Month: November 2009

CHALDRANYAN’S NEW FILM ‘MAESTRO’ BRINGS MARCH 1 EVENTS TO THE BIG SCREEN

Tert
Nov 2 2009
Armenia

Vigen Chaldranyan’s Maestro premiered at Yerevan’s Moscow Cinema on
October 31. The theatre was more than crowded: the amount of people in
attendance were twice as many as there were seats. The reason? Because
the premier was not limited to the screening of the film: Armenia’s
State Philharmonic Orchestra and Hover Chamber Choir, besides having
direct connection with the film, gave a concert before the screening.

Chaldranyan’s Maestro is about composer and violoncellist Armen
Tigranyan, celebrating his 60th birthday, whose story runs parallel to
the events of March 1, 2008. He sometimes comes into direct contact
with the people gathered before the Opera House and later with the
"crowd" gathered at Shahumyan Square, expressing what the film has
to say with his position on and characterizations of the events. The
maestro, played by actor Mikael Poghosyan, also personifies the "crowd"
and at the end of the film he "gets furious" because of a dog’s bite.

The maestro is the cellist of the state philharmonic orchestra. The
orchestra with its full composition and headed by Art Director Eduard
Topchyan participated in the film shooting. It is not by chance that in
November 2008, Chaldranyan and Poghosyan, together with the orchestra,
participated in tours in Japan, which was summed up in Chaldranyan’s
documentary film.

At the end of the film, they find someone to substitute the cellist in
the orchestra, who continues the maestro’s Requiem rehearsals. Vache
Sharafyan’s work is also for a choir, which is performed by Hover.

This Requiem is finally performed as an elegy to the city, ruined
after March 1 events.

For the first time after March 1 events, this painful page of
independent Armenia’s history appeared on the screen with documentary
shots that didn’t even make it on YouTube during last year’s days where
a state of emergency was declared in Yerevan. Many would agree that
there’s no better way to bring "propaganda" to the people better than
through mass art like cinema; something Soviet leaders did effectively
during the years of social realism. How it will translate in this case,
only time will tell.

TURKISH MEDIA REPORTS ON ARMENIAN MEDIA PUBLISHING IN TURKISH

Tert
Nov 2 2009
Armenia

It is not unusual to see English and Russian versions of Armenian news
sites. But something unusual has started to occur recently, as some
news sites in Armenia have added a Turkish language section to their
pages, writes Yonca Poyraz Dogan in Turkish news source Today’s Zaman.

On the front page of Tert.am, the words, "Å~^imdi Turkce" or "Now in
Turkish" appear brightly colored in fuchsia. Just a click away, it
is possible to see the headline story on the Turkish page, which was
launched only a couple of weeks ago: "Prosperous Armenia Party Will
Vote against Protocol Ratification Only in Case of Preconditions." Two
advertisements also appear on Tert.am’s Turkish front page.

Sonya Apresova, an editor from Tert.am, said they have 12 percent
growth each day in page views of the Turkish section of the site and
that their visitors are not only from Turkey, but also from Armenia,
the United States and Europe, especially in Germany, where about 2.5
million people of Turkish decent live.

When it comes to their visitors from Turkey, Apresova said that they
are mostly from Ä°stanbul, but overall visitors from 16 cities have
checked out their Turkish portal, including Ankara, Adana, Bursa,
İzmir, Manisa, Antalya, Diyarbakır, Erzurum and Samsun.

"Our readers — mostly Armenians living in Turkey — used to send
us letters, asking if it was possible to translate some news into
Turkish. And now that the Turkish version exists, we’re getting a lot
of feedback. It’s always interesting for people living in Turkey to
get opinions from Armenia," said Apresova.

According to the article’s author, the pioneer in Turkish-language
websites in Armenia is Azg.am, which is the Web arm of the Azg Daily
newspaper.

Hagob Avedikian, editor-in-chief of Azg, said they have been publishing
a Turkish site along with their Armenian, English and Russian portals
since the establishment of their Web page six years ago.

He said when they started, they received various responses from their
readers, from "sound comments" to "curses."

Journalists from both Turkey and Armenia have been kept busy by
the tense nature of relations between the two countries, and they
increasingly feel the need to know what goes on in each other’s
countries as opposition in both sides fights the protocols.

"When there is a development in Turkey related to relations with
Armenia, I would like to know how it was reflected in Armenia," said
Demet Bilge Ergun, the news editor from Radikal daily. "I found out
that Tert.am had started publishing news in Turkish, and now I go to
that site every morning after reading the Turkish newspapers."

Erdinc Ergenc, an editor with Sabah, said as a journalist, he feels
obligated to know what the other side "says and does" and that a good
way to do it is to go to the Turkish-language sites in Armenia.

"It would be important for journalists at least to know what the
other side is doing in this process," he said. However, he added,
it is "sad to see" that the Turkish side is not involved in a similar
effort to publish news from Turkey in Armenian.

‘WHY SIGN PROTOCOLS IF THEY’RE NOT GOING TO BE RATIFIED?’ SAYS ARMENIAN MFA EDWARD NALBANDIAN

Tert
Nov 2 2009
Armenia

Armenia’s foreign minister has rejected Turkish calls for concessions
in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh in exchange for the historic
rapprochement between Yerevan and Ankara, reports Reuters news agency.

Speaking to Reuters late on Friday, Edward Nalbandian said negotiations
between Turkey and Armenia were over and both sides were obliged to
move quickly to establish diplomatic relations and open their border
under protocols signed last month.

Turkish leaders say they want to see progress in negotiations between
Armenia and Turkish ally Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh before
parliament in Ankara ratifies the accords, a link Armenia rejects.

"Why did we sign two protocols if we are not going to ratify and
implement them?" Nalbandian, said in an interview in Yerevan.

"I think the whole international community is waiting for quick
ratification and implementation and respect for the agreements which
are in the protocols," he said, speaking in English.

"If one of the sides will delay and create some obstacles in the way
of ratification and implementation, I think it could bear all the
responsibility for the negative consequences."

Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 in solidarity with
Azerbaijan in its war with Armenian-backed ethnic Armenians in the
mountainous region of Nagorno-Karabakh.

The deal has encountered opposition in both countries, but full
rapprochement and an open border carries huge significance for Turkey’s
clout as a regional power, for its bid to join the European Union
and for landlocked Armenia’s crisis-hit economy.

But Ankara’s Turkic-speaking ally Azerbaijan has reacted angrily,
fearing it will lose leverage over Armenians in their conflict over
Nagorno-Karabakh. The dispute threatens to tilt energy policy in
Azerbaijan, a supplier of oil and gas to the West through Turkey but
which is also being courted by Russia.

Diplomats and analysts say Turkey, before it ratifies the accords,
is seeking at least a small sign of progress in negotiations between
Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh, where a fragile ceasefire
has held since 1994 but a peace deal has never been agreed.

Such a link is political dynamite for Armenians. The domestic
opposition and Armenia’s huge and influential diaspora say Turkey
must first recognize last century’s killings as genocide before ties
can be restored.

Nalbandian said the Armenian-Turkish thaw and the Nagorno-Karabakh
negotiations were "two separate processes."

"This is not only the Armenian approach but the approach of the
international community," he said, adding that negotiations between
Turkey and Armenia were over.

"Negotiations were finalized at the beginning of February."

Analysts are uncertain how firm the Turkish condition for ratification
really is, and say pressure on Ankara could mount with next April’s
95th anniversary of the killings, when the U.S. president traditionally
issues a statement of commemoration.

Armenia says the killings were genocide, and wants U.S. President
Barack Obama to stick to an election campaign pledge to say the same.

Turkey rejects the term, saying many people died on both sides of
the conflict.

Mediators from the United States, Russia and France say they are making
progress towards a peace deal on Nagorno-Karabakh in talks between
Armenian President Serzh Sarksyan and Azerbaijan’s Ilham Aliyev.

But Nalbandian played down talk of an imminent breakthrough.

There is a "positive dynamic", he said. "But to say that tomorrow or
in one month’s time or in a very short period of time we will come
to the agreement, I don’t think this is very serious."

NAGORNO-KARABAKH’S STATUS QUO NOT FOR EVER, EU SPECIAL REP STATES

News.am
Nov 2 2009
Armenia

Nagorno-Karabakh cannot retain its status quo for ever, Peter
Semneby, EU Special Representative for the South Caucasus stated
in his interview with the Vremya Novostey (Times of News) newspaper
(Russia). He added that the Armenian authorities are well aware of
this fact, and favorable conditions are necessary for them to deal
with the Nagorno-Karabakh problem as well.

Under the circumstances, when the Armenian authorities are facing
numerous problems at a time, the normalization affords them the
opportunities for focusing on further complicated issues, Semneby
said. According to him, the improvement of Armenian-Turkish relations
will create new favorable conditions for settling the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict.

As regards the Armenian and Azerbaijani sides’ readiness for
concessions in the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process, Semneby pointed out
that the Madrid Principles, which became known after the G8 meeting,
contain rather clear definitions.

The EU Special Representative stressed that the most serious problems
are in details, but general principles for both the sides to make
concessions are clear. The most complicated issues, namely the ones
related to Nagorno-Karabakh’s status, are postponed for an indefinite
period, Semneby said.

Responding to a remark that the results of referendum on the status
of Nagorno-Karabakh may prove unacceptable to official Yerevan,
Semneby said that the sides have made much progress in discussing
the mechanisms. He expressed the confidence that further progress is
possible if favorable conditions are created.

Addressing the Armenian-Turkish rapprochement, Semneby pointed out
that he does not expect an explosion inside Armenia.

According to him, it is mostly the Armenians residing outside Armenia
that are against the rapprochement, which is a serious problem for
the Armenian authorities: the Diaspora plays a great role for Armenia
and shows varied attitudes to the issue. So it is necessary that
the Diaspora take into account the interests of Armenian residing
in Armenia.

THE RISE AND RISE OF TURKEY

Middle East Online
/?id=35441
Nov 2 2009
Egypt

One way and another, a resurgent Turkey is rewriting the rules of the
power game in the Middle East, in a positive and non-confrontational
manner. This is one of the few bright spots in a turbulent and
highly-inflammable Middle East, says Patrick Seale.

It is generally accepted that America’s destruction of Iraq overturned
the balance of power in the Gulf, opening the way for the Islamic
Republic of Iran to emerge as a major regional power, able to challenge
the dominance of Sunni Arab states and pose as a rival to both Israel
and the United States.

Its influence has spread to Iraq itself — now under Shi ‘a leadership
— and beyond to Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and even perhaps to Zaidi
rebels in northern Yemen fighting the central government in Sana’a,
a development which has aroused understandable anxiety in Saudi Arabia.

However, the Iraq War has had another important consequence which is
also attracting serious notice. America’s failure in Iraq — and its
equal failure to tame Israel’s excesses — has encouraged Turkey to
emerge from its pro-American strait-jacket, and assert itself as a
powerful independent actor at the heart of a vast region which extends
from the Middle East to the Balkans, the Caucasus and Central Asia.

The Turks like to say that whereas Iran and Israel are revisionist
powers, arousing anxiety and even fear by their expansionism and their
challenge to existing power structures, Turkey is a stabilizing power,
intent on spreading peace and security far and wide.

Turkey is extending its influence by peaceful diplomacy rather than by
military force. It is also forging economic ties with its neighbours,
and has offered to mediate in several persistent regional conflicts.

It has, however, not hesitated to use force to quell the guerrilla
fighters of the PKK, a radical movement fighting for Kurdish
independence.

But even here, Turkey is now using a softer approach. PKK rebels have
been offered an amnesty and Turkey’s influential Foreign Minister
Ahmet Davutoglu has this past week paid a historic visit — the first
of its kind — to the Kurdish Regional Government in northern Iraq.

There is even talk of Turkey opening a consulate in Erbil.

In recent years, Turkey’s diplomacy has scored many successes, winning
great popularity in the Arab world and strengthening Turkey’s hand
in its bid to join the European Union. Some people would go so far
as to argue that there is no future for Turkey without the EU, and
no future for the EU without Turkey.

Turkey’s dynamic multi-directional foreign policy started to take
shape when the AKP came to power in 2002, under its leaders Prime
Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Abdullah Gul, now President of the
Turkish Republic. These men are rightly considered to be conservative
and moderately Islamic — their wives wear headscarves — but they
are careful to stress that they have no ambition to create an Islamic
state. Turkey’s population may be largely Muslim, but the state itself
is secular, democratic, capitalist and close to both the West and
the Arab and Muslim world. Indeed, Turkey sees itself as a bridge
between them, vital to both.

Ahmet Davutoglu is the man credited with providing the theoretical
framework for Turkey’s new foreign policy. He was Erdogan’s principal
adviser before being promoted Foreign Minister.

Two visits this past October may serve to illustrate Turkey’s activist
foreign policy. Prime Minister Erdogan, accompanied by nine ministers
and an Airbus full of businessmen, visited Baghdad, where he held
a joint session with the Iraq government and signed no fewer than
48 memoranda in the fields of commerce, energy, water, security,
forestry, the environment and so forth.

At much the same time, Foreign Minister Davutoglu was in Aleppo where
he signed another 40 agreements with Syria’s Foreign Minister Walid
al-Muallim, of which perhaps the most important was the removal of
visas, allowing for a free flow of people across their common border.

Turkey also broke new ground in October by signing two protocols with
Armenia, providing for the restoration of diplomatic relations and
the opening of the long-closed border between them. Not surprisingly,
Turkey’s ally Azerbaijan has strongly objected to this development,
since it is locked in conflict with Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh,
an Armenian-populated pocket of Azerbaijan occupied by Armenian forces.

Indeed, Turkey’s protocols with Armenia are unlikely to be fully
implemented until Armenia withdraws from at least some of the districts
surrounding Karabakh – but, at the very least, a historic start has
been made towards Turkish-Armenian reconciliation.

>From the Arab point of view, the most dramatic development has
undoubtedly been the cooling of Turkey’s relations with Israel, which
had been very close since 1996, especially in the field of defence
industries and high-tech weapons. The relationship has been damaged
by the outrage felt by many Turks at Israel’s cruel oppression of
the Palestinians, which reached its peak with the Gaza War.

Even before the assault on Gaza, Prime Minister Erdogan — a strong
supporter of the Palestine cause — did not hesitate to describe
some of Israel’s brutal actions as "state terrorism." A total breach
between the two countries is unlikely, but relations are unlikely
to recover their earlier warmth so long as Israel’s hard-line Prime
Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and his racist Foreign Minister Avigdor
Lieberman remain in power.

Underpinning Turkey’s diplomacy is its central role as a unique
energy hub linking oil and gas producers in Russia and Central Asia
with energy-hungry markets in Europe.

One way and another, a resurgent Turkey is rewriting the rules of the
power game in the Middle East, in a positive and non-confrontational
manner. This is one of the few bright spots in a turbulent and
highly-inflammable Middle East.

Patrick Seale is a leading British writer on the Middle East, and the
author of The Struggle for Syria; also, Asad of Syria: The Struggle
for the Middle East; and Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

TURKEY AND ARMENIA DRAW NEARER VIA TRADE

BIAnet
Nov 2 2009
Turkey

After the recent signing of protocols envisaging the development
of diplomatic relations between Turkey and Armenia and before the
background of the interior discussion about the democratic initiative,
we talked to Turkish Armenians about issues such as the opening of
borders and the democratic process. Today we talked to TABDC co-chair
Kaan Soyak.

BarıÅ~_ MUMYAKMAZ [email protected] Istanbul – BÄ°A News
Center02 November 2009, Monday Although the borders between Turkey
and Armenia are closed, the trade volume between the two countries
exceeds $ 200 million. Behind this success stands the Turkish-Armenian
Business Development Council (TABDC), which does not only deal with the
business side but also with cultural and humanitarian delegacies. We
talked to TABDC co-chair Kaan Soymak about the council’s activities
and how trade brings the two countries closer together. Since Soyak
was on a business trip in Armenia, he answered our questions by email.

What was the idea behind establishing the Turkish-Armenian Business
Development Council?

In 1996 we had the idea of aiming direct trade between Turkey and
Armenia, instead of trading via a third country as it was still
the common way back then. Like that, we targeted to bring business
people together. Still, business would be done via a third country
but this time the middle country would not profit from the business
but would only be used for the documentations. In 1997 the countries’
presidents Demirel and Petrosyan met within the framework of the
Black Sea Economic Cooperation and decided to establish this Business
Council. I became co-chair on the Turkish side and Arsen Ghazarian
is my colleague on the Armenian side respectively.

How many members belong to TABDC, from which countries and sectors
do they come?

Our members prefer not to publish their names and companies, because
in this case Azerbaijan would put them on their black list right away.

But I can say that we have a large number of supporters from business
councils and business people in Istanbul and Anatolia. Our members
come from almost all business sectors.

"Also Diaspora started trading" What is the TABDC’s contribution to
business opportunities between Turkey and Armenia?

We provide a significant contribution. When we initially established
the council the trade volume via the third countries added up to $
50 million, whereas nowadays the trade volume amounts to more than
$ 200 million. Furthermore, sellers and buyers got to know each
other. The most important achievement is the Armenian Diaspora
participating in the trade between the two countries. A part of
the Diaspora Armenians also support the opening of the borders
now. That way they would be able to do business themselves. While
many Turkish people formerly did not even venture to enter Armenia,
nowadays you see Turkish business people in Yerevan doing business
on different scales. It had a crucial effect on business relations
that the TABDC broke this taboo. Apart from that we receive dozens
of messages every day from business people from either countries. We
provide them with information related to their sector and introduce
them to "prospective" business partners. We are the first and still
only institution to provide that kind of service.

What are the other activities of TABDC? What is the situation in the
Armenian branch?

We are actually in charge of anything that comes to mind within the
context of Turkish-Armenian relations because there is no other real
authority that could deal with those issues between the two countries.

We have to be much more than an ordinary business group. We also
support projects such as concerts, theatres, films, or books. We guide
the Turkish and Armenian media. We introduce business people belonging
to the same sectors to each other. We work as one team together with
our Armenian branch. We are not doing anything different, we bring
everything into fruition together.

What is the current trade volume between Turkey and Armenia? How is
this going to change if the borders are opened?

Even though the borders are closed, the annual trade value reached $
200 million. Once the borders are open this figure can triple within
a short time. In particular, trade in the railway sector will start.

Shipments from the Mediterranean to the Middle East will entirely be
done via Turkey. Turkey is excluded from the transport business right
now since the borders are closed. The goods were sent via Georgia.

Now, Turkey will have this trump card in hand. This means an additional
$ 200 million revenue for Turkey.

What are the current challenges for business development between
Turkey and Armenia?

We already know that there is a business potential. However, for an
improvement we must begin with positive diplomatic relations and the
border must be opened. Visa and tax procedures should be reviewed.

These are the fields we have to work on.

What would an opening of the Turkish-Armenian border would mean to
the TABDC? Does the council support this? Which initiatives have been
launched by the TABDC for an opening of the border so far?

It has always been the TABDC’s wish and request to open the borders
ever since we have been founded. Of course we absolutely support this
process. The TABDC played an important role when this question was
initially introduced to the public. We are affiliated with diplomats
on either sides, we have very good relationships with the foreign
affairs…

Direction of trade approach What are the responses to the TABDC’s
activities in Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan?

The activities of TABDC are supported on either side. It is currently
problematic to turn the Council into an institution but we believe this
will be solved. We are very well aware of the fact that peace cannot
settle in this region without Azerbaijan and we keep emphasizing this.

What is the opinion of the Armenian branch on the opening of the
borders?

As the TABDC we have the same ideas in general. We do not pursue
different opinions as Turkey or Armenia. If it was like that we could
not have come together in the first place. They support the opening
of the border just like us.

Where do you see the role of trade in solving the problems between
the two countries? In your opinion, is an approach via trade possible
despite historical and political problems?

Trade is a very popular and successful field on either side. Trade
brought the two people, who used to live on the same soil, closer
together and made them meet again. We will solve historical and
political problems by converging towards each other. When people come
side by side and get to know each other and even more important,
when they can do business together, they manage very well to leave
historical and political obstinacy aside. (BM/EU/VK)

WITCH-HUNT IN AZERBAIJAN’S SUPERMARKETS

Aysor
Nov 2 2009
Armenia

An Indian tea sold in supermarket of Baku, Azerbaijan’s capital city,
with an identification mark including Armenian letters was labeled
a witch becoming hunted.

Not bothering to ascertain where this tea had been produced but
rather for hoop-la Musavat.com’s reporter twice published that
this is Armenian-made product. Asked by this web-site spokesman for
Azerbaijan’s State Committee for Standardization, Metrology and Patents
Fazil Talibli said that goods with identification mark including
Armenian letters are put on the list of prohibited items for sale.

"Recently, there were found dried fruits marked "Sevan" in Armenian.

The Committee has fined the shop, and this product was prohibited
for sale," said Fazil Talibli.

"Imported in Azerbaijan products must necessarily include
identification mark in Azerbaijani pointing place of production and
packing. That tea wasn’t probably Armenian-made; however, products
labeled with Armenian-written identification mark or with Armenia’s
flag are strongly prohibited for sale in Azerbaijan. In case of
watching such goods, people who distribute and sell them, face Law
Collection of chastisement." According to Azerbaijani official, the
Committee conducts regular audits of all shopping centers all over
Azerbaijan to prevent the distribution of Armenian-made goods.

Thus, any product including those of the highest quality may bring
troubles to distributors if an identification mark has a single
Armenian letter written while Musavat.com says that Armenian-marked
products are in great request.

MAJORITY OF ARMENIANS OPPOSE RECONCILIATION: ANGUS REID GLOBAL MONITOR

news.am
Nov 2 2009
Armenia

According to the poll by Armenian Sociological Association, the
majority of Armenians consider the state should not normalize relations
with Turkey, Angus Reid Global Monitor — research and global opinion
polls institution reports.

The research showed that 52% of respondents are against the
establishment of diplomatic relations, whereas 39% support the idea.

"Currently, many adults in Armenia believe their border with Turkey
should not be reopened unless there is an official acknowledgement
of the Genocide", the source reads.

PYUNIK CLINCH NINTH CONSECUTIVE ARMENIAN TITLE

Goal.com
Nov 2 2009

Pyunik’s dominance in the Armenian league has continued…

Related LinksArmenian powerhouse Pyunik have clinched their
ninth consecutive Armenian title, after beating Shirak 3-1 in
their penultimate league game to preserve a four-point lead over
second-placed Mika.

The Yerevan side were in danger of being taken to their final fixture
when Shirak levelled the scores on 47 minutes through Felix Khojoyan,
after Albert Tadevosyan had given Pyunik the lead shortly before
the break.

However, the 19-year-old striker scored again on 52 and 66 minutes to
make it 62 points from 27 matches, leaving Mika to settle for second
place with Ulis Yerevan in third.

"I am happy with our victory because it is always difficult for us
to play at Shirak. The lads were committed and proved their excellence.

Despite that win and our new league title, we will not celebrate
anything now. We still have one match to play at a high level and it
is only after that that we will have some rest," said Pyunik coach
Vardan Minasyan to reporters.

IN KARABAKH EVERYTHING STARTED IN ’88
Gegam Bagdasaryan

Osservatorio Balcani
/articleview/12042/1/407/
Nov 2 2009

Difficulties and small advantages in creating democratic institutions
in a country not recognised on an international level. Twenty years of
changes in Stepanakert 1988 represents a turning point in the recent
history of Nagorno-Karabakh: history is divided between "before" and
"after" that year. The citizens of Karabakh remember the "before"
with reluctance.

The Armenians living in the region, who represented the clear majority
of the population of the Autonomous Region of Nagorno-Karabakh in
the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, felt oppressed by the
Azeri minority.

According to the stories circulating at the time, it was forbidden
to sleep with your face facing Armenia and those who had studied in
Armenia had no chance of pursuing a career. Despite the fact that
the administrators of the Autonomous region of Nagorno-Karabakh were
"Armenian". Yet, they were "Armenian" between inverted commas, since
they were emissaries of Baku, educated or re-educated in that city,
meticulously forged at the school of the local party. And obviously
with a surname ending in "-ov", instead of the traditionally Armenian
"-yan". It is said that at that time the famous marshal Bagramyan
arrived to Stepanakert from Moscow. The local elite welcomed him and
started introducing themselves: Kevorov, Aslanov, Samvelov… "What’s
going on? Are we still not in Karabakh?" asked the distinguished
Armenian commander, with indignation.

In those years I was studying in Stepanakert at the Institute of
Pedagogy, dedicated to the 60th anniversary of the creation of Soviet
Azerbaijan; I studied Armenian language and literature, but it was
forbidden to teach Armenian history. It would be like training Italian
Literature teachers without allowing them to study Italian history.

But this is the way things were before Gorbachev’s perestroika. And
then all of a sudden the words perestrojka, uskorenie, glasnost’
started to appear… the citizens of Karabakh had waited a long time
for this, and they were the first ones to believe in it, open-heartedly
showing their aspirations and tribulations. Miatsum was the motto
in response to this, which means reunification with the motherland
Armenia. But the Kremlin reacted harshly, making it clear that it was
not only made up of progressive leaders following the motto "Lenin,
party, Grobachev", but also of conservative ones following the one
"Stalin, Beria, Ligachev", instead.

Perestrojka, uskorenie, glasnost’ were very popular slogans when the
movement for the liberation of Karabakh started to emerge, but soon
the feeling that they were nothing more than words began to spread. It
was an attempt at giving a face-lift to the empire. But the rotten
system couldn’t sustain it and rejected it.

The USSR collapsed, and in the chaos that followed Azerbaijan decided
to crush the aspirations of the Armenian population of Karabakh with
violence. After a difficult war the Karabakhi Armenians proclaimed
their independence and started to build their own state.

The first impression for the Armenian population of Karabakh was simply
amazing: we had our own army, police, symbols – Armenian ones -, our
own officials instead of emissaries, our own flag, national anthem
and official crest. The enthusiasm didn’t fade even when civil rights
started to be ignored by our newly appointed officials, when it was
"our own" police that was beating us up, when during trials it was
"our own" courts that didn’t do us justice, when the first villas
belonging to "our own" businessmen started to appear.

An acquaintance of mine used to joke about this by saying: "The
people obtained the symbols of independence: the flag, the crest,
the national anthem, while the bureaucrats obtained all the benefits".

Nonetheless, by slowly leaving the war behind, Karabakhi Armenians
started to worry not only about basic commodities, but also about their
own freedom, and hence started to fight to obtain it. Having fought for
years against an external enemy, they had to overcome a "psychological"
barrier and start "fighting" against their own authorities. It wasn’t
easy, but the struggle began. With alternate fortune. In 2004 the
opposition won the local elections, and its leader became the mayor
of Stepanakert. But that was followed by two significant failures in
2005 and 2007. Now the situation is at a stand by, while we wait for
the next elections.

Nowadays, Karabakhi Armenians are trying to build their democracy in a
very difficult situation: they are not recognised on an international
level, and the threat of a military action from Azerbaijan hangs
over them.

The situation is certainly not easy, but, for as strange as it may
sound, there are also some advantages to it. On the one hand there
is a clear lack of new upper level professionals due to isolation and
scarce resources, and at a first glance the pre-requisites to create
political parties, independent media and NGOs are still not in place.

But on the other hand the society in Karabakh is more compact and
flexible than elsewhere, due to the scarcely populated nature of the
region and, in a way, to the war. It can also count on its previous
experience of collective survival, it is less fractured and more
traditional, thus having better self-management skills. It has not been
spoiled by funding and subsidies, a fact that has positive aspects.

A further benefit of not being recognised on an international level
is the fact that the process of democratic transformation is not
being forcedly accelerated, since such an artificial acceleration
could paradoxically produce the opposite effect of impoverishing the
democratic principles. Karabakh is not a member of the European Council
or any other international institution, hence it is not expected to
force events and it is not subject to binding obligations.

Therefore, it seems like everything follows a more natural development
in this country.

Obviously, the population realises that solving the matter of the
official recognition of Karabakh would mean having more development
opportunities. Nonetheless, as a friend of mine often says, there are
worse tragedies in the world than not being officially recognised:
AIDS, earthquakes, the ozone hole and so on. Karabakh Armenians
value the opportunity to preserve their national identity as the
most important result. It is certainly not easy, but at least we can
breath freely.