputed, costs and legal claims would still have to be addressed, together with indirect geopolitical resistance.

A Western Branch Still Taking Shape

The railway issue with Armenia, therefore, concerns the operating concession held through Russian Railways rather than an imminent acquisition of the network by Astana. TRIPP’s significance for Central Asia will depend in part on whether this constraint can be loosened. Promoting reconstruction of the relevant Armenian rail segment would be an ideal contribution for the European Union, but Brussels has shown little interest in the prospect. Kazakhstan’s moves do not prove that the Armenian route will work. They do confirm that Astana is now treating Armenia as a route worth testing.

Europe also has a western opening through Georgia’s Black Sea interface; yet that opening, too, has drawn limited European attention. A 2023 World Bank study pointed toward Georgia’s two commercial ports, Poti and Batumi, distinguishing them from the marine oil terminals at Supsa and Kulevi. The point is sharper because the EU’s November 2025 Georgia report notes that Georgia’s investment agreement with a Chinese consortium for the development of a new deep-water port at Anaklia has been stalled for several years. Georgia’s wider port system is another potential western outlet for Caspian and Central Asian trade.

Kazakhstan’s testing of the Armenian route exposes the larger problem. The Middle Corridor is not yet a fully diversified system of reliable branches; its western options are developing unevenly. Kazakhstan is moving where practical openings appear. It has already moved through Baku and Tbilisi, where the route works. It is now looking toward Yerevan, where TRIPP may add a second branch, while rail governance and outside support still lag behind the route idea.

Dr. Robert M. Cutler

Photo Exclusive: Cathedral, Church Demolished In Nagorno-Karabakh

Malaysia Sun
April 27 2026

Photo Exclusive: Cathedral, Church Demolished In Nagorno-Karabakh

The cathedral of the largest city in Azerbaijan’s Nagorno-Karabakh region has been demolished, RFE/RL can confirm through satellite imagery made on April 26.

Reports that the Holy Mother of God Cathedral in Khankendi had been destroyed emerged in Armenian media in mid-April, but no clear recent imagery showing the site was available until now.

A combination image showing The Holy Mother of God Cathedral in late 2025 (top) and the same site on April 26.

Construction of the cathedral in Khankendi — a city known by Armenians as Stepanakert — began in 2006, and the site was consecrated in 2019.

As well as serving as the city’s main site of worship, its basement wasrepurposed as a bomb shelterduring the conflicts with Azerbaijani forces that broke out in the 2020s.

The Holy Mother of God Cathedral in September 2023

Along with the cathedral, imagery sourced by RFE/RL confirms the Church of St. Jacob, another major Christian site in the city, has also been erased in recent weeks.

The Church of St. Jacob, in the north of Khankendi photographed before Azerbaijan retook the Nagorno-Karabakh region. (Photo courtesy of monumentwatch.org)

The Church of St. Jacob was completed in 2007 andwas fundedby an Armenian-American philanthropist in memory of his deceased son.

The Church of St. Jacob in the north of Khankendi seen in late 2025 (top) and the same site on April 26.

Armenia’s Orthodox church authorities on April 23accusedAzerbaijan of “deliberately target[ing] Armenian Christian holy sites, seeking to erase the Armenian presence,” from Nagorno-Karabakh. The church alleged cross stones in the grounds surrounding the demolished Church of St. Jacob have also been destroyed.

Elnare Akimova, a member of Azerbaijan’s parliament, told RFE/RL’s Azerbaijani service on April 22 that claims of the churches’ destruction are “a provocation by revanchist forces” to harm Baku’s image.

Akimova further claimed that her country “has preserved religious and historic monuments on its territories as a state policy. It has never had any intention to destroy any religious heritage.”

The cupola of the Holy Mother of God Cathedral seen in 2018 (left) and a framegrab from an April 2026 video made from the same location.

On April 24, RFE/RL spoke to a staff member at a hotel located a few meters from the cathedral. The man initially told RFE/RL by telephone he did not have any information about the status of the cathedral, then said that “everything around the hotel is present” before claiming the cathedral was still in place.

Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry did not respond to a request for comment for this story.

A social media post (above) from early February shows a construction-type fence surrounding the cathedral. It is believed the building was demolished by early April.

More than 100,000 ethnic Armenians fled Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding territories amid a series of military offensives launched by Baku that culminated in Azerbaijan’s full recapture of Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023.

The military campaigns followed decades of de-facto ethnic Armenian control of the territory and surrounding areas following the First Nagorno-Karabakh War.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian (center) lays flowers at the Armenian Genocide Memorial in Yerevan on April 24.

The reports of the latest Christian sites destroyed in Nagorno-Karabakh have sparked controversy ahead of Armenia’s upcoming parliamentary elections as critics accuse Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian of failing to address the issue. Pashiniantold reportershis government is working to get complete information on the matter but called for “prudence” in such cases.

“I do not think that, taking into account our previous experience, we will make this a subject of international discussions at the state level,” he said.

Photo Exclusive: Cathedral, Church Demolished In Nagorno-Karabakh

Armenia’s June 7 election already being stolen: World’s oldest Christian nati

Washington Times
April 27 2026

World’s oldest Christian nation is under attack by prime minister

 Monday, April 27, 2026

In a recent moment that passed with remarkably little notice in the West, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan acknowledged something extraordinary. The loss of Nagorno-Karabakh — the 2020-2023 military defeat that cost Armenia its principal strategic buffer and ultimately drove 120,000 ethnic Christian Armenians from their ancestral homeland — was, in his words, “a calculated sacrifice to preserve Armenia’s independence.”

Those of us who have spent years documenting what actually happened understand the acknowledgment differently. It is a confession.

Under the Armenian Constitution, deliberately surrendering sovereign territory and engineering a military defeat constitute acts of treason. Mr. Pashinyan knows this. It explains more clearly than any opinion poll what is at stake in Armenia’s parliamentary elections, scheduled for June 7.

This is not a normal election. For Mr. Pashinyan, it is a matter of personal survival.

A leader with an 8% approval rating, one of the lowest of any head of government in the world, does not win free and fair elections. He either loses and faces accountability or ensures that the elections are not free and fair.

Everything that has happened in Armenia over the past year points unambiguously toward the second path.

The blueprint is visible, and its components are already in place. Samvel Karapetyan, Armenia’s leading opposition businessman and a principal financial supporter of the Armenian Apostolic Church, a major target for Mr. Pashinyan’s malicious attacks, was arrested in June 2025 and charged with public calls to seize power illegally.

Just this month, just weeks before the election, his house arrest was extended by three months. This ensures that he cannot campaign in person.

The prior decision to detain Mr. Karapetyan was published on a website owned by the Pashinyan family just a day before the court formally issued it, vividly illustrating the Pashinyan government’s stranglehold on the judiciary.

Varuzhan Avetisyan — the leader of the National Democratic Alliance, Armenia’s largest pro-Western, center-right opposition party — has been imprisoned since May 2023 on politically motivated charges.

Then there is the language. From the podium of the National Assembly, Armenia’s parliament, Mr. Pashinyan declared that voters who choose opposition parties are “dogs and jackals.” He confronted a refugee mother from Nagorno-Karabakh in the Yerevan subway and called her and her child “deserters.”

Finally, Mr. Pashinyan threatens his own people with a new war, another Azerbaijani invasion, if he is not elected. A prominent human rights defender, Nina Karapetyants, has described this as a “hybrid war” against her own people.

Transparency International’s Anti-Corruption Center has documented the pattern, citing “widespread abuse of administrative resources” and warning that conditions for free and fair elections in Armenia do not exist.

Mr. Pashinyan’s ruling party has gone further still. Under an emergency procedure allowing adoption within 24 hours, it recently pushed through electoral code amendments, including giving authorities sweeping new powers to disqualify election observers.

The European Union has compounded the problem. Its $14 million package to “counter disinformation” ahead of June 7, combined with a “Hybrid Rapid Response Team” formally tasked with advising the office of the Armenian prime minister, amounts to handing Mr. Pashinyan a legitimacy stamp and institutional resources at precisely the moment he needs them most.

Armenia’s opposition has warned that this EU support risks providing a “green light” for election manipulation. The Trump administration, conspicuously silent since Vice President J.D. Vance’s February visit to Armenia, is equally inadequate.

The stakes extend well beyond Armenia’s borders. Washington is focused on Iran, and Armenia is directly relevant. A stolen election that helps keep in power an unreliable partner such as Mr. Pashinyan — who visits Russian leader Vladimir Putin regularly and signed a strategic partnership with China days after leaving a White House meeting last year — would put any regional projects with Washington at serious risk.

Three things must happen before June 7. First, the U.S. and EU must jointly deploy election monitors. Second, they must begin building direct ties with pro-Western opposition parties. Finally, they must make clear that imprisoning political opponents and assaulting the Armenian church will not be tolerated.

Mr. Pashinyan is counting on the international community to look the other way. He has done it before. The people of Armenia, who have paid an extraordinary price for the world’s inattention, deserve better this time. So do the Armenian Americans who will be voting in November, when the community’s verdict on this administration’s Armenia record will matter.

• David A. Grigorian is a research fellow at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government and a 22-year veteran of the International Monetary Fund.

https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2026/apr/27/armenias-june-7-election-already-stolen/


Ruling Party in Armenia Releases Anti-Church Platform

April 27 2026

Ruling Party in Armenia Releases Anti-Church Platform 

April 27, 2026 | Armenia

Ahead of the June elections, Armenia’s ruling Civil Contract Party has published a political platform that calls for the removal of the Catholicos of All Armenians and outlines a politically led roadmap for restructuring the Armenian Apostolic Church.  

This unprecedented move, critics say, represents a direct violation of the country’s constitution and a dramatic escalation in state interference in religious affairs. 

The program, released ahead of upcoming elections, lists as its 10th political objective the removal of the “de facto head” of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church, a reference to Catholicos Karekin II. Notably, the document avoids using his ecclesiastical title, instead referring to him in diminished terms that observers say reflect a broader effort to undermine both the office and the institution. 

Beyond leadership change, the party platform proposes a series of sweeping church reforms, including the appointment of a Catholicos Locum Tenens, the drafting of a new church charter, and the eventual election of a new Catholicos under revised structures. The proposed charter would introduce mechanisms for financial oversight and clerical discipline — areas traditionally governed internally by the church. 

Legal experts and religious freedom advocates warn that such proposals constitute direct political interference in a religious body’s internal governance. Armenia’s constitution both recognizes the Armenian Apostolic Church’s unique role in national life and enshrines the principle of separation between church and state. 

This dual framework is further reinforced by the 2007 law on church-state relations, which explicitly recognizes the church’s right to self-governance. Critics argue that any attempt by a political party to predetermine leadership changes or impose structural reforms violates these protections. 

Recent History of Tensions 

The development marks the latest flashpoint in an ongoing conflict between Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s government and the Armenian Apostolic Church. During the past year, tensions have escalated significantly, with the government becoming increasingly hostile in its efforts to curtail the church’s independence.  

Earlier this year, Armenian prosecutors opened a criminal case against Catholicos Karekin II. In addition to the criminal charges, the Catholicos was also banned from traveling abroad, according to lawyer Ara Zohrabyan. The timing of the ban coincides with a major assembly of Armenian bishops scheduled to meet in Austria that week and prevented the Catholicos from attending despite his ecclesiastical role as head of the Apostolic Church. 

For many Armenians, the stakes extend beyond legal concerns. More than 90% of the population identifies with the Armenian Apostolic Church, which has long served as a cornerstone of national identity, particularly through periods of foreign domination and genocide. 

Historically, attempts to exert political control over the church have been associated with external powers, including the Soviet authorities, which sought to limit religious influence. Critics warn that the current proposals echo those earlier efforts, raising alarm about the future of religious freedom in the country. 

Perhaps most concerning, analysts note, is the way the policy is embedded within a broader electoral platform. Because the church-related measures are only one part of a wide-ranging political agenda addressing economic and social issues, voters may not fully register their implications. 

If the ruling party secures an electoral victory, it could later claim a public mandate to implement the proposed changes, including intervention in church governance — despite the absence of explicit public debate on the issue. 

As Armenia approaches its next election, the inclusion of such measures signals a potentially transformative moment for the country’s democratic institutions and its historic church — one that could redefine the boundaries between political authority and religious autonomy. 

https://persecution.org/2026/04/27/ruling-party-in-armenia-releases-anti-church-platform/

Armenian illumination from manuscripts to Glendale murals

FOX 11 Los Angeles
April 27 2026

In Glendale, art can meet you at the curb. It can wrap a utility box in color. It can turn a crosswalk into pattern and memory. It can rise across a church wall in saints, scripture and gold. 

For artist Arpine Shakhbandaryan, those public works grow from a much older source, the Armenian tradition of illuminated manuscripts, a form she has spent years studying, practicing and translating into the life of a modern city.

Her path began with encouragement at Glendale High School, where a teacher saw her ability early. “She actually told me that I had a talent for art,” Shakhbandaryan says. That push led her to private lessons in Glendale at the Atanian Art Center, where another decisive moment followed. 

“He introduced me to the Armenian illuminated manuscript art,” she says of artist and teacher Vladimir Atanian. “He gave me my first gold leaf. And that’s where I created one of my well-known pieces, which is Saint Etchmiadzin. So, it really started from there.”

The art form she embraced reaches back centuries. Armenian illuminated manuscripts date to the fifth century, the Golden Age of Armenian literature, when artists created miniature illustrations, decorated initials and ornate borders around Gospel texts and other works. 

Shakhbandaryan has drawn that language into the present through paintings, commissions, calligraphy and public art. Her work includes trchnakir, or bird letters, a traditional Armenian style in which letters take the shape of birds.

She describes the process with the care of someone who knows every step by touch. “To illuminate is to adorn with gold leaf,” she says. “The work starts first with the pencil drawing. Then I apply special leaf glue with a paintbrush to the areas that will be golden. Then comes the process called gilding, applying the thin sheet of foil to the surface. This must be done carefully and gently.” After the gold leaf is applied, the excess is brushed away, leaving the luminous surface that gives the work its glow. Then the rest of the painting takes shape in watercolor.

For Shakhbandaryan, illumination carries spiritual weight as well as beauty. Much of her work reflects Armenian history, churches, the Armenian alphabet and the homeland itself. “My faith is the foundation of my work,” she says. “My art is a gift and blessing from God. Through my work, I want others to see the beauty and love He is creating all around us.”

She first painted in this style at 18, choosing the Armenian alphabet for her first illumination. “I asked Professor Atanian how to do the gold technique,” she says. “When he gave me the glue, gold, and a very fine brush, I felt privileged and honored.” She later studied books on Armenian manuscripts from the seventh through 12th centuries and visited museums in Los Angeles to study illuminations in person.

Her formal education widened her range. At the University of Southern California, she worked in oil, acrylic and other media, and later earned a degree in biology with a minor in fine arts before continuing into graduate study in public health. Still, she kept returning to illuminated manuscript art. 

“I did do oil, acrylic, and other forms of art in college,” she says. “I went to USC and I was able to experiment with different forms, but my passion and the one that I continue to refine and continue to work on is the illuminated manuscript style.” She adds, “I am drawn to the detail. The letters initially, the alphabet letters, you can manipulate them in many ways.”

That sense of movement and possibility helps explain why the form travels so naturally through her public work.

Over the past two decades, Shakhbandaryan has contributed to eight public art projects, seven of them in Glendale, including a large mural, five utility box designs and a creative crosswalk installation. The city’s arts and public works programs created openings for artists to turn everyday surfaces into shared visual space. Shakhbandaryan says that work matters because it reaches people where they live. 

“It’s bringing people together and bringing different art forms together,” she says. “That’s why I really love applying for those public artworks.”

She still remembers the excitement when Glendale first opened the utility box program. “They told me we’re going to celebrate the city of Glendale, and we’re going to let you paint the utility boxes; and you can do whatever you want as long as it’s celebrating the city of Glendale,” she says. That invitation helped place her work in corners of the city where residents pass it on errands, on walks and on the way home.

One of her best-known pieces, “Glendale in Bloom,” turns a utility box into a bouquet built from civic symbols and sister city ties. The design includes the Glendale hibiscus, the California poppy and the American rose, alongside the forget me not of Armenia, the Bayahibe rose of the Dominican Republic, the cherry blossom of Japan, the dahlia of Mexico, the jasmine of the Philippines and the hibiscus of South Korea. Jacaranda branches and peacocks tie the piece back to Glendale. 

Shakhbandaryan describes the work almost as if she is arranging the bouquet in real time: “All of these flowers are coming together in this bouquet. And there’s the jacaranda branches, which is the official City of Glendale tree, and the peacocks are sitting on the branches, and it’s just wrapping around the utility box.”

Another public piece reaches deeper into her own family history. Her “Jewel City Rug” crosswalk on West Broadway draws from Armenian rug design and from an heirloom woven by her grandmother nearly a century ago. 

“I love rugs,” she says. “It’s very an ancient form of not only for homes as a functional item, but it also tells stories. Rugs were used to weave community stories.” 

She connects that tradition directly to her family. “My grandmother, Aghafni Shakwandarian, she wove a rug. So now being 100 years ago, that I have. It’s an heirloom that my father passed on to me. And I wanted to kind of tell the story of Glendale in that form. I wanted it to be art. I wanted two symbols to be geometric. But I also wanted the rug feeling to come through.”

That impulse, to place inherited memory in public view, also shapes her largest work. At St. Peter Armenian Church and Youth Ministries Center, she completed a mural of roughly 1,000 square feet that took months of sustained labor. 

The mural includes St. Peter with his keys, Saints Hripsime and Gayane, the cathedral of St. Gayane, angels, the Holy Spirit as a dove, Jesus walking with an Armenian family, and the tree of life and knowledge rendered in illuminated manuscript style. 

“The mural represents the story of love,” she says. “Jesus taught love to his disciples. That message passed through St. Peter, then to St. Hripsime and St. Gayane, and ultimately to the Armenian people.”

She speaks about the labor in plain terms. “I worked on it for six months, for day and night,” she says. “Probably I would say six days out of the week, I took a break on Sunday service. And it was completed.”

Throughout her work, Shakhbandaryan returns to the same idea: joy shared in public becomes a form of connection. “If it brings them joy, when the artwork brings them joy, they celebrate together,” she says. “And that’s part of being together.”

In Glendale, that feeling lives on walls, sidewalks and street corners. Ancient Armenian forms move through a modern city. Gold leaf still catches the light. And Shakhbandaryan’s work gives that light a place to land.

Armenian National Philharmonic Orchestra To Perform 14 Concerts Across Five Ma

A1+, Armenia
April 27 2026

Armenian National Philharmonic Orchestra To Perform 14 Concerts Across Five Major European Cultural Centers

As part of the celebrations marking the 35th Anniversary of the Independence of the Republic of Armenia, the Armenian National Philharmonic Orchestra (ANPO) will perform 14 concerts across five major European cultural centres from April 27 to May 16 (2026). The tour is supported by the Ministry of Education, Science, Culture, and Sport of the RA and includes prestigious concert halls in Italy, Germany, Switzerland, Austria, and Spain.

This tour is a testament to the high reputation and demand for Armenia’s century-old orchestra within the European musical and cultural landscape.

The orchestra will be joined by an exceptional array of world-class soloists, including one of the greatest violinists of our time Augustin Dumay, the world-renowned Armenian violinist Sergey Khachatryan, rising star pianist Eva Gevorgyan and acclaimed Italian cellist Ettore Pagano. 

The conducting staff is equally formidable, featuring Eduard Topchjan (Armenia), Pier Carlo Orizio (Italy), and Benjamin Zwick (Switzerland).

The concert programs feature substantial masterpieces of classical music—a “professional examination” of sorts that will once again demonstrate the ANPO’s high performance standards and competitiveness alongside Europe’s prestigious orchestras. The repertoire includes: Dmitri Shostakovich’s Symphony No. 10, Gustav Mahler’s Symphony No. 1 (“Titan”), Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart’s Violin Concerto No. 3, Max Bruch’s Violin Concerto No. 1, Johannes Brahms’s Violin Concerto, Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky’s Piano Concerto No. 1, Antonín Dvořák’s Cello Concerto and Excerpts from Aram Khachaturian’s ballets “Spartacus” and “Gayane”.

This tour will further solidify Armenia’s cultural presence on the most prestigious stages of Europe.

Armenpress: Pashinyan voices solidarity with Trump after ‘disturbing shooting

U. S.15:12, 26 April 2026
Read the article in: العربيةFrançaisՀայերենRussian

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan condemned the disturbing shooting incident in Washington and expressed relief that U.S. President Donald Trump and other top American officials were unharmed after the attack at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner.

In a statement on X, Pashinyan said that violence has no place in democratic societies.

“Glad to hear President Donald Trump & First Lady, the Vice President & other attendees are safe & strong after disturbing shooting incident at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. Violence has no place in our democratic societies. Wishing POTUS continued well-being amid today’s challenges,” Pashinyan said on X.

U.S. President Donald Trump, First Lady Melania Trump, Vice President J.D. Vance, and other senior officials were rushed out of the White House Correspondents’ Association dinner in Washington by Secret Service agents on Saturday night after a man opened fire on security personnel nearby.

The man fired a shotgun at a Secret Service agent at a ‌checkpoint in the Washington Hilton hotel before being tackled and arrested, Reuters reported. 

Trump told reporters at a briefing at the White House later that the officer was saved by his bulletproof vest and was in “good shape.”

It was not immediately clear whether Trump was the target of the attack, though he told reporters he believed that he was. The U.S. president has survived two previous attempts on his life since 2024.

A law enforcement official identified the suspect as Cole Tomas Allen, a California resident about 31 years old, Reuters reported.

The ⁠suspect was armed with a shotgun, a handgun and multiple knives. He was taken to a local hospital to be evaluated but it was too soon to say what his motivation was, Reuters reported citing law enforcement officials. 

Based on preliminary information, he was believed to have been a guest at the hotel.

Published by Armenpress, original at 

168: 4.3 billion dollars in 1 day. Prisoners of debt

April 26, 2026

They praise that they have greatly increased the tax revenues of the budget in recent years. Recently, during the presentation of last year’s report of the government’s five-year plan of activity in the National Assembly, Nikol Pashinyan proudly declared that the tax revenues of the state budget in 2025 will be 2.3 times more than the figure of 2017. We collected 1 trillion 648 billion drams or 4.3 billion dollars more in taxes.

Very good, but if that is the case, where does the money go that the government borrows more than half a billion dollars in 1 day?

4.3 billion is a big amount for Armenia. But in many cases, it is not known where the money goes, what it is spent on, and even more, what is given to the citizen.

If the budget revenues have increased so much, why are they not implementing the programs that are implemented with loans and putting the country under such a disproportionately high financial burden? They managed to more than double the state debt in almost 4 times shorter time. They increased by around 8 billion dollars, but they are not satisfied with that either. They continue to take loans at a high pace and in large quantities.

Read also

  • A power oligarch will monopolize the market
  • Imagine if tomorrow Samvel Karapetyan goes to Hrazdan. Pashinyan knows, doesn’t he, what will happen. Ghazaryan
  • Nikol Pashinyan is afraid of Onik Gasparyan, and Onik Gasparyan is afraid of him. Gagik Hambaryan

The other day, with only 2 loan agreements in 1 day, the government decided to attract another large loan funds.

One of the agreements is with the Asian Development Bank, the other is with the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. They are going to take a loan of 293 million dollars from the Asian Development Bank, and 264.4 million dollars from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. In general, we are talking about more than 557 million dollars. With these 2 agreements alone, they borrow more than half a billion dollars.

With 293 million dollars from the Asian Development Bank, they plan to build so-called earthquake-resistant schools. We are talking about 50 schools.

This proves once again that even the school construction program, which is being speculated so much, is being done with loans. Nikol Pashinyan talks about increasing taxes by 4.3 billion dollars, but they take 293 million dollars in loans to build a school. And the characteristic thing is that sometimes these loans are no different from commercial loans.

264.4 million of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development was taken to solve the problem of housing security for the people of Artsakh. In the justification of the agreement, they wrote that they plan to provide long-term housing solutions for around 109,000 refugees within the framework of the money.

Not even a forced emigrant, a “refugee”.

We are talking about a loan, but they present it in such a way that it gives the impression that we are dealing with a grant. It is true that there is a grant component in this loan, but it is only a small part of the amount.

Out of 264.4 million dollars, 240 million is the loan, only 24.4 million is the grant.

The government takes this money in order to implement the program of providing housing for displaced and dispossessed Artsakh citizens. And again the same question arises, why with loans, if the budget revenues increased by 4.3 billion dollars? They could allocate 264.4 million dollars out of that 4.3 billion and solve the problem of housing security for the people of Artsakh.

Especially since they plan to implement this program not all at once, in one year, but over the course of years.

At that time, when the tax revenues of the state budget had not yet managed to increase by 4.3 billion dollars, as Nikol Pashinyan says, and they had not yet destroyed Artsakh, Armenia annually provided up to 130-140 billion drams of aid to Artsakh in the form of an interest-free loan. There is no longer a need for such assistance, because Artsakh does not exist either, and these funds remain in the budget.

Why doesn’t the government implement the housing provision program for Artsakh residents at the expense of the money provided to Artsakh on time, and it takes a loan of 264.4 million dollars for it?

They could settle comfortably within that amount and there would be no need for a loan.

After all, we are talking about a much bigger amount than the loan of 264.4 million dollars. If we turn the financial assistance provided to Artsakh in the form of an interest-free loan into foreign currency, at least 350 million dollars will be obtained annually. It is a much larger amount than the loan involved.

But instead, the government has decided that it will solve the housing security problem of Artsakh citizens with loans. Thus, they will have another opportunity to justify their extraordinary policy of burying the state in debt. Recently, we see how they are trying to “write off” the state debts accumulated by billions by purchasing weapons.

In addition, they will leave the people of Artsakh “in debt”. Especially for this purpose, they are announcing this loan agreement now, in order to woo them on the eve of the elections.

Before that, as is known, they decided to increase the benefits of the housing program for some categories. For two years, people have been complaining that it is not possible to buy an apartment both in Yerevan and outside of Yerevan with the money offered by the government, the apartments are much more expensive than the allocated money, but no one listened. At that time, the breath of elections was not yet felt, there was no problem of wooing the people of Artsakh.

The elections came closer, and the people of Artsakh were also remembered.

HAKOB KOCHARYAN