Iranian Ambassador: No Nation Can Be Silent On Tragedy That Befell I

IRANIAN AMBASSADOR: NO NATION CAN BE SILENT ON TRAGEDY THAT BEFELL IT

PanARMENIAN.Net
February 24, 2012 – 16:37 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – During a meeting with Yerevan State University
students, Iran’s ambassador to Armenia Seyed Ali Sagayan said that
no country can keep silence on its tragic past.

“It’s inadmissible to impose religious nature on developments and
conflicts. Iran holds a clear stance on the issue. As an ambassador,
every April 24 I participate in events honoring the memory of the
victims,” the Iranian envoy said dwelling on Iranian position on the
Armenian Genocide, adding that reoccurrence of such dark pages must
be avoided.

Third Biennial William Saroyan Prize Competition Deadline Extended

THIRD BIENNIAL WILLIAM SAROYAN PRIZE COMPETITION DEADLINE EXTENDED

PanARMENIAN.Net
February 24, 2012 – 15:24 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – The Armenian Dramatic Arts Alliance (ADAA) this
week extended the deadline to the Third Biennial William Saroyan
Prize for Playwriting Award competition from Feb. 15 to March 15,
The Armenian Weekly reported.

Three finalist plays will be selected by a panel of theater
professionals and announced in early summer 2012. The grand prize
winner will be announced in late 2012. Due to funding changes, the
grand prize for this cycle will be a $5,000 award.

The 2010 winner of the Saroyan Prize, London-based playwright Silva
Semerciyan (“Another Man’s Son”), has since signed with the famed
literary agency Curtis Brown and received a weeklong development
workshop of the play at the National Theatre, the pre-eminent theater
in Britain, with an eye toward a full production. ADAA also presented
a staged reading of the play at the Los Angeles Theater Center.

ADAA’s mission is to project the Armenian voice on the world stage
through the arts of theater and film. It accomplishes this through two
writing contests, play readings, the Boston Armenian Film Festival,
and various networking events.

ADAA’s William Saroyan Prize for Playwriting for plays on Armenian
themes is made possible by a grant from the William Saroyan Foundation,
which established the award at ADAA in 2007-08 in conjunction with
the William Saroyan Centennial.

From: Baghdasarian

New Documentary About Khojaly: "Between Hunger And Fire: Power At Th

NEW DOCUMENTARY ABOUT KHOJALY: “BETWEEN HUNGER AND FIRE: POWER AT THE EXPENSE OF LIVES”

Panorama.am
24/02/2012

A new documentary film []
about the events between November 1991 and February 1992 has been
launched in Yerevan, telling about the breakthrough of the blockade
of Stepanakert (capital city of Nagorno Karabakh Republic), as well
as criminal activities of the political elite of Baku which led to
the tragic deaths of civilians in Khojaly.

A two-part documentary, entitled “Between hunger and fire: Power at
the expense of lives” [],
presents a bunch of compelling evidence about criminal activities
of the political elite of Baku, which victimized women, elderly
and children.

The research group, which initiated the film-investigation, reports
that the documentary for now will be launched in Russian and English,
while 7 more language translations will follow soon.

Utilizing a huge number of documentary materials, the film will be
of interest not only for wider audience, but also to research and
expert community. The archive, assembled during the investigation
of tragic death of civilians in Armenian-populated Stepanakert
and Azerbaijani-controlled Aghdam region, entails grounds for
wider-scaled documentary projects. The latter will shed light on a
range of traditional speculations and manipulations by Azerbaijan,
which was tasked to deport the civilian population of Nagorno Karabakh
Republic from their ancestral homeland.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZLNFKpN-IfU
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7ef3f5Ngkck

Conference On Genocide And Reparations Under Way In Beirut

CONFERENCE ON GENOCIDE AND REPARATIONS UNDER WAY IN BEIRUT

Armenian Weekly
February 24, 2012

BEIRUT, Lebanon-On Feb. 23, the two-day international conference titled
“The Armenian Genocide: from Recognition to Reparation” began in the
presence experts from all over the world, ambassadors, current and
former government ministers and members of the Lebanese Parliament,
heads of Armenian religious communities and representatives of Armenian
political parties and other institutions.

The opening session of the conference Catholicos Aram I welcomed the
guests and the participants and explained the background leading to
the conference. Discussing the issue of reparations, Aram I said,
“Turkey must return the church and community properties confiscated
by the Ottoman Turkish authorities to their legal owner, the Armenian
Catholicosate of Cilicia. As the Catholicosate of Cilicia, we claim the
ownership of our properties confiscated by the Turkish authorities.”

The Catholicosate of Cilicia held jurisdiction over more than 200
Armenian churches in the Ottoman Empire before World War I. Other
Armenian churches, close to 2,000 according to church figures compiled
by the Armenian Weekly, were under the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate
in Istanbul, the Catholicosate in Aghtamar, the Catholicosate in
Etchmiadzin, and the Patriarchate in Jerusalem.

Prof. Nora Bayrakdarian introduced the agenda and the two speakers:
H.E. Judge Fausto Pocar, Former President of the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and H.E. Judge Joe Verhoeven,
ad hoc Judge, International Court of Justice.

Judge Fausto Pocar said that although it is important to list the
acts of the Genocide Convention, it is equally important to consider
intent and incitement. After mentioning examples from the International
Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and that of the Former Yugoslavia, he
said that in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia, the Tribunals clarified
the crime of genocide by both applying the acts listed in the 1948
Genocide Convention and showing evidence of intent and incitement.

Judge Pocar stated that the same process could take place in the case
of the Armenian Genocide.

Aram I delivers remarks.

Judge Verhoeven began by saying that recognition of the Armenian
Genocide is an established fact and that the Turkish State is denying
part of its own history. He also said that the fact that the Genocide
Convention had not been written at the time of the Armenian Genocide
is irrelevant and that there is no statute of limitations on the
act of the illegal killing of people. The State of Turkey and its
territories still exist and it is therefore accountable. Speaking of
Church properties, he said that these were semi-public properties:
part of the historical heritage of the Armenian people and a necessary
component of their identity. Turkey cannot deny the identity of a
people. Turkey should respect it and make reparation to the Church,
which is responsible owner of this heritage.

The opening session concluded with the anthem of the Catholicosate of
Cilicia and the prayer of His Holiness Aram I at the Martyr’s Chapel.

Below are the introductory remarks offered by Aram I.

***

THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE: FROM RECOGNITION TO REPARATION

(Introductory Remarks by Catholicos Aram I)

I warmly welcome you to this spiritual center of the Armenian
Church which is indeed a place of living encounter and interaction
between peoples and perspectives. I extend my deep thanks and
great appreciation to all of you and particularly to the experts of
international law and Armenian Genocide for accepting our invitation
to join us in addressing critical issues and questions pertaining to
the Armenian Genocide.

The decision of US House of Representatives to urge Turkey to return
confiscated churches and church properties to their rightful owners,
and the approval of a bill by the French Parliament and the Senate
making it a crime to deny the Armenian Genocide, along with the
Turkish government’s aggressive reaction, have, once again, brought
the Armenian Genocide to the fore of international headlines. The
Armenian Genocide is no longer an exclusive concern of Armenian-Turkish
relations; it has become integral part of the global agenda.

The conference will focus on how we can move from recognition of the
Armenian Genocide to reparation. What procedures and mechanisms are
provided by international law to effect this transition? What are
the prospects and challenges before us?

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United
Nations in 1948, had an immense impact on the self-understanding of
human beings and the self-affirmation of nations and societies.

Seeking to protect human dignity, promote justice, build greater
peace and generate reconciliation, it also challenged the dictatorial
governances and discriminatory patterns and norms existing in many
cultures and societies.

The core values and basic principles contained in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, namely the fundamental right of
human beings for life, freedom and dignity,[1] are also taught by
Christianity. The Bible is the source of human rights.[2] According
to Christianity, human rights are God-given, not man-made. As such,
they should be recognized, respected, protected and promoted by all
human beings, nations and states under any circumstances. To violate
human rights is to reject God’s gift of life, freedom and justice;
hence, it is a sin against God.

Human rights are not optional; they are integral to the Gospel
message. Human rights advocacy is an essential dimension of the
prophetic vocation of the church. To deny this commitment, is to negate
the very being and the missionary calling of the church. Human rights
in general and the Armenian Genocide in particular, are part of the
missionary calling of the Armenian Church and they occupy, therefore,
an important place on the agenda of its witness.

Although the Universal Declaration of Human Rights has been bolstered
with broader networks and mechanism of implementation through treaties,
resolutions and conventions, human rights violations have continued,
and the UN and the international community have failed “to secure
their universal and effective recognition and observance”.[3]

Therefore, the implementation process and enforcement system of human
rights need to be strengthened, and early warning systems need to be
activated. Furthermore, the efforts of non-governmental organizations,
academic institutions and other actors in civil society, should be
supported by all those who wish to transform societies and build a
better world.

The resolutions of the Commission on Human Rights, including the
Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,
the Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and
Reparation for Victims of Violation of International Human Rights and
Humanitarian Law and, generally speaking, the international criminal
law provide an important legal context and juridical framework for
matters concerning genocide and war.

In fact, acts committed by Turkey in 1915 are defined in the Convention
as Genocide. The Turkish government intended “to destroy, whole or in
part, a national, ethnical, social or religious group, as such”;[4]
they “killed members of the group”; they “caused serious bodily or
mental harm to members of the group”; they “deliberately inflicted on
the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical
destruction in whole or in part” …~E..”;[5]

These acts constitute genocide as defined in the Convention and are
punishable, whether committed in time of peace or in time of war,
is a crime under international law”.[6] The Convention states that
all those persons who have committed genocide “shall be punished”[7],
whether they are “constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials
or private individuals”.[8] And those persons who are charged with
genocide shall be tried either in the territory where the act was
committed or by an international penal tribunal[9]

The term “genocide” only became part of the vocabulary of international
law in 1944[10]; however, the carefully planned and systematically
executed attempt of the Ottoman-Turkish government in 1915, which
aimed at the total extermination of the Armenian Nation, fits the
definition in the Genocide Convention. This act, strongly substantiated
by the historical evidence and eye-witness accounts of Armenian
and non-Armenian, including Turkish sources, was unequivocally a
genocide. The Turkish authorities may deny that it was a crime against
humanity; some nations or governments may still keep silent about it
for geopolitical reasons. But denial is a dead end.

Negationism will eventually fall short before the truth. The
retroactive application of the Convention is a critical issue which
will be certainly treated by the Conference. Since only a state that
has accepted the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice
may submit a case to it, I hope that the Republic of Armenia will
soon study this matter and take the necessary action. Are there some
other possibilities for legal action, such as taking the Armenian
Genocide to a national tribunal or creating a special tribunal or
taking it to the European Human Rights Court? These questions need
to be addressed from a juridical perspective.

In stressing the crucial importance of the promotion, protection and
restoration of justice, the Commission on Human Rights affirmes the
right of crime victims “to access to justice,” and spelles out various
aspects and procedures of “remedy and reparation” for the “victims
of violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. [11]

Regarding the process of reparation, the following issues require
scrutiny:

a) The Commission provides a broad definition of victim, stating that
“a victim” may also be a dependent or a member of the immediate family
or household of the direct victim” .[12]

b) The victim’s effective access to justice includes “all available
judicial, administrative, or other public processes under existing
domestic laws as well as under international law”.[13] Within the
context of the restoration of justice “adequate provisions should
also be made to allow groups of victims to present collective claims
for reparation and to receive reparation collectively”.[14] And,
“reparation should be proportional to the gravity of the violations
and the harm suffered”.[15]

c) The state or government under whose authority the genocide occurred
is obliged to provide reparation. However, if the state or government
responsible for the genocide is no longer in existence, “the State
or Government’s successor in title should provide reparation to the
victims”.[16]

d) The Commission on Human Rights refers to three forms of reparation:
restitution[17], compensation[18] and rehabilitation[19]. These
concepts or forms of reparation may have different connotations and
implications in different socio-political contexts and in relation
to specific cases. How do they apply to the Armenian Genocide?

For decades we have focused on the recognition of the Armenian
Genocide by Turkey and the international community. In fact, the
recent Court cases against American, Turkish and French insurance
and private companies; the decision of US Congress to urge Turkey
to return churches and church-related properties to their owners,
and the Turkish government’s decision on 27 August 2011decided to
return to the minorities the properties confiscated since 1936, came to
re-emphasize the crucial importance of reparation. Indeed, recognition
of truth implies reparation; these acts are intimately interconnected.

This is at the heart of international law.

On the 100th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, should we accept
a symbolic formal apology and recognition by Turkey of the genocide?

Should we claim financial compensation for the victims of Genocide
and for the properties? Or, should we claim the return of church,
community and personal properties? Further, should we demand that
reparation include the damages that the Armenian people were subjected
to during the “white genocide”, namely the constant threat to the
Armenian identity in a diaspora situation that was caused by the
“red genocide”? Should we, finally, consider land reparation within
the provisions of international law?. The formal recognition of the
Armenian Genocide is a conditio sine qua non for any attempt or process
aimed at restoration of justice. And, as a first concrete step in the
direction of reparation, Turkey must return the church and community
properties confiscated by the Ottoman Turkish authorities to its
legal owner, the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia. As Catholicosate
of Cilicia, which was established in the 10th Century in Cilicia,
south-western part of present Turkey, and which was in 1915 forcefully
uprooted from its historical seat, we claim the ownership of our
properties confiscated by the Turkish authorities.

It is with this objective in mind that we have set the agenda of
this conference.

[1] Cf. Human Rights, Articles 1, 3.

[2] Cf. Isa. 61:1, Mt. 25: 35-40, Gal. 3: 28.

[3] Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Preamble.

[4] Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide, Article 2.

[5] Convention, Article 2.

[6] Convention, Article 1.

[7] Ibid., Article 4.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Ibid., Article 6.

[10] Raphael Lemkin coined the term “genocide” in 1944 and that paved
the way for UN to adopt the Conventio on the Prevention and Punishment
of the Crime of Genocide.

[11] Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and
Reparation for Victims of Violation of International Human Rights and
Humanitarian Law (Annex to Commission on Human Rights), II, c, d, e.

[12] “A person is a victim where, as a result of acts or omissions that
constitute a violation of international human rights or humanitarian
law norms, that person, individually or collectively, suffered
harm, including physical or mental injury, emotional suffering,
economic loss, or impairment of that person’s fundamental legal
rights”. Ibid., V.

[13] Remedy and Reparation, VIII, 12.

[14] Ibid., VIII, 13.

[15] Ibid., IX, 15.

[16] Ibid., IX.

[17] “Restitution should, whenever possible, restore the victim to
the original situation before the violations of international human
rights or humanitarian law occurred. Restitution includes: restoration
of liberty, legal rights, social status, family life and citizenship;
return to one’s place of residence; and restoration of employment
and return of property” .

[18] “Compensation should be provided for any economically assessable
damage resulting from violations of international human rights and
humanitarian law, such as: a) Physical or mental harm, including pain,
suffering and emotional distress; b) Lost opportunities, including
education; c)Material damages and loss of earnings, including
loss of earning potential; d)Harm to reputation or dignity; and e)
Costs required for legal or expert assistance, medicines and medical
services, and psychological and social services”

[19] “Rehabilitation should include medical and psychological care
as well as legal and social services”.

From: Baghdasarian

Mensoian: Please Tell Me Why It Would Matter If…?

MENSOIAN: PLEASE TELL ME WHY IT WOULD MATTER IF…?
by Michael Mensoian

February 24, 2012

Please tell me why it would matter if the world recognizes the Armenian
Genocide if our hopes and dreams for mer Hayasdan(our Armenia)
are not fulfilled? Please tell me why it would matter if the world
recognizes the Armenian Genocide and our brothers and sisters in
Artsakh (Karabagh) have lost their freedom and independence? Please
tell me why it would matter if the world recognizes the Armenian
Genocide and historic Armenian Javakhk has been emptied of its people?

The situation in Armenia represents the classic struggle between the
selfless revolutionaries and the forces that have enslaved a hapless
society. Granted, this may be an overly dramatic description of the
present situation, but however the situation is described, it is an
absolute must that our leaders are accepted by the electorate as the
21st-century political incarnation of our honored fedayees and not
part of the established political system that seems unable to change
their condition.

We are at a most crucial moment in the modern history of the Armenian
nation, engaged as we are in a century-long struggle for Hai Tahd
(Armenian Cause). However, ultimate victory will remain an elusive goal
if our party fails to win the mind and heart of the Armenian worker
and his family. If success is to be achieved two objectives must
be realized: 1) to create a system based on equality, opportunity,
and justice for all our citizens irrespective of age, infirmity,
intelligence, or talent; and 2) to maintain the ongoing effort of
genocide recognition. This requires joining these two objectives to
form a unified coordinated effort within and outside Armenia.

An apparent weakness in our present effort stems from the fact that
the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) is no longer the monolithic
political party that operated in the diaspora from 1920-91.

During those years its principal political objective was to confront
the Turkish policy of genocide denial and historic revisionism in
the international arena. Since Armenia’s independence, the party
has become, as a result of legal requirements and the relocation
of the leadership to Yerevan, a bifurcated party. Operating within
the Homeland (Armenia, Artsakh, and Javakhk) is the Hayasdan ARF,
and beyond the Homeland the diasporan ARF. The end result has been
an inability or at least a tacit acceptance that there is no need to
implement a common agenda except in the broadest of terms (Hai Tahd).

Given this situation the issues of cooperation and coordination
necessary to achieve these dual objectives simultaneously have not
been properly addressed.

The principal effort of the diasporan ARF is still geared toward
influencing countries to recognize the Armenian Genocide. Once a
critical mass is reached (however many nations that might require)
proponents of this strategy believe that a rising tide of sentiment
in Turkey to revisit its past will eventually require Turkish leaders
to face their history, as President Nicolas Sarkozy and others have
suggested. However, only time and events will determine how Turkish
leaders and citizens will interpret their past, if and when it is
confronted. Once this stage is reached recognition proponents expect
the ensuing dialogue will open the way for meaningful negotiations
between Ankara and Yerevan. What role the leadership of the ARF will
have is problematic at this time.

Although the groundwork would have been achieved through the efforts of
the diasporan ARF, the expected dialogue or any follow-up negotiations
that may result cannot be expected to include participation by the
Hayasdan ARF leadership given its current status.

At best, the Hayasdan ARF is a marginal political party within
Armenia. It will remain marginal until it can appreciably increase
its number of members in parliament (presently 16 out of 131) in the
forthcoming parliamentary elections. Any hoped-for increase will be
directly related to the party’s perception by the Armenian electorate
as a reliable catalyst for needed change.

Given this fact, the Hayasdan ARF must provide a credible comprehensive
plan with specific legislative proposals to create a system based on
equality, opportunity, and justice for all citizens.

The ARF has yet to be perceived by the electorate as committed to their
concerns. Public opinion is swayed as much by perception as it is by
substance. The situation in Armenia represents the classic struggle
between the selfless revolutionaries and the forces that have enslaved
a hapless society. Granted, this may be an overly dramatic description
of the present situation, but however the situation is described, it
is an absolute must that our leaders are accepted by the electorate
as the 21st-century political incarnation of our honored fedayees
and not part of the established political system that seems unable to
change their condition. The results of the forthcoming parliamentary
election will test the voters’ acceptance of the ARF as a reliable
and effective champion of their concerns.

Only when the political base of the party expands, measured by a
significant increase of members in parliament, can our leaders expect
to have a voice in any forthcoming dialogue or negotiations. Make no
mistake, the struggle we are engaged in will be won or lost by our
party’s success and acceptance in the Homeland. Without a significantly
expanded political base our leaders will lack the influence to have
any effective voice in protecting the interests of the Armenian nation
vis-a-vis Turkey or any likely cabal that represents interests at
the expense of the nation.

As for Yerevan, the question that must be answered is, How effective
can any government be at some time in the future in representing
the interests of the Armenian nation if young people and families
continue to emigrate in search of a better quality of life; if the
national population has continued its steady decline; if high rates of
unemployment and underemployment continue to persist; and if wealth and
power remains concentrated in the hands of an economic and political
elite? These issues have a profound adverse impact on Armenia’s future
development and weaken any government’s position in negotiations with
Turkey. These are conditions that must be vigorously, aggressively,
and persistently confronted in concert by the Hayasdan ARF and the
diasporan ARF.

(An interesting note: The population of Armenia when independence was
declared in 1991 was about 3.6 million. Assuming an annual increase
of only 1 percent (which is relatively low) and little emigration or
immigration occurring, the population of Armenia today should be about
4.4 million, which is 1.4 million greater than its current estimated
population of only 3 million.)

It would appear that neither the Hayasdan ARF or the diasporan ARF
accepts redressing existing conditions in the Homeland as holding
the key to ultimate victory. The diasporan ARF seemingly ignores the
situation in Armenia as it continues its quest for what has become
the Holy Grail of Hai Tahd: genocide recognition. No one is denying
the importance of these moral victories that have been achieved by
our ungers and ungerouhis. These victories are important not only
in maintaining the support of the diasporan constituencies, but in
adding public moral pressure to the Turkish leadership. However,
after having said that, do the proponents of this strategy really
believe that the cumulative weight of genocide recognitions or
legislative acts criminalizing public denial of the genocide are
capable of providing the final victory we all seek if unsupported by
an Armenian government that can be relied on to effectively represent
the interests of the nation?

Our cause would be infinitely easier to achieve if we could amass our
resources, meager as some claim them to be, solely against the Turkish
policy of denial and historic revisionism. Given the approximately
70 years in the diaspora, the ARF is adequately structured through
its Getronagan Gomidehs (Central Committees) and Gomidehs (local
committees) to pursue this single objective on nearly a world-wide
scale.

The Armenian Genocide is an established fact of history based on the
enormous weight of evidence and the determination of unbiased and
credentialed genocide scholars and historians. Yet, only about 10
percent of the 193 members of the United Nations have recognized it.

Other nations have accepted the fact of the genocide, but recognition
has fallen prey to political considerations. However, reaching
the critical mass of supporting nations required to influence the
Turkish leadership still remains a daunting task. There can be no
denying that the struggle to have nations recognize the genocide
keeps our struggle for justice before the public, infuriates the
Turkish leadership, and satisfies our diasporan constituency. There
can also be no denying that this strategy must be part of a more
comprehensive and coordinated effort that includes improving the
debilitating conditions that afflict our people in the Homeland.

We should recognize that whatever success the diasporan ARF achieves,
it is the government of Armenia that will complete the process. For
the ARF not to be represented in any hoped-for dialogue or negotiations
that affect the future of Armenia cannot be acceptable.

For over 120 years, the ARF has devoted itself to representing the
interests of the Armenian nation. Now, as we move closer to victory,
is the ARF willing to abandon its historic role because it failed to
aggressively and heroically confront the woeful conditions in Armenia?

Hopefully not!

What is being expected is a Herculean task especially for the
leadership of the Hayasdan ARF. Unfortunately, viable options do not
exist. In a few years, a century will have passed since the genocide
to destroy our nation was unleashed by the Ottoman-Turkish government.

Only a handful of survivors remain with us. This is a struggle not
only to secure justice, but to determine the future course of Armenia.

It is a struggle that must integrate the efforts of the Hayasdan ARF
and the diasporan ARF. It cannot be the responsibility of one and not
the other. And it is a struggle that cannot afford to fail because
the efforts were uncoordinated, or poorly conceived, or improperly
executed, or ineffectively staffed, or simply because of internal
bickering. Whatever victories are achieved in the diaspora will
not provide us our ultimate objective if we cannot claim victory in
the Homeland.

http://www.armenianweekly.com/2012/02/24/mensoian-please-tell-me-why-it-would-matter-if/

AUA Offers Pioneering Financial Aid Program

AUA OFFERS PIONEERING FINANCIAL AID PROGRAM
Nanore Barsoumian

February 23, 2012

For the average citizen in Armenia, the cost of a year’s
university-level education may be too high, causing prospective
students to reconsider their educational plans. Recognizing that
reality, the American University of Armenia (AUA) is pioneering
a financial aid program that is, according to AUA President Bruce
Boghosian, unique to Armenia.

The AUA student lounge “No Armenian student should ever be denied an
AUA education because of inability to pay tuition,” Boghosian told
the Armenian Weekly, adding that admission decisions are made first,
followed by a review of financial aid applications.

“When admission and financial aid applications arrive at AUA,
we physically separate them and we first admit students based on
academic qualification. Only after we decide which students are to
be admitted do we look at the financial aid applications to see how
much tuition assistance they will require from us. This is called a
‘need blind’ admissions policy, and very few institutions of higher
education can claim to follow such a policy, even in the United
States,” he explained.

Over 50 percent of AUA students receive some form of financial aid,
AUA Vice President of Finance Gevorg Goyunyan told the Weekly. “We
realize that there are still lots of potential students who do not
apply to AUA simply because they do not have sufficient information
about the financial aid program we have in place,” he said.

In fact, AUA will also introduce a limited number of merit-based
tuition assistance to foreign students.

“At AUA, we believe that universities ought to be international
centers of learning, in which students from many different countries
are able to study alongside one another and learn from one another,”
said Boghosian. “This is particularly important in a country as
ethnically homogeneous as Armenia, and we expect that it will benefit
the Armenian students as well as the foreign students.”

Aside from familiarizing foreign students with Armenian culture,
Boghosian said, the diverse setting will help all students better
prepare to work in an international setting, while helping Armenia
create a “mercantile economy in which today’s university graduates
conduct trade and commerce with their counterparts in all of the
world’s capitals.”

Tuition for international students is 3.3 million AMD per year, just
under $8,500. In comparison, citizens of Armenia, Nagorno-Karabagh,
and legal residents who hold a 10-year visa pay 960,000 AMD, or
just under $2,500. That amount is heavily subsidized by AUA donors
and partners. The university also offers various payment options
for students.

While AUA grants merit-based scholarships to students with exceptional
academic records, need-based scholarships are given to students who
are in need of financial assistance to pursue their education. For
these students, 25-90 percent of their tuition costs are waived.

Financial aid applications are reviewed by a committee that, in
addition to weighing the necessary documents, visits students’ homes to
assess their level of need. “In aggregate, we give about 26 percent of
tuition revenue back in need-based tuition assistance,” said Goyunyan.

The university also has a loan program for students who are citizens
of Armenia and in good academic standing. Loan amounts go as high
as 300,000 AMD (roughly $770), with no interest accrued while the
student remains enrolled, and quarterly repayments at 15,000 AMD
($38). Once a student graduates, repayment of the full amount is due
within two years.

“We are certain that graduates of this university are well-positioned
to find jobs that guarantee sufficient income to be able to pay back,”
said Goyunyan.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

http://www.armenianweekly.com/2012/02/23/aua-offers-pioneering-financial-aid-program/

Ways Of Settling Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Not Outside Region – Iran

WAYS OF SETTLING NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT NOT OUTSIDE REGION – IRAN’S AMBASSADOR TO ARMENIA

Tert.am
24.02.12

Iranian Ambassador to Armenia Seyed Ali Saghaiyan believes that the
ways of settling the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict should not be looked
for outside the region.

At his Friday meeting with students of the Department of Oriental
Studies, Yerevan State University, Ambassador Saghaiyan said that Iran
has held the most balanced position on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

All the conflicts must be resolved by means of dialogues, he said.

“In my speeches, I have always mentioned the danger of the Zionist
regime. We have witnessed its penetration into and influence on all
states,” the Iranian diplomat said.

Ambassador Saghaiyan stated that regional peace is of importance
for Iran. In this context, he noted the damage the Russian-Georgian
conflict caused to the region.

Asked about Iran’s position on the Armenian Genocide, Ambassador
Saghaiyan said that it is always wrong to claim that all the conflicts
have religious implications. “Our position is clear. Every April 24,
I am present at the memorial. We do not want such a thing to ever
happen to any people,” he said.

From: Baghdasarian

Azerbaijani President-For-Life Lays Responsibility For Khojaly On Ar

AZERBAIJANI PRESIDENT-FOR-LIFE LAYS RESPONSIBILITY FOR KHOJALY ON ARMENIAN AUTHORITIES AND “KARABAKH SEPARATISTS”

arminfo
Friday, February 24, 21:24

The responsibility for “genocide in Khojaly” lies on the Armenian
authorities and “the Karabakh separatists”, Azeri President Ilham
Aliyev says in his statement timed to the 20th anniversary of the
tragedy in Khojaly.

The statement of the president-for-life qualifies the tragedy in
Khojaly as a bloody and tragic page of the “Armenia’s policy of
expansionism”. And the political and legal responsibility for that
grave crime “directly lies on the former and present leadership of
Armenia, on the separatist regime of Nagorno- Karabakh”. “Having
committed the Khojaly genocide, the enemy hoped to frighten the Azeri
people, to make them give up the fight for sovereignty and territorial
integrity, and to seize our lands forcibly. But this tragedy made our
people even stronger”, Aliyev says. He adds that those who committed
the “Khojaly genocide” will sooner or later appear before the fair
court and will be punished.

Maj.-Gen. Arkady Ter-Tadevosyan (Commandos), hero of the Karabakh
war, who personally led the operation on liberation of Khojaly,
says that sanguinary battles really took place in Karabakh on 25-26
Feb 1992, and numerous people of the local population died on both
sides. The Nagorno-Karabakh defense army organized an operation to
capture the Khojaly airport and to destroy the local firing points,
wherefrom the Azeris had been regularly attacking and shelling the
nearby Nagorno-Karabakh villages since the spring 1991.

Azeri President Ayaz Mutalibov confirmed later that the
Nagorno-Karabakh authorities had informed the Azeris of their plans
to destroy the Khojaly firing points as early as two months before
the operation. He also confirmed that the Nagorno-Karabakh troops
opened a corridor for the villagers. But the Azeris did nothing to
remove their compatriots from the zone.

As a result of that anti-national policy of the People’s Front
of Azerbaijan, hundreds of peaceful Khojaly residents were killed
10-11 km away from their village. They were shot down by their own
soldiers, who took them for Armenians. This fact was later confirmed
by Mutalibov, who said that it was part of the opposition’s attempts
to remove him from power by blaming him for the tragedy.

From: Baghdasarian

Mher Shakhgeldyan: The Fraud Elections Will Not Bring Good Future To

MHER SHAKHGELDYAN: THE FRAUD ELECTIONS WILL NOT BRING GOOD FUTURE TO ARMENIA

arminfo
Friday, February 24, 21:23

The fraud elections will not bring good future to Armenia, a member
of the Orinats Yerkir board, Mher Shakhgeldyan, said at today’s
press-conference.

When assessing the domestic political situation in Armenia, he said
that undoubtedly it is conditioned by the electoral atmosphere,
every party presents its electoral programmes and principles. There
is the so-called black PR, the share of which has been growing in
the republic and actively used against his party.

Commenting on the rumors, according to which he and the head of the
Orinats Yerkir parliamentary faction have been fighting for the third
line in the proportional electoral list of the party, Shakhgeldyan
assured journalists there is not such a fight. Asked by Arminfo
correspondent, if in the list of Orinats Yerkir party there are
candidates which will run for parliament by the majoritarian system,
Shakhgeldyan replied such candidates, including businessmen, will be
in 15-20 ballot stations.

He assured journalists that the party will undoubtedly find itself
in the parliament of the 5th convocation.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Experts In Holocaust To Study Myths In Baku

EXPERTS IN HOLOCAUST TO STUDY MYTHS IN BAKU

arminfo
Friday, February 24, 20:20

The managers of an international organization Yahad-in Unum
(“Together”) based in Paris, which is studying the Holocaust problem,
have been in Baku since February 19.

The organization researches the facts of massacres of World War
II of 1.5 million Jews and Gypsies by the Nazis and their allies,
the identification of Eastern Europe, places of mass executions and
burials of the victims, by fixing the eyewitness of those crimes. So
far, there are over 2,000 evidences, Turan reports.

The purpose of their visit to Azerbaijan is the scientific study
of the resettlement of Jews from the Eastern Front to Azerbaijan,
their rescue from destruction, and the study of the “Khojaly tragedy
of Azerbaijan people”.

It was decided that in 2012, 15 researchers of Yahad-in will pay two
week visits to Azerbaijan. Each mission of Yahad-in will bring 40-50
of witness interviews.

The visit of the leaders of Yahad-in is taking place at the invitation
of the society of Azerbaijanis of Europe.