Film Diplomacy Instead of Football Diplomacy

Tert, Armenia
Oct 31 2009

Film Diplomacy Instead of Football Diplomacy, or Armenian Film Wins
Award in Turkey
13:51 ¢ 31.10.09

Golden Apricot International Film Fesitval director, filmmaker
Harutyun Khachatryan’s film Border (`Sahman’ in Armenian) won the Best
Film Award, along with Russian director Alexei German Jr.’s Paper
Soldier, at the 46th annual Golden Orange Film Festival in the Turkish
city of Antalya.

At the festival, Border was introduced by Director of Photography
(Cinematographer) Vrej Petrosyan and film critic and Golden Apricot
Film Festival Art Director Susanna Harutyunyan. In the presenters’
opinion, this award, which is the film’s 6th international award, is a
good opportunity to understand that `Film Diplomacy’ may also be quite
useful, perhaps even more effective, than Football Diplomacy. As an
aside, the festival was held during the same days that the Armenian
football team visited Bursa.

However, Turkish paper Hurriyet Daily News, in a fairly long article
about this year’s Golden Orange festival, didn’t mention Harutyun
Khachatryan’s notable win, nor did it mention the Armenian film at
all.

The Other Bank by Georgian film director Georgi Ovashvili won the
second award in the same competition. This film had won the main award
in Yerevan’s 6th Golden Apricot Film Festival.

Just before the festival in Antalya, Border was screened at Romania’s
International Festival, where it won the the art critics jury’s
special award `for showcasing the tragedy of being a refugee in an
innovative and cinematic way [that is, without words].’

The film also screened at international festivals in Warsaw (Poland),
Busan (South Korea), and Tokyo (Japan). simultaneously with the
Turkish festival, and in November, the film will be screened in
Florence and in Spain’s Festival Internacional de Cine de Gijon.

>From December 1`6, a Harutyun Khachatryan retrospective will be
organized in Tblisi, Georgia, which will be the third retrospective
screening after Moscow and Montevideo, Uruguay.

Not As Easy As You Might Think: Registering Well-Known Trademarks

Tert, Armenia
Oct 31 2009

It’s Not As Easy As You Might Think: Registering Well-Known Trademarks
in Armenian Market
13:28 ¢ 31.10.09

Yesterday Armenia’s Minister of Economy Nerses Yeritsyan answered a
number of pressing questions on the activities of Intellectual
Property Agency (IPA) of the Ministry of Economy. According to local
Armenian daily Capital, over the past few years IPA registered
numerous well-known trademarks for one company in Armenia (which
doesn’t manufacture or distribute them) thus contributing to
concentration of the confectionary market, in particular, in the hands
of one local player.

Yeritsyan stated that it is within his power, as a minister, to
inflict penalties on those agencies.

`For example, the minister can propose to the government not to
finance them or to liquidate the business,’ Yeritsyan stated.

While speaking with the minister, a journalist noted that the Ministry
of Economy’s Intellectual Property Agency violated Article 12 of the
Republic of Armenia Law on Trademarks, Service Marks and Appellations
of Origin by registering as a trademark names of well-known companies
and people. Asked what steps the ministry is going to take, Yeritsyan
said that the Paris Convention stipulates that well-known brands
should be protected.

`Our law didn’t ensure that and many took advantage of that.
Basically, not many things surprise us, since those companies haven’t
yet come to Armenia. The reason was the following: Well-known foreign
companies or their representations and agents had no right to register
those names, their applications were turned down, but a third person
in Armenia could register, for example, McDonald’s or Coca-Cola
trademarks. In the future, it becomes a nuisance for the importers of
these brands if they come to Armenia. Many companies took advantage of
this and registered trademarks of foreign companies, hundreds of
names, in order to block their entrance into the Armenian market. In
this respect, the new draft Law on Trademarks, which was submitted to
the National Assembly, provides a solution to the problem. The
previous law prescribed that if the trademark is registered, and is
not used over 5 years, then the registration is cancelled. But the new
draft law stipulates that well-known brands cannot be registered by a
third party at all. But if brands known in other countries are
registered by mistake, then the owners of the brands may launch a
complaint within three years and through legal proceedings, the
registration may be made null and void,’ Yeritsyan said.

Referring to the law’s retroactive implementation, Yeritsyan stated
that in his opinion it is desirable, for example, to establish a
five-year period, and in that time, to do a full clean sweep of the
sector.

`That is, let bygones be bygones. It is natural that if we are doing
something for the future, it is logical, that a certain period should
be provided but we should also be brave and state that it hinders
investments. If everyone registers foreign company trademarks here, no
foreign company will come to Armenia. Even without that, making an
investment is a huge expense. Besides, the company also sees that it
has issues related to buying its brand back,’ the minister said.
From: Baghdasarian

Armenia marks commemoration day of All Saints

Aysor, Armenia
Oct 31 2009

Armenia marks commemoration day of All Saints

Today Armenian Apostolic Church marks the commemoration day of All
Saints: feast of All Saints – the old and the new, the known and the
unknown. By this feast the Armenian Apostolic Church commemorates the
memory of all those saints, whose names are not included in the Church
Calendar, but whose names are registered in the sacred book of the
Heavenly Kingdom.

Many people have been subjected to severe torments and have been
martyred during the wars for the sake of faith. Unfortunately, we do
not know their names. So the Church has established this feast in the
Church Calendar in order to commemorate their memory. They are persons
who shed their blood for the sake of Christ and His Church.

Azerbaijan’s Defence Minister Warns Serzh Sargsyan

Tert, Armenia
Oct 31 2009

Azerbaijan’s Defence Minister Warns Serzh Sargsyan
11:48 ¢ 31.10.09

Azerbaijan’s Minister of Defence, Safar Abiyev, commenting on Armenian
President Serzh Sargsyan’s recent visit to the Republic of
Nagorno-Karabakh, said, `This may be his last visit [to Karabakh].’

As reported by Azerbaijani news agency APA, Abiyev announced that
Azerbaijan’s armed forces are prepared to fight.

Simultaneous Protest Actions Planned in Georgia

Tert, Armenia
Oct 31 2009

Simultaneous Protest Actions Planned in Georgia
12:56 ¢ 31.10.09

Yesterday Georgia’s opposition submitted official notice to Tbilisi’s
city hall about its intention to hold a mass protest on November 7.

As opposition movement representative Jaba Jishkariani told
journalists, the opposition intends to hold simultaneous
demonstrations at different places in Tbilisi.

Georgia’s opposition rallies will take place on Rustaveli Ave., at the
Ministry of Internal Affairs building, in front of TV broadcaster
Imedi building and at Rike Square, reports Russian news agency
INTERFAX.

Cairo: Nostalgia

Al-Ahram Weekly, Egypt
29 October – 4 November 2009

Nostalgia

Back from the third round of MEIFF, Hani Mustafa follows a string of
concern with the past in several of the Arab films screened there

Regional film events provide a rare opportunity to assess a large
number of films from a particular part of the world at a particular
point in time, and where possible register a single characteristic
running through a large number of them. At the Middle East
International Film Festival, which closed last Saturday, one idea
informing the Arab films on the programme was concern with time: its
passage, and the effect of its unfolding on people (or characters).
Several films concerned themselves with history, whether to review a
particular episode from the past or to engage with the beauty of times
past. Such over-the-board interest in time might drive the critic to a
rushed judgement to the effect that Arab cinema is digging up old
glories or indulging in nostalgia for its own sake. Yet a fair number
of the films on the MEIFF programme effectively eschewed such shallow
nostalgia, opting for a serious probing of the past to make contact
with their roots or to present an informed and profound view of the
present.

One such film, which dealt with history deeply and with technical
prowess, was The Time that Remains by the Palestinian filmmaker Elia
Suleiman, who managed to skilfully interweave the personal and the
political — a formula he employed in his previous films, whether
features or shorts. Suleiman’s cultural specificity — his status as
an Arab Israeli — gives his films a contradictory flavour, a kind of
dialectic present in all his works starting with his first short The
Gulf War… What Next? Screened at the Ismailia Documentary and Short
Film Festival in 1993, it presented a clear view of one Arab Israeli
in exile, and his contradictory feelings on hearing (false) news that
Saddam would be targeting Tel Aviv with Scud missiles. On the one
hand, as a dispossessed Arab, he is excited; on the other, he is
deeply concerned for his mother, who lives in Nazareth (a few
kilometres away from Tel Aviv).

The Palestinian cause is routinely depicted in a clichéd and direct
way by the vast majority of Palestinian directors and thereby makes
for weak films. Yet as Suleiman demonstrated in Divine Intervention
(which received the Grand Jury Award in Cannes 2002), it is possible
to deal with the Palestinian cause in a human and artistic way — an
approach he also took in The Time that Remains, which featured in the
official competition of the Cannes Film Festival this year and
received the Best Middle East Film Award at MEIFF.

Yet participation in prestigious festivals, and even prizes, is less
important in a film than that film’s structural innovation or ability
to present new cinematic values. Suleiman presents an extremely
sensitive political issue with powerful irony and the narrative skill
of Charlie Chaplin. The Time that Remains is especially characterised
by lack of dialogue, so much so that the last quarter of the film is
completely devoid of dialogue. The film opens with Suleiman himself
arriving in Israel from abroad. On his way to his city, Nazareth, rain
and lightning force the taxi driver to stop so that he ends up alone
with the director in the car, surrounded by bad weather.

And as if Suleiman is asking himself how he ended up in this
situation, in a flashback he moves back in time to 1948, when the Arab
armies were first defeated and Palestine occupied. Suleiman employs an
episodic technique, telling his tale through a series of sketches. In
one such episode, an armed man walks briskly with a serious expression
before a group of young men at a café with their weapons on the table.
They ask where he is going, and the armed man answers mechanically,
hand on gun, that he is on his way to liberate Tiberias. Nonchalantly
they tell him it has already been liberated, and surprised he asks
about another Palestinian village, and they point in the opposite
direction. He moves briskly with the same seriousness, and seconds
later they ask him where he is going, he tells them, and they say it
too has been liberated. A very powerful example of Suleiman’s sarcasm,
this scene: the director continues to tell the story in this temporal
framework without there being any development on the dramatic front.
The rhythm of the film remains slow and plodding year after year.

First, Suleiman documents the signing of his city’s surrender to the
Israeli army, then the escape of many of its people to Jordan. As for
the director’s own father, who is part of the resistance and
manufactures weaponry, stops doing so after he is tortured. The film
depicts the state of depression into which the father then falls, with
his life reduced to sitting idly in the house or fishing with a
friend. Dramatic succession is not essential to The Time that Remains.
The importance of the film derives from the poetic state of mind it
induces through repetition and subtle cross referencing. Suleiman
however seems to have lost much of the humour with which Divine
Intervention was infused — which made the film seem, to many of those
who have followed his work, a purely black comedy full of a sense of
defeat.

***

The element of time is equally important in Heliopolis by the young
filmmaker Ahmed Abdallah, named after the Cairo neighbourhood (also
known as Masr Al-Gedida) — even though time in this film is almost
constantly at a standstill due to the static state in which the film’s
ordinary heroes find themselves as they face — or rather fail to face
— their tedious lives. They have desires and ambitions, but there are
no major dramatic shifts in their lives. The screenplay progresses
along a number of intersecting rather than interwoven lines: a
distinctive style not so alien to Egyptian cinema. Many Egyptian films
in recent times have employed this technique — Cabaret (2008) and
Al-Farah (The Wedding, 2009), for example, both written by
screenwriter Ahmed Abdallah, to be distinguished from the present
director.

The film, which takes place in the course of a single day, opens with
the young academic Ibrahim (Khaled Abul-Naga), who appears to be
extremely exhausted on the morning of a new day as he rushes to his
meeting with an elderly woman (Aida Abdel-Aziz) whom he is to
interview as one of a few members of Jewish families left in Egypt.
She lives in an old flat in one of Heliopolis’s distinctive buildings.
This line of drama is unclear and raises a number of questions: What
is the object of Ibrahim’s research? Is he exploring minorities in
Egypt (as he tells the lady) or the architecture of Heliopolis (as he
tells the officer who stops him while he shoots video in Korba)? Or is
it that he simply feels emotional about Heliopolis? The film does not
answer this question before it ends, but simply tells of Ibrahim’s
tragedy when the girl he loves leaves him to marry another. The film
does not seek to explain Ibrahim’s emotional state even though it ends
with an emotionally charged answering-machine message in his beloved’s
voice (the voice over is by Hind Sabri) in which she apologises for
leaving him.

Another line in the film concerns a young woman (Hanan Mutawi’) who
works at the Heliopolis Hotel while telling her family that she works
in Paris. In the third, a young couple are trying to find a flat in
which to live. The man they phone with a view to buying his flat, Dr
Hani (Hani Adel), makes up yet another dramatic line: his entire
family have immigrated to Canada and while he waits to obtain the visa
and harbours an implicit love for his neighbour (Yossra El-Lozi). In
addition to these juxtapositions, there is another altogether
different drama that feels as though it is a separate, short film
included in the script. It concerns a police guard whose service is in
the vicinity of a church who practises his usual rituals listening to
old songs, eating bread and cheese, smoking. His intense loneliness is
broken only by friendship with a small street dog whom he feeds and
plays with.

Remarkable in this film is the director’s attempt to provide drama
that intentionally eschews development and concentrates on stillness.
Time alone moves forward, with the film ending as the day ends. Yet
structurally such films require much effort and effective story
telling. It also requires that the film should have aesthetic values
other than dramatic development as such: stand-alone situations or
powerful characterisation, for example, with their expression and
dialogue revealing their detail. Sadly Heliopolis has no such values.
More accurately, it does — but only incompletely. It may indeed be
that the film was cut too harshly in the editing for the narrative to
remain whole. There is a huge difference between what might be missing
on purpose — to let the viewer complete in her own head — and what
is missing due to faulty craftsmanship. I feel that the director, who
is also the screenwriter, attempted a new experiment in film. He has
said that since the beginning he sought to write a script with very
little or no dialogue, drafting the dialogue together with the actors
before filming. As a result the film seems like the result of team
work, emerging from the actors themselves. Technically, some of the
footage Ibrahim collects of the streets of Heliopolis resembles
documentary film — not a fault in itself. Yet this documentary drive
seems to have involved the director a little more than necessary, and
he was so involved in it that he seems to have succumbed to the
pleasure of chronicling to the point of neglecting narrative.

***

The problematic relation between time and place is central to
filmmaking in general and it becomes perhaps more intense in
documentaries — as evidenced by the many possible responses to the
documentary Giran (Neighbours) by Tahani Rashed. At one level, the
problematic relation between place and time can be seen as a
historical, political conflict played out in the Cairo neighbourhood
of Garden City between the state of affairs prior to and after the
July Revolution. At the outset of the film the nationalist-inclined
viewer might feel that Rashed is critiquing Nasser and the Revolution
— since Garden City was aesthetically destroyed under Nasser.
Likewise the interviews with the son of the Wafd Party official Fouad
Serageddin — a symbol of pre-July politics — as well as with Mursi
Saad El-Din and other members of the aristocracy: all suggest that
Rashed is critiquing the Revolution. By the end of the film, however,
the position on the Revolution has changed as the novelist-dentist
Alaa El-Aswani and the late Marxist philosopher Mahmoud Amin El-Alim
express support for it.

By the time the film ended Arab critics felt they had seen a film not
only about Garden City or politics but also a film about Egyptian
society as a whole. Some even felt the film had adequately registered
the humanity of Arab societies and how horribly time has managed to
crush that humanity on several grounds. The director employs a range
of instruments, moving through a series of smooth and enjoyable
scenes. The viewer encounters cats sleeping on top of cars in the
shaded avenues of Garden City, long shots of children playing football
there, and every aspect of life in that neighbourhood in a holistic
and effective mould. It presents the complex class formation that
makes up the neighbourhood, including the remains of expatriates who
made up the long- gone cosmopolitanism of Cairo. It also touches on
the presence in Garden City of, first, the British Embassy (which was
the political pivot of the Middle East until the middle of the 20th
century) and, later, the American Embassy (which has performed the
same function since) — and the intense state of security associated
with it, a troubled connection with the political Other inducing much
fear and concern with the future.

While Abdallah offers in Heliopolis a static state, Rashed presents an
extremely fast-paced dynamism in depicting the deterioration of the
quality of life in Cairo’s prestigious neighbourhoods. Yet in both
cases nostalgia was a driving force, with the one slow and exhausted,
the other brisk and strong.

***

Time is of course an essential element in cinematic structure, but few
films manage to approach history without being drawn into the
sanctimoniousness and rhetorical flourish with which history is
usually presented. This is something Ahmed Maher manages to achieve in
Al-Musafir (The Traveller), which opened MEIFF and in which the
director uses history as a completely empty grid on which to travel
back in a purely philosophical way to the genesis of the main
character: the anti- or rather a-hero, Hassan (Khaled El-Nabawi, Omar
Sharif), the earliest manifestation of which genesis takes place on an
autumn day in 1948. It is a year that has its own significance, which
the director nonetheless brushes aside. He is merely searching for the
formative elements of generations that result from the union of
Hassan, an Egyptian young man, and Nora, an Armenian young woman.

Yet Maher takes this idea to the extreme, not only avoiding historical
references but also sticking with the implied and the uncertain where
his characters’ fate is concerned. Opening in 1948, the script does
not even mention the Nakba but attempts rather to document the
development of a particular family in Egyptian history, following the
same method in the autumn of 1973 and again in the autumn of 2001. But
in so doing it does not rest content with avoiding any reference to
the events in question — the October War, 9/11 — but also places the
viewer in a state of uncertainty regarding what happens to the
characters themselves. This seems to be yet another, uniquely
cinematic use of time. The Arab story, it seems, is still driven by
history — but judging by the variety and power of the films on offer
in MEIFF, Arab directors are finally approaching history in new and
interesting ways, using it to tell their stories of all that is human
rather than letting it control and tell its stories through them.

http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2009/970/cu3.htm

One family’s photographic history shared Nov. 3

Belmont Citizen-Herald, MA
Oct 31 2009

One family’s photographic history shared Nov. 3
By NAASR
Fri Oct 30, 2009, 05:16 PM EDT

Belmont, Mass. – The Boston offices of Anatolia College, Project SAVE
Armenian Photograph Archives, Inc., and the National Association for
Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR) will present an illustrated
lecture by Prof. Armen T. Marsoobian entitled `At the Crossroads of
Family and Institutional Memory: Marsovan (Merzifon) and Anatolia
College, 1890-1922.’ The event will take place at the NAASR
headquarters at 395 Concord Ave. in Belmont at 8 p.m. on Thursday,
Nov. 3.

Marsoobian is professor and chairman of Philosophy at Southern
Connecticut State University in New Haven, Conn. This past spring
semester he was a Michael S. Dukakis Fellow at the American College of
Thessaloniki (ACT), a division of Anatolia.

Prof. Marsoobian will be drawing upon family memoirs, letters, and
missionary accounts to trace his family’s history from its early days
in Sivas to their relocation in Marsovan, where his grandfather Tsolag
and his great uncle Aram Dildilian opened a photography studio. His
grandfather became the official photographer for both the college and
the governor of the province. Marsoobian will chronicle his
grandfather and great uncle’s time with Anatolia by showcasing
photographs from the family archive.

The photographs extend over a period of time that illustrates the
growth and prosperity of the college and its tragic end, in the summer
months of 1915, when Armenian staff and students of the college, along
with most of the Armenian population of the city, were sent on the
death marches of the Genocide.

The lecture ends with the Dildilian family parting with Anatolia.
While they escaped to the lands of Greece, France, and the United
States, Anatolia College was reborn in Thessaloniki, Greece, in 1922.

The photographs have helped Anatolia garner new insight into its
institutional history and its strong ties to the Armenian community,
and have also aided in preserving the image of a college that has
maintained its resolve in spite of the hardships of war and genocide.
Marsoobian has also shared his family’s photographs with Project SAVE.

Admission to the event is free (donations appreciated). The NAASR
Center is located opposite the First Armenian Church and next to the
U.S. Post Office. Ample parking is available around the building and
in adjacent areas. The lecture will begin promptly at 8 p.m.

More information about the lecture is available by calling
617-489-1610, faxing 617-484-1759, e-mailing [email protected], or writing
to NAASR, 395 Concord Ave., Belmont, MA 02478.

About NAASR

NAASR has grown from the vision of a group of 60 Armenian Americans
and professors who wished to advance Armenian Studies in the United
States into a nonprofit, nonpolitical, nonsectarian organization that
has achieved far-reaching success in fostering Armenian studies,
research, and publication on a permanent, scholarly, and objective
basis. Its pioneering successes since its establishment in 1955 have
benefited scholars interested in Armenian Studies and related fields
throughout the academic world.

For further information, please visit, naasr.org.

About Project Save

Project SAVE Armenian Photograph Archives, Inc., is a nonprofit,
tax-exempt organization whose mission is to collect, document,
preserve, and present the historic and modern photographic record of
Armenians and Armenian heritage. For additional information about
Project Save, visit projectsave.org.

About Anatolia

Anatolia’s United States headquarters is located next to the State
House on Beacon Hill in Boston, Massachusetts. Anatolia College is a
K-12 American Private School and a four year Liberal Arts College, The
American College of Thessaloniki, located in the northern Greek city
of Thessaloniki, overlooking the Thermaic Gulf and Mount Olympus. The
Boston office supports all U.S. outreach, national events, marketing,
study abroad, and fundraising efforts as a 501(c)3 organization.

For more about Anatolia, visit anatolia.edu.gr or call 617-742-7992.

fun/entertainment/books/x23524071/One-family-s-pho tographic-history-shared-Nov-3

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

http://www.wickedlocal.com/belmont/

ANKARA: Turkish-Armenian Soccer Diplomacy: Direct Hit at Azerbaijan

Hurriyet Daily News, Turkey
Oct 30 2009

Turkish-Armenian Soccer Diplomacy: A Direct Hit at Azerbaijan’s
Foreign Policy Architecture

Friday, October 30, 2009
Elnur Soltanov

Azerbaijan is not happy with the two protocols signed between Armenia
and Turkey on the 10th of October in Zurich, Switzerland. The most
common explanation has been that despite all the verbal promises by
its strategic ally, Baku is not sure that the opening of the borders
will be tied to the partial withdrawal of Armenian armed forces from
the territories in and (especially) around Nagorno-Karabakh. But the
level of disappointment in Azerbaijan cannot be fully explained away
by an unfavorable behavior of the brotherly government. For
Azerbaijan, the Turkish border initiative amounts to more than that.
Namely, it is poised to destroy the foreign policy architecture
Azerbaijan has been meticulously building since the mid-1990s around
Karabakh issue, leaving behind uncertainty and confusion. This is what
makes the repercussions of the Turkish-Armenian conciliation so
unbearable for Azerbaijan.

After military defeats in and around Nagorno-Karabakh between 1992 and
1994 and the concomitant cease-fire freezing the situation lopsidedly
in Armenia’s favor, in the spring of 1994, Azerbaijan started to
pursue a new foreign policy strategy. It may have begun by default,
yet by the mid-2000s it has evolved into a clearly, if unofficially,
defined foreign policy doctrine. The nature of the strategy was
simple, invoking the memories of the Cold War. It was to be built on
Armenia’s economic isolation and strategic marginalization. The
situation was Armenia’s choice to an extent, but Azerbaijan was intent
on fully capitalizing on the trend.

Armenia was to be left out of the regional energy and transport
projects and deprived of the benefits of the burgeoning Turkish
economy. This also meant closer relations with Russia and Iran,
outsiders in the Western-dominated global politics. Azerbaijan, on the
other hand, revitalizing its economy, becoming a significant link in
the Western energy security, and increasing the power of its military,
was to eventually make Armenia more willing to concede on the
negotiating table its enormous gains obtained in the battlefield. The
vision and the resources (which, essentially, were hydrocarbons)
behind the project were coming from Azerbaijan, which also had a
significant degree of control over it.

Until recently, the strategy was paying off to the apprehension of the
Armenian and the satisfaction of the Azerbaijani side. The enormously
expensive and rewarding Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and
Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum natural gas pipeline have already been
successfully completed by 2006. The third main transport link,
Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railroad was slated to be finished by 2011/2012.
When Armenians helped to freeze the international investment flow into
the latest project pointing to the intentional isolation of Armenia,
Azerbaijan, in one of the best indications of its willingness to
spearhead and finance the strategic trend, opened up its treasury
generously offering $220 million to Georgia to be paid back in 25
years with a symbolic interest rate of 1 percent. The dynamism that
the pipelines and hydrocarbon revenues have been generating has had an
economic and geopolitical multiplier effect along the
Azerbaijan-Georgia-Turkey axis, of which Armenia was not a part.

Armenian economy was definitely lagging behind with an associated
demographic downturn. According to CIA Country Report, Azerbaijan’s
economy grew twice as fast as the Armenian economy between 2006 and
2008. Its GDP per capita, almost even with that of Armenia a couple of
years ago, was 30 percent more than Armenia’s $6,300 by 2008.
Azerbaijan’s arms purchases, steadily increasing since the early 2000s
was starting to offset Armenian military arsenal, seasonally flooded
by Russia’s huge military transfers. In fact, the military budget of
Azerbaijan could be effectively catching up with the entire state
budget of the Republic of Armenia for 2009. Partly as a result of
continuing economic difficulties and overall insecurities, Armenia’s
population size has been stuck around 3 million, while Azerbaijan has
grown by a million since 1994 to over 8 million. According to the
International Monetary Fund’s forecasts these trends are to continue
for at least the next five years. The hard economic blows of the
Russian-Georgian war and the global economic downturn of 2008 were the
latest indications of how fragile Armenia’s situation was compared to
that of Azerbaijan.

It is difficult to say how much longer it would have taken for Armenia
(if ever) to be more willing to make concessions. The pace was slow
but the strategy and vision of the Azerbaijani political establishment
was clearly defined and things were, it seemed, moving in the right
direction. It is here that the deep disappointment on the part of the
Azerbaijani government lies. The Turkish move, and there are many
reasons to believe that the initiative came from Turkey, removed the
most fundamental pillar out of the Azerbaijan’s foreign policy
architecture. True, the architecture was being designed by Azerbaijani
vision and built by Azerbaijan’s relatively rich energy resources. But
the fundamental pillar necessary for the success of the isolation
project was Turkey’s willingness to cooperate in keeping Armenia at
bay.

For Azerbaijan the timing of the Turkish initiative makes it
especially worrisome. It began after Azerbaijan’s resource-led
projects and investments have already been made. One does not change
the direction of the multibillion pipelines and railroads overnight.
In the same context, it is only with the completion of the pipelines
in 2006 that a true economic gap started to emerge between Azerbaijan
and Armenia with real security implications. As soon as Azerbaijan’s
foreign policy architecture started to show real signs of success
Turkey defected.

Of course, there could be positive implications to the
Turkish-Armenian conciliation for Azerbaijan, yet it is undefined,
unofficial and is as possible as the opposite result. Despite the
Justice and Development Party, or AKP, government’s verbal promises,
Karabakh is not built into the border initiative which has been
internationalized and already slipping off of Turkey’s control. What
could be gone are not only the clarity of the tools and the purpose of
Azerbaijan’s foreign policy strategy around Karabakh, but also the
relative control Baku had over the overall process targeting the
resolution of the conflict. With the signatures in Zurich, the future
of the occupied lands of Azerbaijan is a function of the overly
internationalized Turkish-Armenian relations. Azerbaijan has lost the
initiative.

>From the Azerbaijani perspective, its clear, controllable, working and
priority strategy has been replaced by an unclear, uncontrollable and
an untested alternative. The status quo around Karabakh, which is
unfavorable to Azerbaijan, is no longer the driving force of the
regional political configurations; it has become an appendix to the
internationalized Turkish-Armenian relations. And Turkey, the
international community and Armenia, in dwindling the order down to
zero, are less concerned about Azerbaijani preferences in the zone of
conflict.

One cannot help but remember that Turkey felt betrayed when the United
States decided to withdraw its Jupiter medium-range nuclear missiles
from Turkish soil to resolve its differences with the Soviet Union
after the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962. The current situation between
Azerbaijan and Turkey is not exactly analogous to the aforementioned.
The latter is only a worse case from the Azerbaijani viewpoint. In the
Jupiter crisis the strategy and resources belonged to a more powerful
ally and Turkey was only trying to beef up its overall strategic
position bandwagoning with the overwhelming global American
initiative. But in the case of Turkey and Azerbaijan, a unilateral
move by a more powerful ally is perceived as wasting Azerbaijan’s
resources, Azerbaijan’s strategy and Azerbaijan’s initiative. It would
not be an exaggeration to say that this strategy was shaping the very
identity of the Azeri foreign policy. One of the biggest and
overlooked challenges of the Turkish-Armenian protocols will be
dealing with the destruction of this foreign policy architecture and
identity, and the uncertainty, confusion and the lack of direction it
leaves behind.

* Mr. Elnur Soltanov is an assistant professor at Azerbaijan
Diplomatic Academy, Baku.

rkish-armenian-soccer-diplomacy-a-direct-hit-at-az erbaijan8217s-foreign-policy-architecture-2009-10- 30

http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/n.php?n=tu

Erdogan refuted rumors on early elections

news.am, Armenia
Oct 31 2009

Erdogan refuted rumors on early elections

17:53 / 10/31/2009Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan refuted
the rumors on early parliamentary elections, CNNturk reports.

Attending the opening ceremony of the Sabiha Gikcen airport new
building in Istanbul, Erdogan said that the rumors are untrue. â??The
parliamentary elections will be held in terms stipulated by the law,â??
Erdogan noted.

As NEWS.am reported previously, Turkish Premier Recep Tayyip Erdogan
and Leader of the Republican People’s Party (RPP) Deniz Baykal had a
small talk during the events on Turkeyâ?`s Republic Day. Turkish mass
media interpreted the dialogue as a basis for holding early elections.

Later, Erdogan stated that if there was a necessity to hold early
elections, he would himself inform the nation first, but not the
oppositional leader.

Foreigners trafficking in drugs in Armenia

news.am, Armenia
Oct 31 2009

Foreigners trafficking in drugs in Armenia

16:29 / 10/31/2009Foreign citizens are engaged in trafficking and
smuggling drugs in Armenia, RA Police Press Service informed NEWS.am.
Each third crime committed by foreigners is the infliction of bodily
harm. A total of 71 crimes were committed by foreign citizens within
nine months of 2009: 78 citizens were pressed charges and 40 criminal
proceedings were instituted against 53.

Meanwhile, 79 crimes were carried out against foreigners in Armenia.