Asbarez: Catholicos Aram I Thanks Pan-Armenian Council for Lebanon Relief Efforts

December 16,  2020



Pan-Armenian Council of Western United States

There is no doubt that 2020 was a year of unprecedented losses and devastation for the Armenian People. While various Armenian communities in the Middle East faced severe security and socio-economic challenges, the Artsakh war and the invaluable loss of human lives and territory it caused, added a dark page to our history. Today, as the whole Armenian reality is in turmoil, one thing which is clear is that as a nation we will collectively make every effort to find ways to reorganize ourselves, lift our spirits, and to strive for a brighter future for Armenia and the Armenian nation.

Letter of gratitude from Aram I, Catholicos of the Great House of Cilicia

The Pan-Armenian Council of Western America hereby concludes its current year of operation, leaving behind its list of efforts and events planned and executed on the consensual basis, including the massive march during the days of the Artsakh war, and a fundraising campaign aimed at alleviating the needs of the Lebanese-Armenian community.

As members of our community are aware, days after the historic explosion in Lebanon and in an effort to assist our brethren in that country, the Pan-Armenian Council of the Western United States initiated a fundraising campaign which culminated in a telethon on August 30, 2020, which raised a total of $1,378,255 dollars. Four months after months after the end of the campaign, the Pan-Armenian Council of the Western United States would like to offer its final accounting. An actual 97.7% of pledges having been collected, and all of telethon expenses having been satisfied (a total of 3.2% of collected funds), we hereby announce that a total of $1,300,000.00 has been transferred in four installments, funds which have already been received by the Lebanese-Armenian Recovery Committee.

Attesting to the receipt of the funds, and with his word of commendation, His Holiness Catholicos Aram I has issued a letter which we submit attached.

Once again, we would like to take this opportunity to express our heartfelt appreciation to all the donors, and to all the volunteers who assisted us in our humanitarian relief campaign.

It is our wish that the coming year and the ones following it will be brighter and more successful for our nation and our homeland than the current one. In this vein, the Council reaffirms its collective commitment to continue its efforts and activities according to its mission statement, and in the name of our national wellbeing.

PAN ARMENIAN COUNCIL OF THE WESTERN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Armenian Assembly of America
Armenian Bar Association
Armenian Catholic Eparchy of Our Lady of Nareg of North America
Armenian Democratic Liberal Party, Western District
Armenian General Benevolent Union, Western District
Armenian Evangelical Union of North America
Armenian Missionary Association of America
Armenian National Committee of America, Western Region
Armenian Relief Society of Western USA
Armenian Revolutionary Federation of Western USA
Armenian Society of Los Angeles
Armenian Youth Association of California
Armenian Youth Federation of Western USA
Hamazkayin Armenian Educational and Cultural Society of the Western USA
Homenetmen Western USA
Iraqi Armenian Family Association of Los Angeles
Kessab Educational Association
Organization of Istanbul Armenians
Service Employees International Union Local 721 – Armenian Caucus
Southern California Armenian Democrats
Tekeyan Cultural Association
Unified Young Armenians
Western Diocese of the Armenian Church of North America
Western Prelacy of the Armenian Apostolic Church of America




Azerbaijan: Attack on Church Possible War Crime

Human Rights Watch


Investigate and Hold Those Responsible to Account

Dec. 16, 2020

[Photo: Ghazanchetsots Cathedral, built in the 19th century and an
important building for the Armenian Aposotlic Church, after it was
struck twice in the afternoon on October 8. Damage to the roof south
of the main dome can be seen as well as debris on the church grounds.]

Azerbaijani forces attacked a church in the city of Shushi on October
8, 2020 during the Nagorno-Karabakh hostilities, in what appears to be
a deliberate targeting in violation of the laws of war, Human Rights
Watch said today.

Two separate attacks, hours apart, on the Ghazanchetsots Cathedral on
October 8 in the town of Shushi, also known as Shusha, suggest that
the church, a civilian object with cultural significance, was an
intentional target despite the absence of evidence that it was used
for military purposes. Weapon remnants Human Rights Watch collected at
the site corroborate the use of guided munitions. President Ilham
Aliyev said that the church could have been targeted only by mistake
and was “not among military targets.” The attacks took place while
Armenian forces still controlled the city. Azerbaijani forces regained
control of the city on November 8, having lost it in hostilities in
1992.

“The two strikes on the church, the second one while journalists and
other civilians had gathered at the site, appear to be deliberate,”
said Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights
Watch. “These attacks should be impartially investigated and those
responsible held to account.”

On September 27, Azerbaijan began air and ground attacks across
Nagorno-Karabakh, an escalation in the conflict between Azerbaijan and
Armenia and the local authorities in Nagorno-Karabakh. Fighting
continued until November 10, when Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia
concluded an agreement to end the hostilities.

Shushi is approximately 10 kilometers from Nagorno-Karabakh’s largest
city, Stepanakert. Several attacks on Shushi were reported in the
first days of fighting. By early October, many of its residents had
fled, though some civilians remained, including men, women, and
children.

The Cathedral, constructed in the 19th century and an important
building for the Armenian church, was attacked twice in the afternoon
on October 8. No one was injured or killed in the first strike as the
civilians in the church at the time were sheltering in its basement,
but three journalists for Russian outlets were injured in the second
strike. Reports of the first attack were posted on social media
channels beginning around 12:30 p.m.

Human Rights Watch spoke to four civilians who were at the church or
in its immediate vicinity during one or both attacks, including two
injured in the second attack.

Human Rights Watch visited the church on October 13 and spoke to two
witnesses. Nune Shahramanyan, 46, who lives across the street, said
that she and her children and some neighbors had been sheltering in
the church basement since September 27.

“I had just gone to buy bread for my family … [who] were in the
[church] basement,” she said. “And when I heard that sound [of the
explosion] I saw … the debris and [heard] sirens starting. And I saw
[three] planes. Then I ran back….I saw that my children were safe and
I was relieved…. There was so much debris and stones falling.”

She said that seven or eight people were in the church basement at the
time of the attack, all civilians. She said she did not see anyone
else outside the church at that time.

Vova Zakaryan, 71, said he had just entered the basement just before
it was struck: “I just hugged the… children and told them that they
don't need to panic.” Zakaryan said that people had been coming to
pray and light candles in the church since September 27, but that only
he, the children, and some neighbors were in the basement during the
first attack. Zakaryan said no one had been guarding the church since
the beginning of the hostilities.

Shortly after the first attack, journalists began arriving at the
church grounds. Numerous photos and videos of the damaged exterior and
interior were posted online.

Damage to the ceiling of Ghazanchetsots Cathedral

[Photo: Damage to the ceiling of Ghazanchetsots Cathedral south of the
main dome following the first strike in the afternoon of October 8.]


The damage included a hole approximately one-meter wide in the church
ceiling, just south of the main dome. Debris from the blast could also
be observed on the church grounds. In photos circulated at that time
on social media, remnants from a weapon can be seen, consistent with a
munition capable of being accurately directed at a specific target,
including components that support the movement of other pieces, such
as fins or wings, consistent with a device that has a terminal
guidance system.

Yuri Kotenok, a journalist who arrived in the afternoon, said he
didn’t see any military equipment or personnel.

Around 5 p.m., the church was attacked again. Kotenok, Levon, Arzanov,
and Vahram – who asked that his real name not be used –, all
journalists, were inside during the strike.

Vahram said that no one else was in the church at the time and that
they were headed toward the exit when the strike hit:

    “At that moment there was a blast, a powerful one, we all were
scattered... [T]here was total darkness… then the dust started to
settle. I was near Yuri. We tried to take him from underneath the
rubble; I could not. I got out to the street…[M]y hand was torn, and I
had injuries on my back and on my head.”

Damage to the southern portion of Ghazanchetsots Cathedral roof

[Photo: Damage to the southern portion of Ghazanchetsots Cathedral
roof following both strikes on October 8. The fragmentation pattern on
the walls of the church below the roof, which appear only after the
second attack, suggests the weapon used likely was equipped with a
time-delayed fuze.]

Kotenok also described the moment of the attack: “I heard an awful
crack and then it was hell and my friend was knocked down and flew.
There was shouting and blood and he was trying to ask if I'm alive and
I was trying to articulate that I was, but I was under stones and
wood.”

Kotenok said he was carried out of the church and transported to the
hospital in Stepanakert for surgery, then airlifted to Yerevan.

Damage to the southern portion of Ghazanchetsots Cathedral roof

[Photo: Damage to the southern portion of Ghazanchetsots Cathedral
roof and debris on the church floor following two attacks on October
8. The fragmentation pattern on the walls of the church below the
roof, which only appear after the second strike, suggests the weapon
used likely was equipped with a delayed fuze.]

In addition to injuries from fragments to his head, neck, abdomen,
arms, and left foot, Kotenok said he had lung damage and a concussion.
Seven days after the attack, he said he had bad headaches and hearing
difficulties.

In addition to Vahram and Kotenok, Levon was also injured and treated
in a hospital in Shushi.

A Human Rights Watch researcher examined the damage to the church and
collected remnants from munitions. Human Rights Watch was not able to
identify the munitions used in each attack but found remnants
consistent with munitions capable of being accurately directed at a
specific target and making corrections to its flightpath after
release. Some of the remnants Human Rights Watch found and documented
matched those circulated on social media following the first attack.
However, photos of other remnants do not appear to have been posted
elsewhere. No remnants found match any publicly documented
air-to-ground weapons.

The Azerbaijani government has denied intentionally striking the
church, instead asserting without evidence that the church was
attacked by Armenian forces as a “provocation” or that it may have
been mistakenly struck by Azerbaijani artillery.

However, multiple factors indicate that both attacks were directed at
the church. The remnants found indicate that the weapons used were
capable of being directed at a specific target. The two strikes struck
the same part of the church roof, with no more than two meters
difference between the point of impact. This substantially reduces the
possibility that less precise weapons were used, given their inability
to achieve such a high degree of accuracy over two strikes.
Additionally, Human Rights Watch is not aware of any additional
reports of strikes in Shushi around the church at the time of these
attacks, suggesting that each attack was a single strike.

International humanitarian law, also known as the laws of war,
requires warring parties to distinguish between civilian objects and
military objectives at all times. Attacks directed at civilian objects
that are not used to commit hostile acts or are otherwise not military
objectives are prohibited and may constitute a war crime. Warring
parties are also required to respect cultural property and special
care must be taken to avoid damage to buildings dedicated to religion
and historic monuments. They must not be attacked unless imperatively
required by military necessity.

Serious violations of the laws of war committed with criminal intent –
deliberately or recklessly – are war crimes. Governments have a duty
to investigate allegations of war crimes by members of their armed
forces or forces on their territory and to fairly prosecute those
found responsible.

On October 15, President Aliyev said that Azerbaijan would need to
investigate the attack. On November 9, BBC published an interview with
Aliyev, who said in response to a question about the result of the
investigation: “In order to investigate it, we have to be there to
investigate.”

“It has been over a month since Azerbaijan has retaken control of
Shushi and the government needs to waste no time in investigating the
attacks and holding those responsible to account,” Williamson said.
“Attacks such as these serve no military purpose and all parties
should ensure these kinds of attacks are punished and otherwise
prevented.”


 

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 12/16/2020

                                        Wednesday, December 16, 2020

Armenian Opposition Calls For General Strike
December 16, 2020
        • Robert Zargarian

Armenia -- Opposition supporters demonstrate outside the main government 
building in Yerevan to demand Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian's resignation, 
December 12, 2020.

Armenian opposition groups campaigning for Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s 
resignation called for a general strike on December 22 during continuing 
anti-government protests in Yerevan on Wednesday.
“A nationwide strike and a boycott of university classes in Armenia is declared 
starting from 12 a.m. on Tuesday,” said Ishkhan Saghatelian, one of the leaders 
of a coalition of 16 opposition parties that launched the protests following 
Armenia’s defeat in the war with Azerbaijan.

“The whole country must be paralyzed so that this scarecrow resigns as soon as 
possible,” Saghatelian told opposition supporters that again marched through the 
city center.

He said that Tuesday will be “the most decisive day” of the opposition push to 
oust Pashinian and install an interim government tasked with holding fresh 
parliamentary elections within a year.

The opposition forces hold Pashinian responsible for the Armenian side’s defeat 
in the war and say he is not capable of confronting new security challenges 
facing Armenia. Their demands for his resignation and the formation of an 
interim government have been backed by President Armen Sarkissian, the Armenian 
Apostolic Church and prominent public figures in Armenia and its worldwide 
Diaspora.

Pashinian again rejected these demands when he spoke to RFE/RL’s Armenian 
Service on Wednesday. He reiterated that he still has a popular mandate to 
govern the country and that the opposition wants to “wrest power from the 
people.”



Court Revokes Arrest Warrant For Ex-President’s Son-In-Law
December 16, 2020

Armenia - Former Armenian Ambassador to the Vatican Mikael Minasian.

Armenia’s Court of Appeals again overturned on Wednesday a lower court’s 
decision to allow investigators to arrest Mikael Minasian, former President 
Serzh Sarkisian’s fugitive son-in-law prosecuted on corruption charges denied by 
him.

The State Revenue Committee (SRC) moved to arrest Minasian in April after 
charging him with illegal enrichment, false asset disclosure and money 
laundering. A Yerevan court of first instance allowed the arrest in May. The 
decision was overturned on appeal a month later, however.

The SRC responded by broadening the criminal charges leveled against Minasian. 
It said that he had also failed to declare his “de facto” ownership from 
2012-2018 of a 49 percent stake in Armenia’s largest food-exporting company.

A court judge approved the arrest warrant on September 22. According to one of 
Minasian’s lawyers, Mihran Poghosian, the Court of Appeals annulled that 
decision as well.

The lawyers maintain that their client is a victim of “political persecution” 
overseen by the Armenian government.

Minasian enjoyed considerable political and economic influence in Armenia when 
it was ruled by Sarkisian from 2008-2018. He is also thought to have developed 
extensive business interests in various sectors of the Armenian economy.

A vocal critic of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian, Minasian left Armenia shortly 
after he was dismissed as ambassador to the Vatican in late 2018. According to 
some media reports, the 42-year-old currently lives in Russia.



Baku Accused Of Continuing ‘Provocations’ In Karabakh
December 16, 2020
        • Nane Sahakian

NAGORNO-KARABAKH -- An Azeri military truck drives drives along a street in 
Hadrut town, November 25, 2020

Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenian-backed leadership accused Azerbaijan on Wednesday of 
continuing to violate a Russian-brokered ceasefire after dozens of Armenian 
soldiers were taken prisoner in Karabakh’s southwest.

Azerbaijani forces seized over the weekend the last two Armenian-controlled 
villages in the Hadrut district occupied by them during the recent war. Russian 
peacekeepers rushed to the mountainous area and reportedly stopped the fighting 
on Sunday.

Azerbaijani social media users posted late on Tuesday videos of Armenian 
soldiers captured by Azerbaijani army units apparently deployed in the area. 
Karabakh’s Armenian-backed army reported the following morning that it has lost 
communication with some of its troops stationed near Hin Tagher and Khtsaberd, 
the two occupied Hadrut villages.

“Unfortunately, several dozen of our servicemen were taken prisoner in the 
Khtsaberd direction and our defense ministry is now clarifying all circumstances 
of the incident,” the Karabakh president, Ara Harutiunian, said in a televised 
speech aired in the afternoon.

Harutiunian said that the Armenian side is already taking measures to ensure 
their “quick and safe return to the homeland.”

According to Artak Beglarian, Karabakh’s human rights ombudsman, about 60 
Armenian soldiers went missing in the Hadrut area.

“All relevant bodies of Artsakh and Armenia must take immediate steps to 
repatriate the POWs as soon as possible,” Beglarian wrote on Facebook

The Armenian Foreign Ministry has condemned the Azerbaijani attack on the two 
villages as a “blatant violation” of the ceasefire agreement that stopped the 
war on November 10.

Baku denied violating the ceasefire on Sunday. It said that the Azerbaijani army 
launched a “counterterrorist operation” after one of its soldiers was killed 
last week.

Harutiunian also accused Baku of resorting to armed “provocations” around three 
Armenian-populated villages located southwest of the Karabakh town of Shushi 
(Shusha), which was also captured by Azerbaijani forces during the war. 
According to local officials, Azerbaijani troops advanced towards the villages 
of Mets Shen, Hin Shen and Yeghtsahogh in recent days, forcing most of their 
residents to flee their homes.

“Karabakh army soldiers and Russian peacekeepers thwarted various provocations 
by Azerbaijani soldiers and last night drove them out of the vicinity of Hin 
Shen,” said the Karabakh leader.



Pashinian Coy About Snap Elections
December 16, 2020
        • Artak Hambardzumian

Armenia - Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian is interviewed by RFERL, Yerevan, 
December 16, 2020

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian said on Wednesday that he cannot single-handedly 
call fresh parliamentary elections in Armenia following the recent war in 
Nagorno-Karabakh.

In an interview with RFE/RL’s Armenian Service, Pashinian also said that he is 
not primarily to blame for the Armenian side’s defeat in the six-week war 
stopped by a Russian-brokered ceasefire on November 10.

The defeat sparked ongoing opposition protests and calls for his resignation and 
the formation of an interim government that would hold snap elections within a 
year. The prime minister has rejected those demands.

“The question is not whether or not the prime minister must resign,” Pashinian 
told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service. “The question is who decides who must be 
Armenia’s prime minister. The people must decide.”

“Pre-term elections cannot be held only by my will and decision. There has to be 
an agreement on that,” he added without elaborating.

Some representatives of Pashinian’s My Step bloc have indicated that the 
authorities are ready to discuss the possibility of such polls with the Armenian 
opposition. Most opposition groups want the ruling political team to hand over 
power to a transitional government.

A coalition of more than a dozen opposition parties plans to continue its street 
protests in Yerevan in a bid to force Pashinian to resign. It holds him 
responsible for Azerbaijan’s victory and says he is not capable of confronting 
new security challenges facing Armenia and Karabakh.

“I consider myself the number one person responsible [for the defeat] but I 
don’t consider myself the number one guilty person,” Pashinian said in this 
regard.

The embattled premier also dismissed critics’ claims that he precipitated the 
six-week war with a reckless policy on the Karabakh conflict.

“The only way to avoid the war was to give up [a peace deal on] Karabakh’s 
future status,” he said. “The situation reached a point where the war was 
inevitable. We analyzed [the situation] and found that it is possible not to be 
defeated, and if is possible not to be defeated we must not surrender.”


Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2020 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 


CivilNet: Dozens of Armenian Soldiers Missing in Karabakh’s South

CIVILNET.AM

01:36

The fate of 73 servicemen in Karabakh's southern Khtsaberd-Hin Tagher area continues to remain unknown, reports the Artsakh Defense Army, while denying rumors that the number is 171.

The exact number remains unclear.

On Tuesday evening, videos began circulating in Azerbaijani media, claiming to show dozens of captured Armenian servicemen. Following public anger and outcry, Armenia's Ministry of Defense demanded clarification from the Artsakh Defense Army.

"From the very first hours of the incident and with the support of Russian peacekeepers, urgent work is being done to find out the fate of our servicemen," reports the Karabakh Defense Ministry, adding that the head of the General Staff of Armenia's Armed Forces, Colonel-General Onik Gasparyan, has also arrived in Artsakh to investigate and to take necessary action.

Artsakh Human Right Ombudsman Artak Beglaryan said it was highly likely that roughly 60 servicemen have been captured.

Families of the missing soldiers blocked a main road in protest, demanding to know more details about the fate of their loved ones.

CivilNet: Aghavno, Karabakh: “We Will Stay Until Death”

CIVILNET.AM

07:51

Click CC for English. 

The Aghavno community, also known as Ariavan, is located in the beginning section of the Berdzor / Lachin corridor that connects Karabakh and Armenia.

Per the November 9 “end of war” agreement signed by the heads of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia, the Berdzor / Lachin region was handed over to Azerbaijan. However, since Aghavno is located in the vicinity of the corridor controlled by the Russian peacekeepers, the village was not handed over.

Now surrounded mostly by Azerbaijani forces, and protected by the Russian peacekeepers from a far distance, the Armenian residents of Aghavno have serious concerns about the state of their security. Nonetheless, they assure CIVILNET that they are not planning to leave and have taken the security of the village into their own hands. “We will not abandon our land. Let the entire world know,” they tell CIVILNET.

La sauvegarde du patrimoine de l’Arménie doit être une priorité

La Libre, Belgique
16 dec 2020

Opinions

Contribution externe

Publié le 16-12-20 à 11h39 – Mis à jour le 16-12-20 à 11h39

Lorsque nous sommes entrés en pleine guerre à Stepanakert, capitale du Haut-Karabakh, un mouchoir de terre dans le Caucase du Sud disputé entre l’Arménie et l’Azerbaïdjan, les signes de la bataille qui faisait rage étaient partout. Nous avons visité les maisons détruites de civils, des écoles bombardées et nous avons dû passer les nuits dans des abris antiaériens pour éviter les bombardements nocturnes des redoutables drones azerbaïdjanais.

Ces mêmes drones que nous avons retrouvés au front, en courant d’une tranchée à l’autre tout en gardant la tête baissée, nous devions respecter une distance de quelques mètres les uns des autres, non pas pour se plier à certaines règles imposées par le Covid-19, mais pour éviter de devenir la cible privilégiée des Bayraktar, ces drones de fabrication turque qui décimaient l’armée arménienne depuis le début du conflit.

Et le bourdonnement de ces drones était la seule chose plus terrifiante que le tonnerre de l’artillerie azerbaïdjanaise lui-même qui s’approchait de nos positions. D’ailleurs, même dans les véhicules qui nous emmenaient d’une ligne de front à l’autre, nous devions tendre l’oreille, la fenêtre toujours ouverte, afin d’être prêts à nous catapulter hors de la voiture au premier bourdonnement du drone ou de la sirène qui sonnait fatalement pour avertir toute la population d’un éventuel bombardement qui arrivait.

La guerre, qui a de nouveau éclaté le 27 septembre, a duré six semaines et a fait environ 5 000 morts et 8 000 blessés. Mais le conflit entre l’Arménie et l’Azerbaïdjan a des racines beaucoup plus lointaines et se poursuit depuis le début des années 1990, lorsque, à la suite de la dissolution de l’Union soviétique, les deux nouvelles républiques indépendantes se sont affrontées pour le contrôle d’un territoire qu’elles considèrent toutes deux comme le berceau de leur civilisation et qui, bien qu’habité principalement par des Arméniens, se trouvait de jure à l’intérieur des frontières de l’Azerbaïdjan.

Mais la fin de la guerre ne signifie pas le début de la paix. L’accord de paix voulu par Moscou et signé dans la nuit du 9 au 10 novembre est une véritable capitulation pour l’Arménie. Les Arméniens vont maintenant devoir laisser une grande partie de l’Artsakh, comme ils appellent le Haut-Karabakh, la région qui, au IVe siècle, est devenue le premier royaume chrétien de l’histoire. Ils devront surtout quitter Chouchi, une ville symbolique surnommée la Jérusalem arménienne, dont la cathédrale a été bombardée par les Azéris durant les premiers jours du conflit. Les soldats arméniens n’ont rien pu faire contre l’armée azerbaïdjanaise, les milliers de miliciens djihadistes soutenus par la Turquie et le soutien politique et militaire d’Ankara, le meilleur allié de Bakou. C’est d’ailleurs la Turquie qui a remporté une grande victoire géopolitique depuis l’accord de paix. En effet, celui-ci contient une clause, peu discutée par les médias, qui prévoit l’établissement d’un couloir entre l’Azerbaïdjan et l’enclave azerbaïdjanaise du Nakhitchevan à la frontière avec la Turquie, par lequel Erdogan obtient l’accès à la mer Caspienne et à ses ressources énergétiques en passant uniquement par l’Azerbaïdjan, son plus fidèle allié.

En ce moment même, les Arméniens du Haut-Karabakh, les femmes, les personnes âgées, les enfants font la queue dans leurs voitures. Ils s’enfuient en emportant avec eux avec tout ce qu’ils peuvent. Certains emportent même les cercueils de leurs proches, rapidement ficelés sur les toits de leur voiture. Ils ont perdu la guerre et ne veulent perdre rien d’autre. Les maisons sont brûlées par leurs propriétaires qui doivent les laisser derrière eux pour ne pas les offrir à l’ennemi.

Mais quitter ces terres signifie aussi abandonner les églises, les monastères, les basiliques chrétiennes. Cela signifie abandonner des lieux sacrés et symboliques tels que la cathédrale de Chouchi, symbole de l’Église apostolique arménienne, le monastère de Dadivank, dont la chapelle du Ier siècle a été construite par les pères du christianisme venus de Syrie. Cela signifie laisser derrière soi les vestiges de la ville forteresse de Tigranakert érigée au Ier siècle avant J.-C. pour défendre les frontières orientales ou le sanctuaire de Martuni d’où les moines du Ve siècle ont commencé à répandre l’alphabet arménien.

Mais aujourd’hui, ce patrimoine culturel est en danger. Comme le soulignent les historiens et les universitaires, après la conquête de la région du Nakhitchevan par l’Azerbaïdjan, une région démographiquement très peuplée, 89 églises et 10 000 croix de pierre, les fameuses khachkar, ont été détruites. Il ne reste aucune trace d’une présence arménienne millénaire dans cette région. Tout cela risque de se répéter à nouveau sur un territoire encore plus vaste. Malgré le déploiement des forces de maintien de la paix russes, il existe un risque réel que la présence physique et culturelle millénaire du Haut-Karabakh soit anéantie à jamais comme elle l’a été en Turquie après le génocide de 1915.

L’effacement de la mémoire historique est – malheureusement – courant chez les forces gagnantes de la guerre. La sauvegarde du patrimoine artistique, culturel et religieux de l’Arménie doit être une priorité pour tous. Il serait souhaitable que, pour pallier l’absence de tout signe de solidarité européenne avec l’Arménie, ce rôle soit repris par l’Union européenne qui, en coopération avec l’Unesco, pourrait mettre en place une mission de suivi de la situation au Haut-Karabakh et éviter ainsi un redoutable "génocide culturel".



A Theoretical Perspective on the South Caucasus

Georgia Today
Dec 17 2020

Op-Ed

When the second Karabakh War ended, some long-term developments could be singled out to highlight the staggering pace of geopolitical changes in and around the South Caucasus, leading to a definitive trend of undercutting the democratic ideals and concrete achievements made by the region's states.

Take Armenia: its young democracy, with high hopes especially after the 2018 revolution, will now be more dependent on Russia. Here, it is not whether the democratic model is better or not, but rather the need to underline the incompatibility between an aspiring democracy and a large non-democracy such as Russia. Armenian leadership will now have to make extensive concessions to Moscow, which in many cases will involve backtracking in democratic values. Building a fair political system simply cannot go hand-in-hand with the Russian model.

The Karabakh War also signals a regress in Western peacemaking standards. The Western approach to conflict resolution, based on parity rather than geopolitical interests, has been trumped by a Russian alternative. Moscow is not looking towards a definitive resolution of the conflict (a tradition Moscow has pursued in other territorial conflicts), but rather towards its protraction, but under its close watch so as to increase its geopolitical influence. From a Russian perspective, the country will continue to influence Armenia and Azerbaijan, even to a much larger extent than it was before.

The war also indicates the end of Armenia’s attempts to have a multi-vector foreign policy, which was already under immense pressure. Continuous failures were present all along the road, but the biggest manifest has been an over-reliance on Russia. The 2016 fighting showed the limits. Armenian politicians tried to build ties with other regional powers afterwards, but the Russian influence remained incremental. The growing reduction in the symmetry of this alliance culminated in the 2020 war with Azerbaijan, when the limits of Yerevan's maneuvering abilities were underlined. The war also essentially killed any remnants of multi-axial policy efforts: from now on, Armenia's dependence on Russia will be more pronounced, with no viable geopolitical alternatives.

The three South Caucasus states are divided by larger regional powers, which signals the increased fracturing of the region. The return of Turkey and the increased presence of the Russian military may also mean the resurrection of a great power competition, where military power, infrastructure projects as well as economic strength are all translated into actual geopolitical influence, harming accessibility to the region and limiting hopes for a long-term conflict resolution.

The time when the West viewed the South Caucasus as a monolithic entity is gone. A diversified foreign policy should be applied, allowing an adaptation to the changing circumstances on the ground. Policy toward each state of the region should be different, and the West should become more geopolitical in its approach. Turkey’s recent suggestion to create a six-nation pact involving the South Caucasus states, plus Russia, Turkey and Iran, is a good indication of Western political regress from the region.

Western regress has been in play for quite some time already; the Karabakh War has just burst it open to the public. The West’s need to be more proactive is now critical. Much will depend on the US and its new administration, but the West will have to seek a certain, even if limited, understanding with Turkey to salvage the deteriorating situation in the South Caucasus.

By Emil Avdaliani

19:04



Not a single meter from the territory of Armenia will be ceded – Defense Minister

Public Radio of Armenia
Dec 17 2020
Not a single meter from the territory of the Republic of Armenia will be ceded, Armenia’s Defense Minister Vagharshak Harutyunyan said at a meeting with the heads of a number of communities of Syunik province.

The participants of the meeting presented to the Minister of Defense their concerns about the difficult situation created in the region due to the border adjustments. The community leaders reported that due to the border changes, a number of settlements will be targeted by the enemy, including the regional center Kapan.

The Minister of Defense noted that the border is being adjusted in the presence of high-ranking officers of both sides, that not a single meter will be conceded from the territory of the Republic of Armenia. He stressed that these areas will be controlled by the Russian border guards, and a relevant agreement has already been reached. The Minister said it will create additional guarantees to strengthen the security system.

Vagharshak Harutyunyan noted that a whole complex of measures is being taken to ensure the security of these zones, in particular, new military units are being formed, new infrastructure is being created, and this process will be continuous.


War in Nagorno-Karabakh to be high on the agenda of Armenia-EU Partnership Council session – FM

Public Radio of Armenia

Dec 17 2020

The war in Nagorno-Karabakh and regional issues will be at the center of discussion of the third session of the Armenia-EU Partnership Council, Foreign Minister Ara Aivazian said in a doorstep statement ahead of the meeting: The Foreign Minister further noted:

As you know, this is the third meeting of the Armenia-EU Partnership Council. And it is timely and important meeting when we are going to discuss a wide range of issues, starting from situation in Nagorno Karabakh and in the region, and also issues concerning with Armenia-EU political dialogue, implementation of Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement as well as our participation in the framework of the Eastern Partnership. Of course, we will also address the issues of the negative impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on different spheres of our life and the ways of overcoming it. 

There will be an important reflection on our reforms agenda including democracy, implementation of rule of law and protection of human rights. We will touch upon the cooperation in different sectors among them trade and economy, political dialogue, education, transport, energy and environment.

I would like to note with satisfaction that since our last Partnership Council meeting, all but one state already notified the ratification of the CEPA agreement. And the draft of the roadmap of the provisions that still are not into force, have been drafted in Armenia. We are looking very much forward to the early prompt ratification of CEPA and its full entry into the force, so the effects of our cooperation will amplify and multiply to the benefit of the people of the Republic of Armenia. 

Of course, at the center of our discussion will be the regional topics and the war in Nagorno-Karabakh, when Azerbaijan challenged the values of the very initiative of the Eastern Partnership, our core European values. Azerbaijan blatantly violated its international commitments by using force against the right to self-determination of the people of Artsakh, deliberately targeting the civilian population and vital civilian infrastructure, committing systematic and heinous war crimes targeting not only the indigenous people of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), but also our rich religious and cultural heritage explicitly demonstrating its genocidal intent to wipe out any reminders of Armenia’s millenia-old presence in the region.

You know that this aggression was directly supported by Turkey, in overall this aggression undermined the security and peace in the South Caucasus. It also put in evidence that Turkey and Azerbaijan set a precedent for solving the conflicts in the area of Eastern Partnership.

And in this regard we would like to hear the opinion of our colleagues of the European Union about this last aggression and its implication on regional stability. 

Cynical and aggressive behavior of Azerbaijan is not acceptable and should be condemned because they put into question the core values of the Eastern Partnership.

We are also looking very much forward to hearing the role of the European Union in addressing the consequences of this aggression particularly in regard to the overcoming of the humanitarian crisis on the ground.