Month: November 2009

CO-MEDIATORS ADMONISH ALIYEV TO REFRAIN FROM MAKING WARLIKE STATEMENTS

Tert
Nov 23 2009
Armenia

After yesterday’s meeting between Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan
and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, OSCE Minsk group co-mediators
appealed to Aliyev to refrain from making bellicose statements.

About two days ago, Ilham Aliyev announced that if the November 22
meeting in Munich between the Armenian and Azerbaijani presidents
was not productive, a war could break out in the region.

According to Russian news agency Interfax, after the meeting between
the presidents, the co-mediators, while speaking to journalists,
appealed to Ilham Aliyev to refrain from making such statements.

‘IMPORTANT PROGRESS,’ BUT SOME DIFFICULTIES: BERNARD FASSIER ON SARGSYAN-ALIYEV MEETING

Tert
Nov 23 2009
Armenia

The presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan made "important progress"
in talks about Nagorno-Karabakh on Sunday, but some difficulties were
identified, French OSCE mediator Bernard Fassier said, reports Reuters.

"Some important progress has been reached," he told reporters
after more than four hours of talks in Munich. "At the same time,
we identified some difficulties."

US OSCE mediator Robert Bradtke said he was impressed by the political
will to seek a settlement.

"I think today what was impressive was the way the two presidents
worked with us, … their willingness to discuss points that are
quite difficult and quite controversial and I think, as someone who is
relatively new to this process, that is what impressed me the most,"
Bradtke said, reports the BBC.

Fassier said he and his co-mediators from the United States and
Russia would prepare the next meeting, without specifying when it
would take place.

CORRUPTION IS POLITICAL AMONG US

Lragir.am
23/11/09

Interview with the Executive Director of the Transparency International
anti-corruption centre Varuzhan Hoktanyan

According to the Transparency International indexes, Armenia shares
the 120-125 positions in the world among the most corrupt countries,
while last year it was the 109-114. In fact, Armenia registered a
regression by 11 points. In your opinion, what determines Armenia’s
constant regressions?

If we approach the question from the scientific point of view, it is a
little earlier to say that Armenia registered a regression. The indexes
of corruption in Armenia are 2, 7 while last year it was 2, 9, and in
other words 0, 2 percent of regression. In general, only in case of 0,
3 percent of difference we can speak about regression. But there is a
worrying circumstance which is that last year Armenia registered 0,
1 percent of regression and if the situation keeps moving like this
we may say that we will have growth of corruption. It is a little
earlier to speak but there is nothing to be happy for because starting
from2003, no progress was registered. The general index of perception
is 3 in Armenia, if it was 8, I would not worry because we would be
one of the less corrupt countries of the world.

What ways, methods, does our country have to undertake to fight
against corruption? What is to be done? Our government seems to have
repeatedly aroused this issue. They reveal corrupt professors, etc…

The experience shows that such kind of struggle against corruption is
not effective though we cannot say it does not help at all. This year,
progress was registered in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Russia. None
of these countries is democratic, but the progress was registered
thanks to the struggle against minor corruption.

In our country, like in the above-mentioned countries, the primary is
the political corruption. There is a misunderstanding that corruption
is not taking bribes. Bribe taking is only one type of it. Corruption
is the misuse of official positions.

Since corruption has a system character, the fight against it must have
the same character too. This means that by taking several professors
you cannot solve the issue. You must understand the reasons of the
corruption. In the end, the struggle against it will not be effective
if there is no public support.

What type of struggle against corruption must there be?

The struggle will be serious only if there is political will. For
example, in Poland, in 1995 elections were held and the Polish
president Valensa who was a brilliant leader and fighter against
communism was defeated because his economic policy did not satisfy
people. In the same year, in Armenia there were held elections
accompanied by bribes, violence, and expressions of political
corruption. The cornerstone of political corruption among us was put
in 1995.

In the future, these phenomena deepened especially in 1998 after the
change of government and we see that elections do not fulfill their
function. One of the problems is the link of political and economic
leaderships of the country in which result we had a very bad result
from the point of the country’s occupation. In other words, country’s
public policy, tax, customs and so on is decided by the interests of
a group of oligarchs. This is also corruption.

In your opinion, is the question on the struggle against the corruption
primary within the oppositional and governmental circles?

By the way, we have studied the pre-electoral programs of the parties
running for 2007 parliamentary elections. No one dwells on the
corruption maybe because it is not a primary issue in their agendas.

During 2007-2008 elections, corruption did not become a primary
one either because there is no general perception in Armenia that
after all, rigged election is also corruption. Our society is very
demoralized. Considering this fact, as well as the tolerance our
society shows towards corruption, I would not blame the opposition
that it does not consider this issue a primary one but I have to say
to the political figures that if they bring up this issue, people
will follow them. I cannot say that the opposition loses when not
paying attention to the corruption issues.

ORER 10 ANNIVERSARY IN PRAGUE

Lragir.am
23/11/09

On November 20, an event took place in Prague in connection with
the 10th anniversary of the "Orer" European monthly. The Armenian
monthly printed in the Czech capital became the favorite monthly not
only of the Armenians from the Czech Republic but also from all over
the Europe. The Editor-in-Chief of the monthly thanked the staff,
the sponsors, the board members, the readers and said in 2010 the
monthly will have a new quality. The Caucasus-Eastern Europe press
centre from Prague reports.

ARMENIA MAY RECOGNIZE NKR

Lragir.am
17:09:27 – 23/11/2009

The clarification of the press speaker of the Armenian president
Samvel Farmanyan to the ARMENPRESS agency

The Azerbaijani president, a day before the meeting in Munich, made
his regular aggressive statement, in fact threatening by war. What
will Armenia do if the tension connected with the NKR issue increases?

We have had opportunities to note that such statements are made for
home audience, at the same time they do not create favorable atmosphere
for the settlement of the issue. The statements of the Azerbaijani
president once again prove the Azerbaijani non-constructive behavior.

The increase of tension about the NKR issue of course is the most
disgusting solution. It will be such one for Armenia, NKR and the
whole region. But the Republic of Armenia cannot be indifferent
in connection with the destiny of the Karabakh people. The Armenian
president and many high-ranking officials have repeatedly stated we are
responsible for the Karabakh security. There are traditional versions
for such cases, for example, Armenia may recognize the independence of
Nagorno-Karabakh with all its consequences. There are other versions,
and I am sure Armenia will use one of them. We have to note that
Armenia has not yet recognized the Karabakh independence so far just
in order not to hinder the peace negotiations. And if they are ruined,
Armenia will not have any other obstacle to recognize Karabakh.

But the present situation is that the negotiation is continuing.

Armenia has always stated it does not see any alternative to the
peace settlement of the issue.

After the meeting in Munich, the Azerbaijani press spread information
that during the meeting the question that Armenians are to free
the Kelbadjar region by the end of this year was discussed which
will enable Turkey to ratify the Armenian and Turkish protocols
and Azerbaijan to soften its positions in the context of the
Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Is it true?

We are already used to this situation, when after any regular meeting
between the Armenian and Azerbaijani presidents, "too aware" sources
dwell on discussions and arrangements which in reality do not exist.

This is pure misinformation and does not have anything in common with
the reality. Such a question is not discussed, thus there cannot be
such an arrangement. We have repeatedly stated that the axis of the
Karabakh negotiations is the status of Nagorno-Karabakh. All the rest
is derivative.

THEY DON’T WANT THE BORDER TO BE REOPENED

/23/border
23/11/09

Azerbaijanis and Turks living overseas are against the reopening of
the Armenian-Turkish border. They have released a joint statement
warning the presidents and governments of Azerbaijan and Turkey
against the border reopening.

The Armenian-Turkish Protocols will affect the friendly relations
of Turkey and Azerbaijan and strengthen Armenia’s "non-constructive"
position in the process of the Karabakh conflict settlement.

"Moreover, the normalization of relations will be advantageous to
Armenia from the political and economic view of point and will
reinforce Yerevan’s position in the region. We are hopeful that
Turkey’s leadership will remain faithful to the pledges given to
Azerbaijan and will not ratify the protocols unless the Karabakh
conflict is resolved," reads the statement.

The authors of the statement think that the reopening of the border
endangers the interests of Turks throughout the world.

NALBANDIAN HAS NO RIGHT TO STUMBLE

23/arman-melikyan
23/11/09

Arman Melikian, ex Foreign Minister of the Nagorno Karabakh Republic,
is confident that Serzh Sargsyan will bring no news from Munich.

"Each side will represent the "significant" progress in their own way.

No general approach will be presented to the public. They will say
whatever they want," Arman Melikian told A1+.

The so-called Madrid Principals do not reflect Armenia’s interests and
naturally the Armenian side will make concessions ignoring a series
of issues important for the Armenian people," says former NKR FM.

Arman Melikian doesn’t share the opinion that determination of
Karabakh’s status is the first and foremost concern at the threshold
of the Karabakh conflict settlement.

"Karabakh’s status was determined in 1991 and we don’t need to discuss
the issue with Azerbaijan or the Minsk Group mediators. Armenia should
discuss the matter with no one else but the Nagorno Karabakh Republic.

You needn’t get delighted with the statements of international
structures or mass media saying that Azerbaijan has yielded to
Armenia’s urges and has decided to recognize NKR’s status. They
likely meant that Karabakhi people should gain independence within
the territorial wholeness of Azerbaijan. You needn’t get delighted
and delude the Armenian people."

Arman Melikian thinks that the negotiations should eliminate the
reasons for the Karbakh conflict, lift Armenia’s blockade, restore
the rights of Azerbaijani refugees and make Azerbaijan recognize
NKR’s status.

"I am glad that RA authorities finally began to speak about Armenian
refugees in talks though reducing their number from half a million to
400 thousand. At the same time the authorities noted that the issue
will be discussed after Karabakh’s status is defined. Even Armenia’s
Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian recently raised the issue in the
United Nations Organization speaking about ethnic discrimination
against Armenians in the NKR. He didn’t refer to Armenians in
Azerbaijan. Undoubtedly, this approach narrows the possibilities of
negotiations. Our officials have no right to stumble in important
matters," added Arman Melikian.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

ELIZABETH SODERSTROM, THE OPERA STAR WHO HAD IT ALL
Martin Kettle

guardian.co.uk
Monday 23 November 2009 15.16 GMT

The Swedish soprano was not just a great singer and actor, but a
remarkable woman

The newspaper obituaries of opera singers, which are invariably written
by anorak-coated music critics, too often take a standard and not very
interesting form. Born. Studied with. Made debut as. First appeared
in this country as. Much admired in the roles of X, Y and Z.

Triumphed as this or that. Retired early — or late. Much loved. Now
dead. Usually accompanied by a nice photo in costume.

Just occasionally, however, a singer is too interesting and too
rounded a human being to be confined within that dull mould. There
was an example of that last week in the obituaries of the remarkable
Armenian- Greek soprano Arda Mandikian, who I confess was barely
a name to me but whose life and art would clearly be worth a full
biography. Now, all too rapidly after the death of a great southern
European soprano, comes the death of a great northern European one,
and one who, like Mandikian, can simply not be adequately recalled
within the list of the roles that she sang.

Elizabeth Soderstrom was not so much a great soprano – though she was
one — as a great actor and a remarkable woman. I can tell you when I
heard her first — at Covent Garden as the Countess in The Marriage
of Figaro. And I can tell you when I heard her last — the New York
Met 10 years ago in her farewell performances as a very different
Countess, in Tchaikovsky’s The Queen of Spades. I can tell you some
of the roles I heard her sing, too — Melisande, Madeleine and Katya
Kabanova among them.

The feeling that touched an audience in a Soderstrom performance,
though, was not the response to the voice, lovely though that was. It
was the response to the person. Soderstrom possessed a remarkable
ability to communicate the personality of the character she was
portraying by drawing on things within her own personality. I do not
in the slightest degree mean that she always played herself — as
Pavarotti did or Bartoli does. She could not have been more different
when she portrayed Katya or Madeleine. What you always got from her
was intelligence and empathy. You cared about her character because
you cared about Soderstrom. Everything she did was always interesting.

You could, I suppose, say that she was a superb actor, which she was,
but that would not capture the presence and humanity that she always
conveyed. She was a giver to an audience, all the time.

I was once told a story about Soderstrom that may help to convey how
her artistry burned. She was rehearsing the Countess Madeleine at
Glyndebourne under John Pritchard. The contract with the orchestra
meant that Pritchard had to stop the rehearsal on the dot, or else
the musicians would start qualifying for overtime, which could not be
afforded. The rehearsal went slowly, and had only reached part way
through the magical closing scene for the soprano when the deadline
was reached. In the pit, Pritchard promptly put down his baton. The
orchestra stopped and began packing up. Soderstrom, in full flow and
unprepared for the break, looked as if she had been physically struck
down by the sudden end of the rehearsal. In tears, she refused to stop,
and sang her part unaccompanied to the end.

She was such a nice woman too. I only met her once, at the court
theatre at Drottningholm outside Stockholm where she was artistic
director for a few years in the mid-1990s. "Hello," she said as I
arrived for my appointment, "I have been so looking forward to this.

Let’s go and have some lunch and you can tell me about English
politics." She laughed a lot. She told great stories. She was a great
talker. Meeting her was like meeting a favourite relative.

Many years ago Soderstrom appeared on Desert Island Discs. Unlike some
sopranos, who choose only records by other sopranos and sometimes only
records they have made themnselves, I remember that Soderstrom chose
a wonderfully eclectic selection. One of her choices was a really
grungey heavy metal track — I can’t remember who it was by. Why did
you choose that, she was asked? Because my son likes playing it all
the time, very loudly, and it will remind me of him, she replied.

With some singers, what matters is the voice. With others, it’s the
stage presence. Soderstrom had both the voice and the presence. But
she had something even more special, her life-enhancing personality
and warmth which infused every aspect of her artistry. Many singers
attract admiration. A few attract worship. Soderstrom, on the other
hand, attracted love.

PRIME MINISTER ARA HARUTIUNIAN SPEAKS OF KARABAKH’S GROWING ECONOMY, AND OPPOSES RETREAT ON NATIONAL ISSUES
Emil Sanamyan

"Noravank" Foundation
23 November 2009

Ara Harutiunian discusses policy and politics

STEPANAKERT, NAGORNO-KARABAKH – Prime Minister Ara Harutiunian and
other Nagorno-Karabakh officials arrived in the United States this
week ahead of the annual Thanksgiving telethon organized by the
Hayastan All-Armenian Fund. On November 5, Washington editor Emil
Sanamyan spoke with Mr. Harutiunian in his office in Stepanakert. A
translation of that conversation follows. (Mr. Harutiunian’s bio
appears at the end of this interview.)

Emil Sanamyan: Mr. Prime Minister, earlier this week you made a
number of statements rejecting the territorial concessions envisioned
under what is known as the Madrid proposal for a Karabakh settlement,
unveiled by France, Russia, and the United States in July. At the time
the NKR Foreign Ministry broadly criticized the proposal, but your
comments were more specific. Could you elaborate on NKR’s position
with regard to that proposal?

Ara Harutiunian: The Nagorno-Karabakh Republic has not been formally
presented with the Madrid proposal. We have seen the statement and
media commentary, but as long as we are not formally presented with
a proposal, we cannot officially accept or reject it.

That said, we have a position repeatedly articulated by our president
and other officials, a position that the international community
needs to appreciate.

First, the people of Artsakh have already exercised their right to
self-determination.

Second, in a popular referendum, we adopted our constitution, which
specifies that Artsakh’s territory is its present-day territory
comprising 11,400 sq km (4,400 sq mi), and it is not the territory
of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast.

Of course, we support the negotiation process and understand
that negotiations imply mutual compromises. But in the end, the
negotiations can produce results only when Artsakh authorities become
involved. Without our full participation, there will be no results.

Protocols ES: Another issue generating a lot of debate is the terms
of the Armenia-Turkey protocols signed on October 10. The Armenian
government has invested a lot of effort into that diplomatic initiative
and there has also been a lot of criticism of the protocols both in
Armenia and the diaspora. What is your view of that process?

AH: Generally we would welcome any step that contributes to
Armenia’s economic development. But such a step should not come with
preconditions or disregard our national dignity and identity.

The future of our country depends on economic development. Armenians
are business savvy, and if they don’t have opportunities in the
homeland, they will find them elsewhere; emigration leads to
demographic problems.

It is obvious that a Turkey-Armenia border opening would create new
opportunities for development. Those who argue that [Turkish imports]
would damage our economy are not correct. The same argument, after all,
could be made against countries we have open borders with, Georgia and
Iran. But that is not the case, and reflects a backward-looking policy.

Border opening with Turkey is important economically, but once again
it should come without preconditions, without historical revisionism,
and without a link to Artsakh negotiations.

If any one of these conditions is not met, we will be opposed and will
find the signing of these documents to be senseless. But as far as I
know, the president of the Republic of Armenia, in all his statements,
has ruled out any compromises on these issues.

I would stress once again that a solution to the Artsakh issue depends
on Artsakh itself. Any deals reached contrary to the will of Artsakh
people will remain on paper.

You will recall this is what happened when former Armenian President
Levon Ter-Petrosian agreed to the return of Kelbajar [after its capture
in April 1993]. Those efforts were in vain. Moreover, our army was able
to liberate Tigranakert, Kovsakan, and other areas [later in 1993].

Confident about security ES: As prime minister you deal mostly
with economic issues, but economics and security are quite
interconnected. Azerbaijan is continuing to arm itself and has
repeatedly expressed aggressive intentions. But there is little
Armenian criticism of this militarization and there is virtually no
criticism of countries selling weapons to Azerbaijan. Why not?

AH: We of course do not welcome Azerbaijan’s policy that allocates
so much money for its armed forces and weapons purchases, but there
is also little we can do to influence this process.

Instead, we do what we can to make Azerbaijan think twice before
launching hostilities. We have an efficient defense system that is
not limited to today’s standing army. Every citizen of Artsakh is a
[reservist] soldier and will defend his motherland the way we did in
the early 1990s.

Additionally, it is important to note that, say, the price of a
modern tank is in millions of dollars, while antitank weapons cost
only several thousand. We are not preparing for an aggression; we are
preparing for defense [so our costs are lower]. However, we also have
serious counterattack capabilities.

Each year, we implement large-scale programs aimed at increasing
capabilities of our army, and strengthening our defense perimeter.

Azerbaijan can make the calculations and knows that the Artsakh Army
will remain a guarantor of regional peace and stability for a long
time. We have made it clear that a new war would be very damaging for
Azerbaijan not just in human and financial terms, but also through
loss of territory.

We are confident about our capabilities and ready to confront any
aggressor.

Growing the diaspora-homeland link ES: Earlier today I visited the
Artsakh History Museum where a guide showed me a picture of your
older brother who was killed in the war.

This subject of war of course remains very close to everyone in
Artsakh.

But for many others, including in the diaspora, the war has become
a relatively distant memory and the sense of danger to Artsakh,
to Armenians, has largely passed. Why is Artsakh still important?

AH: It must be harder to maintain the attachment to your motherland
when you live far from it rather than when you live here. From far
you miss it, but nostalgia alone can be exhausted over the years.

To preserve this attachment to Armenia, to Artsakh, we encourage
diaspora Armenians to visit the motherland more often. Once you
visit and experience Artsakh, you will fall in love with Artsakh,
live Artsakh. Our policy now is to promote such visits.

In part for this purpose, we are now constructing an airport,
improving roads, improving the access to our historical and cultural
monuments. Excavations are underway at Tigranakert, which has a
significant meaning for the whole Armenian people. Works are also
underway at Amaras, Dadivank, and in Shushi. There are more and better
hotels, restaurants, and transportation in Artsakh than ever before.

The more our compatriots visit Artsakh, the stronger the connections
become. We understand that time can have an effect. But even from
far away, you do not stop loving your family or your motherland.

ES: What are your priorities for the Armenia Fund Telethon on
November 26?

AH: This year, donations made to the Fund will help development of
Shushi. Projects there include reconstruction of the former Shushi
girls’ school, which will house NKR’s Ministry of Culture. It is also
planned to move the local branch of [Armenia’s] Agriculture University
to Shushi.

We already began work to relocate NKR’s Supreme Court and other
judicial entities to Shushi. We hope to see these projects completed
in the next five to seven years.

Preparing for the 2010 elections ES: Last weekend the Free Motherland
party had its congress and elected you as its leader. What is the
history and political plans of this party?

AH: The Free Motherland party was established in January 2005 and I was
one of its founders. We participated in 2005 parliamentary elections,
and at the time came in second.

We also took part in the [2007] presidential elections and supported
the current president, Bako Sahakian. The main theses of our party’s
program were reflected in the election program of President Sahakian.

Today, our party has the biggest faction in the National Assembly,
holding 12 of 33 seats. We are now preparing for parliamentary
elections due next year and will have a new election program. Should we
win, we will present our program to the president and after receiving
his approval we will implement it.

ES: Is the president a member of your party?

AH: No.

ES: Are you already the main ruling party?

AH: No. In the last presidential elections, four parties including
Free Motherland, Artsakh Democratic Party, ARF (Dashnaktsutiun), and
Movement 88 supported the president. Today they all are represented
in parliament and are part of government.

ES: How does President Sahakian’s administration differ from former
president Arkady Ghukasian’s in 1997-2007? Are there significant
differences, or is it the continuation of the past administration?

AH: Of course the differences are significant. The [incumbent]
president has his own election program, working style, team, and ideas
for development. Of course all this is reflected in the country’s
economic indexes and demographic changes. Today Artsakh’s economy is
growing at a good pace in spite of the world economic crisis.

ES: Is that a result of the president’s efforts and foreign
investments?

AH: Yes, investments, economic policy, and implementation of
anti-corruption programs have all resulted in those indexes, and we
are working for this dynamic of development surely to continue.

ES: Thank you.

Editor’s note: The Reporter extends its gratitude to Aram Avetisyan
from the NKR Office in the United States for his assistance with
translation.

——————————- ————————————————-

Ara Harutiunian, 35, became the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic’s sixth
prime minister, having been appointed to the post in September 2007
by President Bako Sahakian.

Since October 2009, Mr. Harutiunian also returned to the post of
chair of the Azat Hairenik (Free Motherland) political party, which
has the largest bloc in Karabakh’s National Assembly and is currently
a favorite in next year’s parliamentary elections.

Prior to his appointment as prime minister, from 2005 to 2007 Mr.

Harutiunian was leader of Azat Hairenik party, a member of parliament,
and chair of the parliament’s budget committee.

Before entering politics, Mr. Harutiunian worked with ArmAgroBank,
heading its Askeran (1997-99) and Stepanakert (1999-2004) branches.

>From 1995 to 1997, he was an aide to the NKR minister of economy
and finance.

Mr. Harutiunian studied at Armenia’s Economics Institute and the
Artsakh State University, where he earned undergraduate (1996) and
master’s degrees in economics (1998).

Mr. Harutiunian is a veteran of the Karabakh war, having joined the
NKR Self Defense forces in 1992. He is married and has two children.

RA NSC SECRETARY RECEIVES AMBASSADOR OF U.S.

NOYAN TAPAN
NOVEMBER 23, 2009
YEREVAN

Issues related to Armenian-American cooperation were discussed at
the November 23 meeting of RA National Security Council Secretary
Artur Baghdasarian and Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
of U.S. to RA Marie Yovanovitch.

According to the RA NSC Secretary’s Spokesperson, at U.S. Ambassador’s
request A. Baghdasarian presented NSC’s functions, as well as the
process of reforms carried out in varions directions in Armenia.

Regional problems, including normalization of Armenian-Turkish
relations, were touched upon.