Armenian Children Were Taken To The Turkish Orphanage To Be Turkifie

ARMENIAN CHILDREN WERE TAKEN TO THE TURKISH ORPHANAGE TO BE TURKIFIED

February 1, 2015

Harutyum Alboyadjian’s testimony

…When they killed my parents, they took me and other under-age
children to Djemal pasha’s Turkish orphanage and turkified us. My
surname was ‘535’ and my name was Shukri. My Armenian friend also
became Enver. They circumcised us. There were many others who did
not know Turkish; they did not speak for weeks, with a view to
hiding their Armenian origin. If the gendarmes knew about it, they
would beat them with ‘falakhas.’ The punishment consisted of twenty,
thirty or fifty strokes on the soles of the feet, or being forced
to look directly at the sun for hours. They made us pray according
to the Islamic custom, after which we were compelled to say three
times ‘PadiÃ…~_ahım cok yaÃ…~_a!’ (Long live my King! – Turk.). We
were clothed in the Turkish manner, a white robe and a long black,
buttonless coat. We had a mudur and several khojakhanums. Djemal
pasha had ordered that we should be given proper care and attention,
since he appreciated the Armenians’ brains and graces and hoped that,
in case of victory, thousands of Turkified Armenian children would,
in the coming years, ennoble his nation and we would become his future
support. Towards that aim Djemal pasha had teachers brought from
Constantinople; he had brought doctors, because most of the orphans
fell ill with scurvy and died. I was a very feeble, small child.

Our orphanage was about seven miles from Beirut towards Cilicia. It
was at the foot of Djyuni – a huge mountain, and it stretched until
the building of Antoura, which had a French, semi-independent status.

That was why the French, the English, and the Germans had their
colleges separate from each other. But each one had already retreated.

We were given little food at our Turkish orphanage. Our gharavanadjis
were on duty in the dining-room. One day one of the gharavanadjis,
an Armenian boy from Gyurin, saw me while entering the dining-room,
held me by the arm and said in Turkish: “Shukri, will you make a belt
for me?” I thought – he was a gharavanadji; he might help me in return
and give me some more dinner.

The building of our orphanage had been a French college, and the
French had left it after the war started. There were monasteries
surrounding it. Statues, mummies and velvet clothes were found there.

That boy from Gyurin brought me some clothes, to make a belt for him
with pockets, where he could keep money, for he sold small loaves of
bread to the Arabs and received money. One day, at night I thought of
climbing to the roof of the building, where a few things might be left
by the French, for my father was a blacksmith, and I had taken after
him in crafts. I went to the roof. There I found some steel wire. I
had no instruments: my instruments were stones. I had neither needle,
nor anything. I cut some wire, rubbed it on a stone; the edge became
sharp. Then I thought to flatten the other edge with a stone, to butt
it, then fold it and then rub it with a piece of glass. I fashioned
a hole. I searched and found a broken nib, which was hard and had
a sharp point. With it I opened a hole. Now I had a needle. So, I
could sew. But there was no thread. I thought of undoing the cloth and
spin the thread. I looked through the garbage; I found something like
leather. I made a belt with pockets for that Armenian boy. He liked it
very much. Now other boys also began asking me to make belts for them.

By and by, I began earning money.

One day, Djemal pasha came to the orphanage to see the state of
his Armenian boys, who had become Turks. It was one of the Muslim
religious holidays. I do not remember – it was either Ghurban Bayram
or Ramadan. On those days, they gave us good food with meat. Once,
when Djemal pasha came, they called me: “‘535’ – Are you Shukri?”

I said: “I am.”

My friend held me and took me to the guests. Djemal pasha asked me:
“My son, Shukri, what have you made?”

I had a drawer made by hand and a belt. I showed them to him.

He said: “With what instruments are you making them?”

I said: “I have no instruments.”

Djemal pasha was astonished. He said with regret: “It’s a pity,
pay attention to him; he’s a gifted child.”

It seemed he wanted to transfer me somewhere else, but the Arab
Sheriff came.

One day, we woke up without the bell ringing; the doors were not
opened. When we opened the doors and went down, we saw there were
no Turkish guards or soldiers, no officers, inspectors or teachers;
there was no one. There was no one to ring the bell for us to go to
the dining-room. Our big boys who had become Turks: our chiefs, had
attacked the Kurd Silo and were beating him, and Silo was bellowing
like a buffalo. He could hardly free himself from the boys and found
refuge in the forest nearby. This was that same Silo, who had said
to Khoren over and over: “I have killed ninety-nine Armenians. If I
kill you too, that will be one hundred.” This was that scoundrel Silo,
whom the Armenian orphans had taught a good lesson, feeling free to
do so, because not a Turkish officer was left, for they had heard
that Beirut would be liberated.

As our orphanage was a military orphanage, we had special rules. Each
class had to stand around its table, but there was neither chief,
nor corporal or sergeant. All of us were standing and waiting,
and there was no bread on the table. Our Erza bey, the pharmacist,
came. He had the military rank of major, and three Armenian orphans
(Ariph and others) helped him. That doctor of ours came. He was
walking between the tables up and down. He gave the order, ‘Sit
down.’ We all sat down. He continued going and coming up and down,
in deep thought. He came up to our corporal Enver, who was Armenian
but he was circumcised and said: “Oglum Enver, senin ermeni ismin ne
idi?” (My son, Enver, what was your Armenian name? – Turk.).

“Toros idi, efendim” (It was Toros, Sir – Turk.), said the boy
saluting.

Then he went to the corporal of the next class: “My son, Djemal,
what was your Armenian name?”

“Vardan idi, efendim” (It was Vardan, Sir – Turk.).

Then he came to the others. All the corporals were on foot and said
their names. One minute of silence reigned. All of us were waiting…

He said: “Bu gunden sonra hepiniz de gene ermenisiniz” (Beginning from
this day all of you are Armenians again – Turk.). And continued in
a sorrowful mood: “As you see there’s no one today of our officers;
they are absent. Had I wanted, I might be absent, too. I could go
with them, but I decided not to go, not to leave you. It may so happen
that they come in a few minutes, put handcuff on my hands and take me
prisoner. But I remained, I didn’t leave you. I beg you don’t give
trouble to the Kurds around you. Continue to live in peace as you
have done so. If I were not here; you would not be here either…”

He did not continue, but later we learned that they had asked the
pharmacist to poison our last supper, but he had refused to obey
their order.

And really, soon they came with the Arab Sheriff, put handcuffs on
his hands and took him away. We all were sad and silent. When they
were taking him out, he said:

“It’s a pity that God did not return to me all the kindness I have
done. God blinded my only son, Nedjatli, and I treated you as my
own son…”

Verjine Svazlian. The Armenian Genocide: Testimonies of the Eyewitness
Survivors. Yerevan: “Gitoutyoun” Publishing House of NAS RA, 2011,
testimony 247, pp. 426-427.

http://www.horizonweekly.ca/news/details/60771

Erdogan, Ottoman Archives, And The Armenian Genocide

ERDOGAN, OTTOMAN ARCHIVES, AND THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

February 1, 2015

By Ara Sarafian –

Click here to see Higher Resolution photo

President Erdogan just commented on the Armenian Genocide during a live
TRT interview and stressed the need for critical debates. I would not
dismiss Erdogan’s words out of hand. There is a lot of rhetoric in what
he said, but it is possible to respond to him in a fruitful manner.

I tried to create an opportunity for a critical debate with Turkish
colleagues, on a public platform, in 2007. Speaking through Turkish
journalists, I offered a case study on the treatment of Armenians in
Kharpert (Harput) and its plain in 1915.

Since Armenians in the Kharpert region were deported without passing
through war zones, and since deportation laws specified how the
names of deportees had to be recorded at the time of their removal
and resettlement, I asked to see such records related to Kharpert in
Ottoman archives. I also proposed presenting my own sources which,
according to my understanding, suggested that the people in question
were killed.

While my offer was addressed to any historian who had potential
access to Ottoman records, Yusuf Halacoglu, the head of the Turkish
Historical Society, responded. I believe Halacoglu agreed to enter
such a debate because he was asked to do so by Turkish journalists.

Our expected encounter drew some headlines.

However, Halacoglu pulled out of the agreed project. He stated on
a CNN Turk programme that the deportation records I had asked to
examine did not exist.

According to “Talaat Pasha’s Report on the Armenian Genocide” – a
handwritten report that was found in Talaat’s possession – of 70,000
Armenians in the Kharpert area in 1914 (official Ottoman figures),
just over 2,000 could be counted in the deportation zones three years
later. These statistics were based on an Ottoman survey of Armenians
carried out in 1917. There were practically no Armenians in Der Zor,
the ostensible destination of most deportees.

I should point out that, when I proposed the case study on Kharpert,
I was helped by several people in the Turkish press who gave the
proposal due prominence. I was flattered when the late Mehmet Ali
Birand expressed his disappointment when Halacoglu pulled out. The
headline of his newspaper column was “Ermenilerden gol yedik” –
“The Armenians scored a goal against us.”

Ironically, my main disappointment was on the Armenian side, where
there was practically no reaction to the proposed case study. I
presume the lack of response was because I was not affiliated with
the Armenian Government, political parties, or lobbying organisations.

Presiden Erdogan’s latest comments raise the same issues again,
and I would restate once more: we do not need official commissions
to examine the Armenian Genocide. All we need is for the Turkish
government, which is in charge of crucial evidence, to produce the
deportation and any resettlement records which, according to the
deportation decrees, had to be filed in local and central archives
during the period in question.

Meanwhile, historians will continue to use the key records outside
Turkey for their understanding of the events of 1915.

http://blog.gomidas.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/Talaat-Pasha-Report-Map.jpg
http://www.horizonweekly.ca/news/details/60770

Head Of Karabakh Opposition Party: ‘Artsakh Authorities Are Competin

HEAD OF KARABAKH OPPOSITION PARTY: ‘ARTSAKH AUTHORITIES ARE COMPETING TO WIN FAVOR OF PRESIDENT SARGSYAN’- VIDEOS

Vahe Sarukhanyan

14:47, February 2, 2015

Hetq speaks to Hayk Khanoumyan, president of the Azgayin Veratznound
(National Rebirth) political party of Artsakh regarding the January
31attack on an automobile convoy of political opposition activists
from Armenia as they entered Artsakh.

Hayk, were you expecting such a thing to happen or did it come as
a surprise? How did you find out about the incident that took place
near Berdzor?

For days, the authorities had been manipulating Artsakh public opinion,
trying to make the car convoy and its participants into monsters. And
they were playing with the most sensitive of all issues for Artsakh
residents; that of security. (According to reports, the authorities
had told residents that the participants had called on young men in
Armenia not to militarily serve in Artsakh – VS)

They were preaching hate towards those who initiated the car convoy
and its supporters. I expected violence, but not to this degree. The
first victims of violence were the Founding Parliament supporters
who traveled to Berdzor from Stepanakert. I heard about the attack
when these individuals had just been transferred to hospital.

Before the convoy, Artsakh government authorities had met with
representatives of the Founding Parliament organization, urging them to
call off the convoy. Later, the Artsakh Freedom Fighters Union declared
the convoy illegal and that they would voice their opposition to the
event. The convoy participants described the convoy as an informative
action where CDs would be handed out and that a meeting with Artsakh
students would be held. Is the public sector and internal situation
in Artsakh so fragile that such a car convoy could pose some kind of
danger, as argued by local authorities?

The Artsakh authorities are afraid of everything – every unsupervised
word, every Facebook post by a student, or protest.

The authorities are trying to create a closed-mouth society in
which they can continue to enrich them and rule through unparalleled
corruption. The state propaganda machine is even used against the
smallest undesirable Facebook post, discrediting them as ‘the enemy
behind the mountain’.

We have to remember that this is the last term of Artsakh President
Bako Sahakyan. Thus, there’s an internal contest being waged to win
favor with Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan amongst the possible
presidential contenders for the next election. Even Bako Sahakyan
is involved in an attempt to remain in office until the end of his
tenure in 2017.

Serzh Sargsyan doesn’t look favorably on any expression of criticism
addressed to him emanating from Artsakh. Consequently, he fuels the
fire of this contest between Artsakh authorities. This policy led to
the unprecedented embarrassment that took place on January 31.

The Artsakh Police issued a statement arguing that the convoy had
elicited widespread negative reactions in the public and that a large
segment of the populace had decided to prevent the convoy from entering
Artsakh. Even though the police had seized cameras on the scene,
video clips clearly show how armed Special Forces and the police,
along with individuals wearing civilian clothes sporting armbands
attacked the participants and their cars with truncheons.

Reports claim that local authorities had urged Berdzor residents to
come out into the streets but that they had refused. Thus, the police
assumed the task. In your opinion, had the police done their duty and
escorted the convoy, would a confrontation have taken place between
convoy participants and average citizens in Berdzor, Stepanakert,
or elsewhere?

Let me note that most Artsakh residents weren’t even aware of the
Founding Parliament or the Pre-Parliament organization. Had the convoy
been allowed to pass, most local residents would have mistaken it for
a wedding party. The ‘negative reaction’ argument was created on the
orders of the Artsakh authorities themselves.

On January 31, I met with some freedom fighters that had come to
Berdzor on orders to oppose the convoy. They cursed the authorities
for misleading them and getting them involved in such a embarrassing
situation.

Today (this interview was conducted on Feb. 1 – VS), residents of
various Kashatagh villages telephoned me and expressed the same views.

It must be stressed that a large segment of the populace – freedom
fighters, representatives of youth organizations, civil servants and
police – are the direct victims of a huge conspiracy hatched by the
Artsakh authorities and President Bako Sahakyan in particular.

Hayk, nevertheless, we should note that only a few prominent
individuals that were never pro-government and you party publicly
condemned what took place from the get-go. Is it that other political
forces and average Artsakh residents are so fearful of speaking out?

Or is it the case that, on the whole, there is no diversity of opinion,
either politically or publicly, in Artsakh, especially since there
are posts in the social media justifying the actions of the attacker?

Sadly, representatives of the parties seated in the Artsakh parliament
(Azat Hayrenik, ARF, and Democratic Party of Artsakh) also participated
in the demonization of the process. But there are also posts in the
social media, especially by the new generation, that have condemned
what took place.

You correctly note that there haven’t been many statements by political
organizations criticizing the attack. But the regional representatives
of our party, which has a wide following in Artsakh and an initial
presence n 85 communities, are constantly telephoning me to express
their indignation.

Can we assume, based on the statements made by the police and the
presidential spokesman justifying the actions of law enforcement as
legal, that those who participated in the violence will go unpunished
in the eyes of the law?

Bako Sahakyan ordered the violence. The police are predisposed to
take a do-nothing approach.

Yesterday I went to the hospital to see our injured friends. For
a whole hour, the hospital administration refused to file a police
report even though it had admitted four individuals who were clearly
beaten. Finally, one of the injured, Kerob Ghazaryan, telephoned the
police and reported what had happened to him.

This entire situation goes to show that there will be no
accountability.

http://hetq.am/eng/news/58370/head-of-karabakh-opposition-party-artsakh-authorities-are-competing-to-win-favor-of-president-sargsyan.html
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nbF33yx8jpo
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nbF33yx8jpo#t=163

Nine Months And Counting: Decorated Artsakh War Vet Still Waiting Fo

NINE MONTHS AND COUNTING: DECORATED ARTSAKH WAR VET STILL WAITING FOR MILITARY PENSION

Larisa Paremuzyan

13:15, February 2, 2015

The only chair in the one room home of Ararat Kirakosyan in the Lori
village of Akori is a wheelchair that the Artskah War vet uses.

Mr. Kirakosyan fought in the war from the early days until the
ceasefire. He was ultimately wounded in the right leg and it was
finally amputated in April 2014.

He still hasn’t received a military pension and the family, the father
and four kids, gets by on 45,000 AMD per month (US$94).

The room is cluttered with four old metal beds, a table, and a
wood stove.

After returning home from the war, Mr. Kirakosyan married and had
four children. He worked the land to make a living.

“I had a patch of land that I cultivated, along with a cow, a horse
and a few sheep. It’s all gone now. I had to sell it off to pay off
debts. I recently purchased four sheep. The kids look after them,” Mr.

Kirakosyan told me.

Ararat was the youngest member, at 22, in the first volunteer unit
formed in Akori in late 1988.

“I fought in the battle for Shahoumyan, for the villages of Bouzloukh
and Ghazanch, and at Martakert. I also participated in the defense
of the Noyemberyan village of Voskepar,” he says.

Mr. Kirakosyan was wounded on June 13, 1992 during the fierce battles
ranging near the Shahoumyan village of Bouzloukh.

“Before being wounded, Ararat destroyed an enemy BMP-2 tank. Another
tank tried to outflank us and fire from below. He went down in an
attempt to hit the tank. Ararat was wounded in the wrist and the
blood flowing from his artery wouldn’t stop. I pulled him from the
line of fire,” recounts fellow war vet Rafik Ghazinyan.

Ararat and several other wounded soldiers were then transferred to
the Shahoumyan hospital.

“There were a few fragment wounds to his right leg. He was wounded
elsewhere as well. Ararat was airlifted by helicopter to Yerevan,”
Ghazinyan continues.

“Ararat Kirakosyan is a courageous man. He actively participated in
the “Yeghnik” partisan unit that fought in Artsakh,” says war buddy
Daniel Grigoryan.

Ghazinyan, Grigoryan, and another war buddy, Hrachya Voskanyan,
have been trying to resolve the military pension problem faced by
Kirakosyan who, for evident reasons, cannot pursue the matter himself.

They’ve been at it for the past nine months with no result.It appears
that some relevant documents are missing.

Surprisingly, Kirakosyan was awarded the Artsakh Medal of Bravery
in 2008. The disabled war vet also was issued a permit by Armenia’s
Ministry of Defense to avail himself of all the privileges granted
to those who participated in the war.

“The amputation of Ararat Kirakosyan’s leg was a consequence of
the war. For two years, he was receiving treatment on a walk-in and
in-patient basis,” says Dr. Aghounik Hakobyan, a general practitioner
who heads the Akori health clinic.

http://hetq.am/eng/news/58369/nine-months-and-counting-decorated-artsakh-war-vet-still-waiting-for-military-pension.html

If Yes It Is The Most Terrible Thing

IF YES IT IS THE MOST TERRIBLE THING

Hakob Badalyan, Political Commentator
Comments – 02 February 2015, 12:28

Could the Armenian government have prevented what happened on
January 31 at the gates of Artsakh when force was used cruelly and
demonstratively against the participants of the car march organized by
Founding Parliament? It is obvious that the violence was not a response
to the situation that got out of control but a planned action. Evidence
to this is the video published by Founding Parliament, as well as the
press release of the Police of Artsakh and the comment by the press
secretary of the president of Artsakh.

Could the government of Artsakh plan such an action without agreeing
with the Armenian government and acting upon the approval of Yerevan?

It is hard to imagine that at least Yerevan had not been informed.

Therefore, the incident was approved by Yerevan or Yerevan was
“neutral” or official Yerevan was unable to prevent the decision of
the government of Artsakh.

Could Yerevan be powerless? For example, Liska’s reappointment as
governor of Syunik demonstrates that the Armenian government, Serzh
Sargsyan is powerless. He is powerless both before the society and
before those like Liska. Simply his interests are in line with liska
interests: a mutual issue of security is addressed, and Serzh Sargsyan
prefers to cede to Liska, not the society.

After all, the problem is the same violence. Simply in one case we
deal with long-term violence, in the other case we deal with one-time
violence. In addition, it still has to be found out in which case
there were more victims and the situation was worse. For example,
throughout the years of violence there were incidents that ended up in
murder whereas the society is not shocked because it did not happen
“here and now”. At the same time, the violence of years was staged
outside the Armenia-Artsakh realm which underwent Armenian-Artsakh
manipulations for two decades, distorting public consciousness and
leaving the issue as an open wound.

Similarly, Serzh Sargsyan is equally linked with the ruling system of
Artsakh with mutual interests. On the one hand, this means that the
January 31 action was not “self-driven” and had to be agreed within
the common system, in other words, with Yerevan. On the other hand,
it is not ruled out that Yerevan went for it receiving the guarantee
of support for a serious issue from the system of Artsakh or the
Artsakh wing of the system.

It could be a foreign matter or a domestic matter, considering the
intensifying domestic scramble for the next governmental status quo and
role distribution ahead of 2017-2018. It is not ruled out that Serzh
Sargsyan did not allow Stepanakert to do what it wanted on January 31
on the condition that if need be Stepanakert will do what he will need.

As an option, this is typical and characteristic of the system in
Armenia. the objective of the society is to understand the domestic
nature, the essence of the mechanism rather than elaborate a legal and
political assessment and subsequently develop a new public methodology
for the dismantlement of this mechanism.

In the long run, the system took a step with a familiar nature but
unexpected in terms of place, time, cause and occasion.

After all, it is possible that Yerevan preferred to organize the
violent demonstration through Stepanakert. On the one hand, it
is staged far from the Armenian government, responsibility is far
from Yerevan, on the other hand, a demonstrative punitive action is
undertaken when nobody doubts that it could have occurred in any part
of Armenia if need be.

Of course, nobody cares that this incident wastes the balance of
security of Armenia and Artsakh. This issue has always been inferior
to the issues of power and money, especially in those stages of these
matters when at least interim solutions are needed.

And could Stepanakert ever do this without agreeing with Yerevan
or without a mutual agreement? It would be possible in one case –
if there is another subject that would support this step and defend
Stepanakert from possible problems with Yerevan.

Could there by such a subject and if yes, who could it be? These are
important questions, especially in the existing situation. However,
only at first sight. Because if such a thing is possible or is certain,
it is not just danger but a terrible record of complete destruction
of the Armenian factor in the Caucasus.

http://www.lragir.am/index/eng/0/comments/view/33570#sthash.b9EgcwTz.dpuf

Igor Muradyan: Russian Troops Will Be Deployed In Artsakh (Video)

IGOR MURADYAN: RUSSIAN TROOPS WILL BE DEPLOYED IN ARTSAKH (VIDEO)

14:51 | February 2,2015 | Politics

Member of the Karabakh Committee Igor Muradyan today returned the
“Mesrop Mashtots” medal granted to him in 2013 by the National Assembly
of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic.

He says the reason was the beating of members of the Founding
Parliament movement by the Karabakh police.

Talking to reporters on Monday, the political analyst said Artsakh
has a different mission. Russian troops will be deployed in Artsakh,
but people in Yerevan and Artsakh are unaware of that mission.

Mr Muradyan says Artsakh authorities in would not have stopped the
participants of the Saturday automobile rally [organized by the
movement] without the consent of Armenian authorities.

Varuzhan Avetisyan, Spokesman for the Founding Parliament, says the
Saturday incident was a well-plotted operation that aimed to provoke
a conflict by beating the rally participants and smashing their cars.

Mr Avetisyan says there was a special plan: the assailants wanted to
kidnap Alek Yenigomishyan, a member of the Pre-Parliament movement,
but mistook him for another activist.

“Members of the Founding parliament heard the assailants speaking on
radio transmitters. “Have you caught the blind? Kill him,” said the
man on the other side,” Varuzhan Avetisyan said.

He says they are not going to apply to law enforcement agencies in
connection with the incident.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

http://en.a1plus.am/1205160.html
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KeNBpLO3h1Q

Jirayr Sefilian Thanks People For Support, Says He Will Speak About

JIRAYR SEFILIAN THANKS PEOPLE FOR SUPPORT, SAYS HE WILL SPEAK ABOUT BERDZOR INCIDENT LATER THIS WEEK

13:00 | February 2,2015 | Politics

Jirayr Sefilian, a former commander of Shushi special battalion and a
member of the Founding Parliament, wrote on his Facebook that he will
talk to journalists about the Berdzor incident in the second of the
week.

“Dear compatriots,
I am already in good health but I need several days for full recovery.

Soon I shall return to my normal routine and speak to media
representatives in the second half of the week. I am grateful to you
for the moral support,” he said.

At least a dozen participants of an automobile rally organised by the
Founding Parliament, a successor of the initiative called
Pre-Parliament pressure group, were injured on Jan. 31 during an
automobile march organized by the movement to the Nagorno-Karabakh
Republic. Police in Karabakh stopped them on the way, banning their
entry to the country. The group members were beaten up by the police,
four dozen vehicles were turned away and the participants of the
automobile march could not get into Karabakh. Jirayr Sefilian and
other veterans of the Karabakh were among the injured.

http://en.a1plus.am/1205133.html

Raffi Hovanisian: Serzh Sargsyan And Bako Sahakyan Should Resign For

RAFFI HOVANISIAN: SERZH SARGSYAN AND BAKO SAHAKYAN SHOULD RESIGN FOR THE SAKE OF OUR HOMELAND

12:29 | February 2,2015 | Politics

Heritage Party Leader Raffi Hovanissian has issued a statement
condemning the Saturday incident on the Goris-Stepanakert highway
near Berdzor in which members of the Founding Parliament, a successor
of the Pre-Parliament pressure group, were attacked and beaten up by
Karabakh police forces when trying to cross into the Nagorno-Karabakh
Republic to hold a political action there.

“It is a shame for all of us on the threshold of the centenary of
the Armenian Genocide. We will achieve justice, but on condition that
we start from ourselves,” Mr Hovanisyan said adding that despite his
respect for Serzh Sargsyan and Bako Sahakyan, he believes that they
should resign for the sake of Armenia, for the future of our Homeland
and our soldiers.

“And then, after complex changes, the entire nation will elect the
first president of the united Armenia, ready to fully devote himself
to serving out country and people,” he said.

Police in Nagorno-Karabakh stopped on Saturday members of the Founding
Parliament who were holding an automobile rally to Karabakh. Among the
participants were also Jirayr Sefilian, a former commander of Shushi
special battalion, and other veterans of the Karabakh war, who are
said to have beaten up by the Karabakh police and young men wearing
special police task force uniforms. The Founding Parliament says more
than a dozen participants of the automobile rally were injured in the
incident that happened on the Goris-Stepanakert highway near Berdzor.

Journalist Anushavan Shahnazaryan was also hospitalized with injuries
in Goris.

http://en.a1plus.am/1205124.html

Berdzor Incident: Nikol Pashinyan Proposes Galust Sahakyan To Send M

BERDZOR INCIDENT: NIKOL PASHINYAN PROPOSES GALUST SAHAKYAN TO SEND MPS TO KARABAKH (VIDEOS)

13:40 | February 2,2015 | Politics

The 7th session of the National Assembly of fifth convocation began
with the national anthem. At the beginning of the session, NA Chairman
Galust Sahakyan made a statement expressing his condolences over the
death of the Avetisyan family killed in Gyumri earlier this month
and the soldiers killed in recent ceasefire violations by Azerbaijan.

The National Assembly observed a minute’s silence in memory of the
victims.

In his speech, opposition lawmaker Nikol Pashinyan said regardless
of their political affiliation, lawmakers become united in issues
concerning Karabakh.

“The appalling incident that occurred in Berdzor on Saturday was a
serious blow to Nagorno Karabakh. The incident has shocked our people
who are waiting for an answer. I have a proposal for you, Mr Sahakyan.

Let us form a delegation from lawmakers and send them to Stepanakert
to discuss the incident on the spot,” said Pashinyan.

Eduard Sharmazanov, Deputy Chairman of the Armenian National Assembly
urged his colleagues to address questions exclusively on the agenda,
while Galust Sahakyan said he would try to discuss this issue with
his colleagues from Karabakh.

Police in Nagorno-Karabakh stopped on Saturday members of the Founding
Parliament, a successor of the Pre-Parliament pressure group, who were
holding an automobile rally to Karabakh. Among the participants were
also Jirayr Sefilian, a former commander of Shushi special battalion,
and other veterans of the Karabakh war, who are said to have beaten up
by the Karabakh police and young men wearing special police task force
uniforms. The Founding Parliament says more than a dozen participants
of the automobile rally were injured in the incident that happened
on the Goris-Stepanakert highway near Berdzor. Journalist Anushavan
Shahnazaryan was also hospitalized with injuries in Goris.

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Founding Parliament Members Severely Beaten Up: Zhirayr Sefilyan Tra

FOUNDING PARLIAMENT MEMBERS SEVERELY BEATEN UP: ZHIRAYR SEFILYAN TRANSFERRED TO HOSPITAL

19:05 | January 31,2015 | Politics

During today’s automobile march organized by 100th Anniversary
without the Regime opposition movement, special forces attacked the
participants of the event after breaking all cameras. People were
being pulled out of their cars and severely beaten up, the Founding
Parliament said on its Facebook page.

The condition of Zhirayr Sefilyan’s condition has deteriorated after
today’s beating. He complains of severe pain in the upper right side
of the abdomen. He is being taken to a hospital in Vayk.

From: A. Papazian

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