Armenian, Russian Officials Discuss Upgrading Border Checkpoints

ARMENIAN, RUSSIAN OFFICIALS DISCUSS UPGRADING BORDER CHECKPOINTS

Mediamax
Jan 27 2012
Armenia

Yerevan, 26 January: Secretary of the National Security Council of
Armenia Artur Baghdasaryan and Deputy Secretary of Security Council
of Russia Valentin Sobolev discussed issues related to modernization
and reequipment of border checkpoints as well as establishment of an
educational center for retraining of border guards in Yerevan today.

The meeting also focused on subjects included in 2012-2013 cooperation
programme of the Armenian and Russian Security Council.

The sides also discussed the implementation of joint programmes
in the sphere of emergency situations, related to cooperation in
military-industrial sphere, initiative of establishing Information
Centers on CSTO.

AFP: Analysts Say Turkey On Wrong Track Over Armenia Genocide

ANALYSTS SAY TURKEY ON WRONG TRACK OVER ARMENIA GENOCIDE

Agence France Presse
January 27, 2012 Friday 11:50 AM GMT

Turkey’s attempts to intimidate France and other countries over the
question of the Armenian genocide are bound to backfire, analysts
said as the 100th anniversary of the bloodshed approaches.

“This negative and reactive strategy has failed, and no one is ready
to admit it,” said Cengiz Aktar of Istanbul’s Bahcesehir University.

“I hope that the authorities will think about it and come up with a
different tack by the time of the 100th anniversary of the Armenian
genocide that is coming up” in 2015, said Aktar, an international
relations professor, using the term Ankara condemns.

Hugh Pope of the International Crisis Group agreed, saying: “There
are many people in Turkey that are worried about how Turkey is going
to handle the situation in 2015.”

He said Ankara should “get on a path of reconciliation with the
Armenians so that they can be on the side of the people who are
going to be remembering the lost communities of Armenians” in the
anniversary year.

The French Senate on Monday approved legislation under which anyone
in France who denies that the 1915 massacre of Armenians by Ottoman
Turk forces amounted to genocide could face imprisonment.

On Tuesday, Paris brushed off angry threats of retaliation by Turkey
and said the bill would become law in two weeks.

Ankara has already halted political amd military cooperation and is
threatening to cut off economic and cultural ties. Bilateral trade
totalled some 11.7 billion euros ($15.4 billion) in 2010.

The French chamber of commerce in Turkey, which has some 400 members,
on Thursday expressed “great disappointment” over the bill, and called
on France’s constitutional council to nix it.

“Turkey is making more and more threats against France,” wrote
editorialist Semih Idiz in the Milliyet daily. “But in a few weeks the
issue will rear its head again in the US Congress. There are other
countries waiting in the wings. Will Turkey recall its ambassador
each time?” he asked. “It’s an absurd situation.”

Armenia and its diaspora in countries around the world have long
campaigned for international recognition of the killings as genocide,
despite strong denials from Turkey.

Armenians says that planned massacres and deportations left more than
1.5 million people dead, but Turkey puts the number at up to 500,000,
describing the bloodshed as civil strife stemming from the conflict
with Russia in World War I.

Around 20 countries have officially recognised the killings as
genocide.

The dispute is in addition to the conflict between Armenia and
Azerbaijan, an ally of Turkey, over the Nagorny-Karabakh enclave.

Ankara and Yerevan signed a historic protocol in 2009 to normalise
relations, but it was never ratified as Turkey demanded a resolution
to the Nagorny-Karabakh dispute .

Armenian separatists backed by Yerevan seized Nagorny-Karabakh from
Azerbaijan in a war in the 1990s that left some 30,000 people dead,
and the two sides have not signed a final peace deal since a 1994
ceasefire.

Turkey can no longer escape its duty of contrition for the genocide,
said Soli Ozel of Istanbul’s Kadir Has University

“First and foremost it must express chagrin, and the Turkish state
has never done that,” the international relations professor wrote in
the daily HaberTurk.

Religion: The Feast Of St Blaise Celebrated At San Blas In Nadur

THE FEAST OF ST BLAISE CELEBRATED AT SAN BLAS IN NADUR

Gozo News

Jan 29 2012
Malta

Mgr Mario Grech, Bishop of Gozo accompanied by Rev. Jimmy Xerri and
other priests concelebrated Mass at 10.30am.

The mass was followed by the blessing of the throat for which St Blas
is the patron saint, for all those who were present for the occasion.

Agricultural produce from the local farmers was also blessed as well
as the animals.

St Blaise was a 3rd century physician who became the Bishop of
Sebastea in Armenia. He was beheaded in A.D. 316 for refusing to
renounce his faith.

Blaise is the patron saint of wild animals because of his care for
them and of those with throat maladies.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

http://gozonews.com/21668/the-feast-of-st-blaise-celebrated-at-san-blas-in-nadur/

Newly Elected PACE President Against Armenian Genocide Bill

NEWLY ELECTED PACE PRESIDENT AGAINST ARMENIAN GENOCIDE BILL

Vestnik Kavkaza
Jan 29 2012
Russia

The newly elected president of the CE Parliamentary Assembly,
Jean-Claude Mignon, stated he, as a French lawmaker, objects to the
approval of the Armenian Genocide bill, Tert.am reports.

It is not lawmakers business to write history. It is historians’
business, Mignon said as quoted by the Azerbaijan-based APA news
agency. France has admitted all its past mistakes, he said, wishing
Turkey to do the same.

SYDNEY: MP’s Separatist Sympathy Prompts Ire In Azerbaijan

MP’S SEPARATIST SYMPATHY PROMPTS IRE IN AZERBAIJAN

Sydney Morning Herald

Jan 30 2012
Australia

The state upper house Labor MP Walt Secord has incurred the wrath
of the government of Azerbaijan for visiting one of its disputed
territories and siding with the sovereignty claims of the separatist
Armenians.

Mr Secord, a former adviser to NSW premiers Bob Carr and Kristina
Keneally, as well as the former state treasurer Eric Roozendaal and
former prime minister Kevin Rudd, entered the upper house after the
March election.

He is the deputy chairman of the NSW Parliamentary Friends of Israel
and the deputy co-chairman of the NSW Parliamentary Friends of Armenia.

A supporter of various separatist causes, Mr Secord visited the
disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh last month as part of a self-funded
trip that also took him to Israel, the Palestinian territories and
Kurdish Iraq.

Nagorno-Karabakh is recognised internationally, including by Australia,
as part of the former Soviet republic of Azerbaijan but Armenia lays
claim to the region.

Mr Secord said he was told while there that he was the first Australian
MP to visit the region.

“While official recognition of the Mountainous Karabakh Re- public
is a matter for the federal Australian government,” Mr Secord said,
“I feel I have a duty as the co-deputy chair of the NSW Parliamentary
Friends of Armenia to see Armenia and the Mountainous Karabakh
Republic first-hand.”

Officials from the Azerbaijani embassy in the Turkish capital, Ankara,
complained to the Australian mission in the same city about the visit
by the “senator of the Australian state of NSW, Walt Secord”.

An Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry spokesman, Elman Abdullayev, told
local media: “The Australian embassy told the Azerbaijani side that the
official stance of the country lies in recognition of the territorial
integrity of Azerbaijan and non-recognition of any separatist regime
in its territory.”

Mr Secord said many of his colleagues had been “flooded by an email
campaign” protesting against his visit.

http://m.smh.com.au/nsw/mps-separatist-sympathy-prompts-ire-in-azerbaijan-20120129-1qo0t.html

President Praises Armenia’s "Impressive Weaponry" In Army Address

PRESIDENT PRAISES ARMENIA’S “IMPRESSIVE WEAPONRY” IN ARMY ADDRESS

Mediamax
Jan 28 2012
Armenia

Yerevan, 27 January: Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan made a
congratulatory address today on the occasion of the 20th anniversary
of the creation of the Armed Forces of Armenia.

“After losing independent statehood, the Armenian nation brought
forth many warriors, but was not blessed with having its own army. The
Armenian soldiers, officers and generals brought glory to different
countries through their personal valor and dedication, but our nation’s
sons were deprived of the opportunity to defend jointly interests of
the motherland and rights of the fellow citizens.

Twenty years ago, we turned the wheel of history. At that critical
time, our nation reinstated its independent statehood and took
total responsibility for the protection of its rights and national
interests. At the moment of that historic rise, the creation of the
Armenian army was one of the most momentous achievements.

There was an imperative to thwart the imminent danger of a genocide
looming over the Armenian people and, particularly, over the Armenians
of Artsakh [Karabakh]. That vital episode of the army creation was
necessitated by the time itself.

Our cause was just, and we were ready for confrontation. We knew
that we alone could protect our right to live. However, we also fully
realized that that right and justice were our strength and resolve.

Volunteers, who rose against intolerance, hostility and blind hatred,
became the core of the Armenian regular army. At the moment of
national awakening, many of those volunteers sacrificed their lives
on the altar of the motherland’s defence and security.

Eternal glory to them, reverence and admiration to their memory.

Generals, officers, soldiers,

Anniversary of our army is your professional holiday. Choosing this
profession, you have assumed responsibility towards your contemporaries
and future generations. But at the same time, you have chosen Vardan
Mamikonyan’s and Hovhannes Baghramyan’s path, which means that your
accomplishments will be measured by the standards set by them. I have
no doubt that every military serviceman in the Republic of Armenia,
regardless of his or her duty station and position, realizes that
historic responsibility.

Let’s recall that at the beginning we were counting arms and even
bullets, while today we have an impressive level of weaponry. We
have dug trenches metre by metre, hundreds of kilometres of military
fortifications; we have constructed thousands of apartments for the
servicemen and a respectable building for the Ministry of Defence. We
have created a military-industrial complex and created a worthy image
of the army. We have done all this together, the entire nation. And
continue to do it through our work, through our trust in our army
and exceptional warmth towards it.

It’s hard to tell in a couple of words everything that has been done
in twenty years. The military parade dedicated to the 20th anniversary
of the reinstated Armenian independence and the cease-fire, which is
being preserved since 1994, are the most precise report and test held
before the people of Armenia and the entire Armenian nation.

The Armed Forced of the Republic of Armenia are among the most
important guarantees of the preservation of the balance, hence
of the peace and security in our region. Today, our troops guard
Armenia’s peace and tranquility; at the same time they are engaged in
the international peace-keeping missions, where they have manifested
their best qualities and multiplied their reputation of the disciplined
and brave soldiers.

I once again congratulate us all on the occasion of this glorious
holiday. I wish that peace always reign in our country and the
region, and our people continue their creative work for the benefit
of Armenia’s empowerment and advancement,” president said.

ReAssessing Armenian Independence

REASSESSING ARMENIAN INDEPENDENCE
By Richard Giragosian

Institute for War and Peace Reporting IWPR
January 4, 2012
UK

Twenty years on, oligarchs control economy and have moved into
politics.

Looking back at the past 20 years of independence and state-building
in Armenia, it~Rs apparent that forging statehood and securing our
sovereignty hasn~Rt been easy. As a small, landlocked country with
few natural resources, Armenia has been hostage to both geography
and geopolitics.

Throughout its history, Armenia has undergone alternating periods of
isolation and strategic significance, as a central part of a region
that has been an arena for competition for much larger, more powerful
regional powers like the Persian, Russian and Turkish empires.

The country~Rs modern history has also been marked by the same
vulnerability. Armenia~Rs brief period of independence from 1918
to 1920 was quickly overtaken by its force incorporation into the
Soviet Union.

After subjugation within the union for seven decades, the abrupt
collapse of the Soviet system left Armenia neither prepared nor
predisposed to take on independence. Unlike the Baltic states, for
example, the reassertion of Armenian nationalism was expressed within
the context of the Soviet system, rather than in direct confrontation
with Moscow. Even the eruption of the Nagorny Karabakh conflict,
which antedated the collapse of the Soviet Union, was driven by a
strategy of conformity based on the Soviet constitution.

But with the sudden demise of the Soviet Union, Armenia found itself
facing the immediate challenges of independence. The infant state also
faced a grave and urgent threat to its survival, as the conflict over
Nagorny Karabakh grew into outright war with neighbouring Azerbaijan,
triggering a virtual blockade of trade, transport and energy by
Azerbaijan and Turkey.

In addition, Armenia was still struggling to cope with the devastation
caused by the powerful earthquake of 1988.

For Armenia, the early phase of independence was marred by war,
economic collapse and blockade, manifested as severe shortages of
food, electricity and fuel. These crises thwarted early attempts to
build democratic institutions and relegated political reform to second
place, after the Nagorny Karabakh conflict. The ongoing state of war
also shaped the political trajectory, as a new vibrant nationalism
dominated the political discourse in Armenia.

That first decade of independence was marked by two trends in
politics. First, the shift in discourse and debate from moderation
to militancy; and a second related factor, the transformation of the
political elite, as incomers from Nagorny Karabakh gained power and won
top positions in the leadership, eventually including the presidency.

These conditions also predetermined the longer-term development of
the economic system, and had a seriously distorting effect on the
reform process. The combination of a great scarcity of goods, the
powerful trade and transport blockade, and the severe disruption of
the energy infrastructure all led to the Armenian economy became
increasingly closed. Commodity-based cartels were effective in
eliminating competitors and came to dominate imports and exports of
key materials and foodstuffs.

The emergence of these cartels was initially a consequence of the
~Sconflict economics~T of the Nagorny Karabakh war, as they bolstered
the generally feeble state. The government was largely preoccupied
with economic measures in other areas, ranging from sweeping land
reforms to the introduction of a stable national currency.

The power of these cartels quickly expanded beyond commodities. And
as in most other post-Soviet states, they used their links with the
state to acquire inordinate wealth and assets during the privatisation
process. At the same time, they further consolidated their power by
positioning themselves at the top of rapidly developing networks of
patronage and corruption within the state system.

Over time, the cartels adopted more sophisticated means of expanding
their power, including collusion to fix and enforce commodity prices,
to prevent competitors from emerging, and to secure exclusive
procurement contracts from state institutions.

The birth of this closed, controlled economic system replaced the
Soviet system of centralised planning and distribution. Although
initially fostered by the economics of the early phase of the conflict,
the cartels~R subsequent entrenchment and consolidation of power
created a new commercial elite, the oligarchs. The Soviet centralised
command economy had been effectively supplanted by a different system
in which an oligarchic elite controlled the economy.

Against the backdrop of generally weak state institutions and a
pronounced lack of political will, the rise of the oligarchs can be
seen as one of the most devastating developments in the two decades
Armenia has been independent. The oligarchic system has a devastating
impact, eroding the power and authority of the state, which can neither
tax the oligarchs nor police their business interests. The state faces
an uphill battle if it is to regain control of the economic system.

The entry of many powerful oligarchs into the political system poses
more problems. It is most apparent from the pressure they can bring
to bear as parliamentarians, able to influence and impede reforms from
the inside. Their direct role within national politics also highlights
the risks posed by cosy relationships between business and politics.

Against this backdrop, Armenia appears to face further threats. The
cumulative effect of two decades of independence has been to create
greater dependence, with many missed opportunities.

The challenges are daunting. On top of an apparent lack of political
will and visionary leadership that could confront the oligarchs,
the state remains hamstrung by inadequate regulation, by inefficient,
poor tax collection, and by the underlying weak and arbitrary exercise
of the rule of law.

The future of Armenian independence over the coming 20 years looks
far from certain. The only realistic assessment one can make is that
Armenia faces a truly significant test of its statehood.

Richard Giragosian is the director of the Regional Studies Centre,
an independent think tank in Yerevan, Armenia.

Memories Dim Of Armenia’s Soviet Past

MEMORIES DIM OF ARMENIA’S SOVIET PAST
By Gayane Lazarian, Naira Melkumyan

Institute for War and Peace Reporting IWPR
January 4, 2012
UK

While younger people have little conception of life under communist
rule, some Armenians miss the positive things lost after the Soviet
collapse.

Two decades have passed since the Soviet flag was lowered over Armenia,
but Sedrak Mkhitaryan’s hands still shake when he brings out the red
flags and Lenin medals he treasures from the glory days of communism.

Like many elderly Armenians, he never managed to adapt to the demands
of an independent state.

“For Armenia, the period of Soviet rule was a golden age. I was against
the collapse of the [Soviet] Union, and I was against the protests
and strikes that ended up with most of the population permanently on
strike,” Mkhitaryan, 85, said.

Before the end of the Soviet Union, which officially took place on
December 25, 1991, Mkhitaryan was chairman of the regional council of
Echmiadzin region. He had been a high-flier in the communist system,
serving as a deputy minister at one point.

Asked about the fruits of independence, Mkhitaryan scoffed, “The only
independent countries are great powers. Countries like ours only exist
under someone else’s wing. They said then that we were slaves of the
Soviet Union. Now whose slaves are we? Nagorny Karabakh is our only
achievement, and if the Soviet Union hadn’t collapsed, I am sure that
issue would have been resolved without bloodshed.”

Twenty years ago, views like Mkhitaryan’s were definitely in the
minority in Armenia. In a September 1991 referendum, a month after
hardliners in Moscow staged an unsuccessful coup against Mikhail
Gorbachev, 95 per cent of Armenians backed independence.

The years since then have not been easy. Armenia was already reeling
from the terrible Spitak earthquake of 1988, which killed 25,000
people and devastated much of the country, when it went to war with
Azerbaijan over the future of Nagorny Karabakh.

Karabakh was a part of Soviet Azerbaijan whose mainly Armenian
population pressed for the region to become separate. The ensuing
war, combined with the effects of conflict in neighbouring Georgia,
left Armenia almost totally isolated economically.

Before 1991, Armenia was industrialised, but after independence,
the authorities struggled just to keep the lights on. Residents of
the capital Yerevan had just an hour of electricity a day.

According to the International Monetary Fund, IMF, Armenia’s economy
shrank by 75 per cent between 1990 and 1993.

Economic decline meant the views of old communists like Aram Sargsyan,
the final head of the Armenian Communist Party, came back into vogue.

“We were like oxen that jump for joy when they’re released from the
yoke,” he said. “The moral foundations of society have been destroyed,
everything is permitted. Why did we have to destroy everything? We
have reserves of gold, copper and molybdenum – these are riches for
a small country.”

Sargsyan says Armenia is now reliant on the IMF and World Bank,
which he accused of imposing their own demands as a condition for
bailing out the economy.

“These international institutions decided that Armenia had nothing
to contribute in terms of industry or science, so it should become
a service centre for the region. So they gave money for roads,
infrastructure and banks,” he said.

Sargysan blames these policies for making Armenia’s human capital
“surplus to requirements”, and thus contributing to mass emigration.

According to official figures, 1.2 million people have left Armenia in
the last 20 years, many of them going to Russia to find work. Arthur
Atanesyan, head of the Sociology Department of the Yerevan State
University, says these people have voted with their feet against
independence.

“Any independence process entails destabilisation. If the status quo
changes, it leads to…. emigration. People have to go abroad where
they can live much better and more secure lives. That isn’t a great
assessment of what has happened, because you become nostalgic for
the old Soviet Union again,” he said.

Atanesyan concluded, “Destroying things is easy. They should have
kept and developed everything that was positive and valuable in the
Soviet Union. There are many families who lost not just their stable
lifestyles but their savings, too.”

Araik Petrosyan’s parents had saved 80,000 roubles by the time the
Soviet Union came to an end. That was a lot of money in those days,
but its value vanished with the end of communism.

“First my mother died, then my father, without living long enough to
get their money back,” Petrosian said. “The state is treating these
savings as part of the national debt; once there’s enough money, all
these savings will be returned. But it remains uncertain whether any
of the account holders will live long enough to see their money. Their
descendants don’t have rights to the money.”

Soviet citizens had limited access to consumer goods like clothes,
which came from the same shops and were made in the same factories,
but Atanesyan said that “despite their uninteresting lives, people
stood firmly on their own two feet, received free healthcare, they got
an education, they had jobs and they were confident about the future”.

“In Soviet times there was a shortage of clothing, now there’s a
shortage of trust. We don’t trust the government and we don’t trust
one another,” he added.

Analysts say this mistrust is a consequence of Armenia’s failure to
build a democratic system and a competitive market economy.

“We rejected the planned economy, and then basically created the same
kind of system where property is controlled if not by the state, then
by the highest tiers of government,” Andranik Tevanyan, director of
the Politeconomia research centre, said. “We got rid of Bolshevism,
but we weren’t able to abandon the Soviet legacy. In Armenia we see
sections of the economy centralised around individual oligarchs. It’s
basically a recreation of the Soviet Union, only with no oil or gas.”

Tevanyan sees corruption, protectionism, and the lack of transparent
laws as other legacies of the Soviet period.

Corruption is endemic in Armenia, as in almost all other former Soviet
republics. The corruption watchdog Transparency International ranks
Armenia 129 out of 183 states for honesty in public life.

Fortunately, however, many young Armenians have adapted to the changes,
and have few regrets about the passing of the Soviet Union.

Suren Musaelyan, now 35, was a teenager when Armenia became
independent. He had an opportunity to study journalism in Britain
and is now deputy editor of Armenianow, a leading online news source.

“If the Soviet Union hadn’t collapsed, I wouldn’t have had a chance
to be educated abroad,” he said.” I think that’s one of the bonuses
of independence. In earlier years I wouldn’t have been able to dream
of it,” he said.

Older Armenians are often amazed at how young adults can barely
comprehend the difficulties of life in the Soviet Union.

“Young Armenians no longer understand that there was a time when
Moscow decided how many pieces of soap were to be used a week in some
town’s public toilet,” Alexander Iskandaryan, director of the Caucasus
Institute in Yerevan, said. “Because of the sheer scale of collapse
here, Armenia has travelled a lot further away from the Soviet past
than a lot of other states have done.”

Gayane Lazarian is a journalist with Armenianow. Naira Melkumyan is
a freelance journalist in Armenia.

Armenians Hope New Districts Give Them A Voice On Pasadena School Bo

ARMENIANS HOPE NEW DISTRICTS GIVE THEM A VOICE ON PASADENA SCHOOL BOARD
By Brian Charles

Pasadena Star News

Jan 30 2012
CA

PASADENA – Armenian voters appear to be the big winners in the ongoing
effort to divide the Pasadena Unified School District board into seven
geographic voting districts, according to Chris Chahinian, Armenian
community leader and a member of the PUSD redistricting task force.

On two of the draft maps, a voting sub-district has been formed to
keep together the ethnic group’s coalition of voters, many of whom
live along or near North Allen Avenue. Chahinian said the concessions
to his community are long overdue.

“The Armenian community has been in Pasadena since the 1880s and to not
have a consistent voice in the school district is an outrage,” he said.

Chahinian, who ran for City Council last year, said he plans to push
for a similar Armenian heavy district on the City Council.

His overtures to the task force and the broader community about forming
a voting district for Armenian constituents along North Allen Avenue
has resonated beyond the Armenian community. Leaders in Northwest
Pasadena are paying close attention to Chahinian’s political jockeying.

“Obviously the Armenian coalition was there and they are lobbying
for the Armenian community,” said Ishmael Trone, Northwest Pasadena
business leader. “They are really reaching out to other leaders in
the city to really keep their group together.”

More than 20,000 Armenians live in Pasadena, but it is unclear how
many Armenians – and more importantly Armenian voters – live in the
proposed district carved out by the task force, according to Chahinian.

“The Armenian community has another issue when it comes to filling
out the census,” Trone said. “They are lumped in with white voters.”

So who is providing the stats?

“We are relying on the Armenian community for the numbers,” said Ken
Chawkins, PUSD Charter Reform Task Force chairman.

Yet when it comes to educational needs, the community has long said
it wants its own voice or at least one that will advocate for the
needs of the ethnic community, Chahinian said.

The PUSD endeavored to create voting wards after the threat of a
lawsuit by the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. The
Bay Area voting rights advocacy group successfully sued a Northern
California school district for under-representation of Latinos
on a school board. The PUSD has one Latino school board member,
Ramon Miramontes, yet Latinos make up more than 50 percent of the
district’s students.

And while the maps give Armenians a chance to influence the PUSD board,
they also give Latinos a chance to influence multiple board seats,
Chawkins said.

“The numbers suggest you can have two Latino districts,” Chawkins said.

But Chawkins said more than race matters in the drawing of the
district’s voting lines.

“There are many more differences to account for beyond race,” he said.

The number of total residents, registered voters and socioeconomic
factors are plugged into the complex formula for creating voting
districts. The law also prevents those drawing the line from packing
a community into one district by creating a district with more than
70 percent of one ethnic or racial group. Voting laws also prevent
cracking or diluting the strength of an ethnic or racial group.

The lines are also drawn to lasso in communities of interest, which is
why Armenians – a group not protected by the 1965 Voting Rights Act –
can be drawn into one voting district.

http://www.pasadenastarnews.com/news/ci_19842180

Asch Seminar: Narrative And Reconciliation In The Karabakh Conflict

ASCH SEMINAR: NARRATIVE AND RECONCILIATION IN THE KARABAKH CONFLICT EVENT TYPE: LECTURE

Bryn Mawr Now

Pennsylvania

Location: Carpenter Library Room B21
Time: Monday, January 30, 2012
4:15 PM – 6:00 PM
Calendars: Events,Featured Events
Contact: Ann Ogle
[email protected]
Department: Peace and Conflict Studies
The Solomon Asch Center for Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict presents

Narrative and Reconciliation in the Karabakh Conflict

Dr. Garagozov is Leading Research Fellow, Center for Strategic
Studies, Baku, Azerbaijan; 2001-2011 Head of Social Psychological
Studies Department, International Center for Social Research, Baku;
and 2011-2012 Fulbright Fellow, Washington University, St. Louis. His
presentation will discuss ways in which historical narratives and
especially textbooks promote the Armenian – Azerbaijani conflict over
Nagorno Karabakh.

Dr. Garagozov will also be available noon to 1:30 Tuesday, Jan. 31,
at the Haverford Dining Center (“Smith Room”) for conversation about
Stalin nostalgia and politics of the Caucasus.

Event Description:Asch Seminar featuring Rauf Garagozov

From: Baghdasarian

http://mc.brynmawr.edu/MasterCalendar/EventDetails.aspx?data=hHr80o3M7J5x%2FQdSOtSLIIzj7v8ctUQdMm3TvBKfEgI%3D