USA: We’ll Recognize Karabakh Independence, Should Azerbaijan Start

USA: WE’LL RECOGNIZE KARABAKH INDEPENDENCE, SHOULD AZERBAIJAN START A WAR

AZG DAILY
04-11-2009

Karabakh conflict

Washington has set Azerbaijan a firm ultimatum: Karabakh independence
will be recognized, should Azerbaijan attempt to launch military
operations in NKR, Yeni Musavat Oppositional Azeri Party official
website reported on Tuesday, followed by other Azeri media
representatives.

Baku asserts US Deputy Assistant Secretary, Tina S. Kaidanow was
the one to express US position on Baku’s increased militaristic
statements on Karabakh conflict settlement. Moreover, US assert
possessing information on Azerbaijan’s secret preparations for a war.

In observer’s opinion, Baku’s military rhetoric is caused by the
fact Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity is not included in agenda of
Armenia-Azerbaijan negotiations on Karabakh status, mediated by Russia,
US and France, NEWSru.com reports, according to PanArmenian.net.

Armenia to receive US $60 mln from IMF

The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has
completed
the second review of Armenia’s economic performance under a program
supported by a Stand-By Arrangement (SBA), said in press-release
published on IMF web-site.
IMF approved a request for a waiver of nonobservance of end-September 2009
fiscal balance performance criterion, modification of the quantitative
performance criteria for end-December 2009 to reflect the revised
macroeconomic framework and rephrasing of purchases to make the
amounts scheduled to become available following the second and third
review available upon completion of the second review. These decisions
enable the immediate release of about $60 million, bringing the total
disbursed to $479 million. The 28-month SBA was approved on March 6,
2009.
Following the Executive Board’s discussion on Armenia, Mr. Takatoshi
Kato,
Deputy Managing Director and Acting Chair, stated: `The global crisis
has continued to have a serious impact on the Armenian economy.’
`The short-term outlook remains challenging. As external conditions
improve, growth is expected to resume gradually in 2010, although
risks remain, including a slower recovery of the global
economy. Continued reforms, particularly in the areas of tax policy
and tax reform administration, the financial sector, and the business
environment will be necessary to boost
the medium-term growth potential of the economy,’ Mr. Kato said.

TODAY, 11:55
Aysor.am 03/imf-armenia/

http://www.aysor.am/en/news/2009/11/

Nagorno-Karabakh – "If they violate the law by meeting together…"

FORUM 18 NEWS SERVICE, Oslo, Norway

The right to believe, to worship and witness
The right to change one’s belief or religion
The right to join together and express one’s belief

========================================== =======

Tuesday 3 November 2009
NAGORNO-KARABAKH: "IF THEY VIOLATE THE LAW BY MEETING TOGETHER FOR
RELIGIOUS PURPOSES, THEY WILL BE FINED"

Jehovah’s Witnesses in the internationally unrecognised entity of
Nagorno-Karabakh, in the south Caucasus, have lost a legal challenge to the
entity’s refusal to grant them legal status, Forum 18 News Service has
learned. An appeal to the entity’s Supreme Court may be made. Ashot
Sargsyan, head of the Department for Ethnic Minority and Religious Affairs
vigorously defended to Forum 18 denial of registration to Jehovah’s
Witnesses and a local Protestant Church. Sargsyan said that, without
registration, individual believers have the right to conduct religious
activity – such as to pray – alone at home. But he said neither of the two
groups can meet together as a community, even in private. "If they violate
the law by meeting together for religious purposes, they will be fined,"
Sargsyan pledged. Both groups have told Forum 18 that low-profile meetings
are not currently being obstructed.

NAGORNO-KARABAKH: "IF THEY VIOLATE THE LAW BY MEETING TOGETHER FOR
RELIGIOUS PURPOSES, THEY WILL BE FINED"

By Felix Corley, Forum 18 News Service <;

On 28 October a court challenge against legal status denial of Jehovah’s
Witnesses in the internationally unrecognised entity of Nagorno-Karabakh in
the south Caucasus failed, Forum 18 News Service has learned. Vigorously
defending the denial of registration to both the Jehoavh’s Witnesses and a
local Protestant congregation is Ashot Sargsyan, head of the government’s
Department for Ethnic Minority and Religious Affairs. "Our Religion Law
bans proselytism, so they don’t have the right to spread their faith," he
told Forum 18 from the capital Stepanakert on 2 November. "Our Law says we
cannot register them."

Sargsyan said that, without registration, individual believers have the
right to conduct religious activity – such as to pray – alone at home. But
neither of the two groups can meet together as a community, even in
private. "If they violate the law by meeting together for religious
purposes, they will be fined," he pledged. "But I don’t get involved in
that – it is a question for the law-enforcement agencies."

Judge Anatoli Tatevosyan, of the General Court of First Instance in
Stepanakert, heard the Jehovah’s Witnesses’ suit on 15 and 16 October. His
judgement of 28 October, seen by Forum 18, argues that the Jehovah’s
Witness charter allows what he called "soul-hunting" (proselytism), which
is banned in Karabakh’s Religion Law for all communities apart from the
Armenian Apostolic Church. Therefore, the Judge maintains, the group cannot
be registered. Jehovah’s Witnesses told Forum 18 they are considering
challenging this decision to Karabakh’s Supreme Court. They have one month
to do so.

Also denied registration in Karabakh is the Revival Fire Evangelical
Church in Stepanakert, led by Pastor Levon Sardaryan (see F18News 4 May
2009 < 1290>).

Registration became possible – and apparently compulsory – in the wake of
a new Religion Law – heavily based on the Religion Law of neighbouring
Armenia – which came into force in January 2009. The main restrictions in
Karabakh’s new Law are: an apparent ban on unregistered religious activity;
state censorship of religious literature; the requirement for 100 adult
citizens to register a religious community; an undefined "monopoly" given
to the Armenian Apostolic Church over preaching and spreading its faith
while restricting other faiths to similarly undefined "rallying their own
faithful"; and the vague formulation of restrictions, making the intended
implementation of many articles uncertain (see F18News 4 May 2009
< e_id=1290>).

Sargsyan admitted to Forum 18 that the Religion Law contains restrictions
on religious communities other than the Armenian Apostolic Church, but
claimed these are in line with Karabakh’s Constitution and international
human rights norms. "Article 8 of the Religion Law bans proselytism – this
isn’t a limitation on freedom of speech. In Norway too such rights are
limited. And if you go out on the streets spreading your faith in Greece,
Azerbaijan or Iran, you will be punished," he told Forum 18. "It’s the same
here." He became notably vague when asked in what precise ways he thought
that other countries limit human rights.

Forum 18 notes that Norway, in line with its international human rights
commitments, does not limit human rights in the way that the unrecognised
entity of Nagorno-Karabakh does.

Sargsyan told Forum 18 that five religious communities have been
registered in 2009, the Armenian Apostolic Church, the Catholic Church, the
Russian Orthodox Church, the Armenian Evangelical Church and the
Brotherhood movement associated with the Apostolic Church.

Other religious communities that exist in Karabakh include the Baptist
Union, Council of Churches Baptist congregations, and Seventh-day
Adventists. Armenia’s Baptist Union and the Adventist Church told Forum 18
that their churches in Karabakh have not applied for registration, as they
are part of entities legally registered in Armenia. Both told Forum 18
their congregations in Karabakh have not faced any problems from the
authorities. Council of Churches Baptists have a policy of not seeking
state registration in any of the post-Soviet countries where they operate.

What will happen when unregistered groups meet for worship?

Both Revival Fire Church and the Jehovah’s Witnesses have told Forum 18
they will continue to operate. "We continue to meet in private homes –
no-one has banned us," Pastor Sardaryan noted. "But we don’t have any legal
status and we can’t conduct any large scale public activity."

Lyova Markaryan, an Armenian-based lawyer for the Jehovah’s Witnesses,
pointed out that the October court judgment does not specifically ban their
activity. "We can’t act as a legal entity, such as formally importing
literature, renting premises for meetings or congresses, or building a
Kingdom Hall," he told Forum 18 from the Armenian capital Yerevan on 2
November.

Markaryan said the community is not currently being obstructed from
meeting. He said the most recent harassment came on 8 June, when Karabakh
customs seized religious literature from their members returning from a
congress in Armenia. "They stopped a number of minibuses which our members
were travelling on," he told Forum 18. "They told our people that as we are
not registered we have no right to import our literature." Markaryan said
they do not know how customs officials knew which passengers on which
minibuses to target.

"Expert conclusions" lead to registration denials

Sardaryan’s Revival Fire Church was the first to be denied legal status,
after Sargsyan of the Department for Ethnic Minority and Religious Affairs
wrote an "expert conclusion" in February 2009. This accused the group of
conducting "proselytism" and using "methods of psychological pressure" on
church members.

"Of course we don’t agree with this decision," Pastor Sardaryan told Forum
18 from Stepanakert on 2 November. He said they had engaged a psychology
professor from Stepanakert University to write an "expert conclusion" for
them. "She gave us a positive assessment, but Ashot Sargsyan refused to
accept it and just used his own. He never visited us, but just told us he
had his own methods of investigation."

Pastor Sardaryan added that he had hoped to challenge the registration
denial in court and had engaged a lawyer to do so, but the time scale for
challenging the rejection ran out before they had a chance to lodge the
case. "I didn’t know we had only two months to do so," he told Forum 18.

The Jehovah’s Witnesses’ registration application – which was signed by
114 adult citizens – reached the government on 22 June. A 12-page negative
"expert conclusion", signed by Sargsyan of the Department for Ethnic
Minority and Religious Affairs, was then produced. This was sent to the
Jehovah’s Witnesses by Suren Grigoryan, the ‘Chief of Staff Minister’ in
the entity’s government, in a 6 July letter seen by Forum 18. On 3 August
the State Registry formally rejected the application. The Jehovah’s
Witnesses lodged their court case against the State Registry on 14
September.

The "expert assessment" of the Jehovah’s Witnesses asserts that they use
"a number of methods of psychological influence towards believers", with
their preachers using "psychological methods" of inspiration and
persuasion. "When these methods are used, a person totally comes under
influence, i.e. he is transforming his thinking, conduct and stereotype."
He alleges that people suffering from stress, depression or poverty are
more likely to be susceptible to such methods.

"Adherents are subject to mental processing, which is accomplished by
numerous gatherings, seminars, lectures, retraining, preaching and
corresponding other ways, the purpose of which is to kill an individual’s
analytical thinking regarding the activity, methods and theory of the
religious organisation," the assessment asserts.

The assessment objects to the Jehovah’s Witnesses’ rejection of blood
transfusions, under which "hundreds of believers every year are deprived of
medical care and die", rejection of military service and rejection of
voting. Sargsyan repeated these assertions about the Jehovah’s Witnesses
to the court.

Chief of Staff Minister Grigoryan, who sent the negative assessment to the
Jehovah’s Witnesses in July, was unavailable to speak to Forum 18 on 3
November. His assistant told Forum 18 that he "merely would have signed the
letter on behalf of the government" and would not be prepared to speak to
Forum 18 about why such negative assessments were issued against them and
Revival Fire Church. (END)

Further coverage of freedom of thought, conscience and belief in
Nagorno-Karabakh is at
< mp;religion=all&country=22>.

A printer-friendly map of the disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh is

available at
< s/atlas/index.html?Parent=asia&Rootmap=azerba& gt;
within the map titled ‘Azerbaijan’.
(END)

© Forum 18 News Service. All rights reserved. ISSN 1504-2855
You may reproduce or quote this article provided that credit is given to
F18News

Past and current Forum 18 information can be found at

http://www.forum18.org/
http://www.forum18.org&gt
http://www.forum18.org/Archive.php?article_id=
http://www.forum18.org/Archive.php?articl
http://www.forum18.org/Archive.php?query=&a
http://www.nationalgeographic.com/xpedition
http://www.forum18.org/
http://www.forum18.org/

AAA: Colorado Governor Commends Local Activist Roz Duman

PRESS RELEASE
November 2, 2009
Contact: Press Department
Email: [email protected]
Phone: (202) 393-3434

COLORADO GOVERNOR COMMENDS LOCAL ACTIVIST ROZ DUMAN, ARMENIAN ASSEMBLY
FOR LEADERSHIP ON GENOCIDE AWARENESS, PREVENTION

Washington, DC – In recognition of their leadership and commitment,
Colorado Governor Bill Ritter expressed his appreciation and thanks for
those individuals, activists and organizations that "fight for justice
and truth" reported the Armenian Assembly of America (Assembly).

"Roz Duman’s tireless work on genocide awareness and prevention
continues to make an impact on lives throughout the world," said Gov.
Ritter. "I congratulate Roz and the Colorado Coalition for Genocide
Awareness and Action for the kind of leadership and commitment that is
essential to ensuring there are no future genocides. Roz, and
organizations like the Armenian Assembly of America, continue to fight
for justice and truth, and I thank them for their great
accomplishments."

Roz Duman, who is the Founder and Director of the Colorado Coalition for
Genocide Awareness & Action (CCGAA), has worked closely with the local
Armenian-American community and the Assembly’s State Chair for Colorado,
Pamela Barsam Brown. The Assembly is also a member organization of the
CCGAA.

"The CCGAA will continue to work with the local Armenian community to
help raise awareness about the incontestable fact of the Armenian
Genocide," stated Duman. Duman added that "the CCGAA will also continue
to do whatever must be done to confront denial and affirm the Armenian
Genocide so that the many Armenians who perished in the Ottoman Empire
did not die in vain."

"The Assembly has a strong tradition of reaching out and working with
individuals and organizations that share the same goals and values
regarding genocide education and prevention," stated Assembly Executive
Director Bryan Ardouny. "We echo the Governor’s praise for Roz Duman and
the CCGAA’s work in raising greater awareness about this critically
important human rights issue."

Duman is currently the Volunteer Coordinator at KBDI Channel 12 and
former Program Director for the International Multi-Cultural Institute.
In addition, Duman has served in many different volunteer capacities,
received multiple awards for her humanitarian work, and has served on
numerous boards; including the Holocaust Awareness Institute at the
University of Denver (after serving as its Director) and the Dr. Martin
Luther King Jr. Colorado Holiday Celebration Commission, among others.

Established in 1972, the Armenian Assembly of America is the largest
Washington-based nationwide organization promoting public understanding
and awareness of Armenian issues. The Assembly is a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt
membership organization.

###

NR#2009-078

Armenian Communities in Lebanon, Syria: Same Origin Different Paths?

Nicola Migliorino. (Re)constructing Armenia in Lebanon and Syria:
Ethno-cultural Diversity and the State in the Aftermath of a Refugee
Crisis. Forced Migration Series. Oxford Berghahn Books, 2007.
Tables. 256 pp. $75.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-84545-352-7.

Reviewed by Ahmet H. Akkaya
Published on H-Genocide (November, 2009)
Commissioned by Elisa G. von Joeden-Forgey

Armenian Communities in Lebanon and Syria: The Same Origin, Two
Different Paths?

In _(Re)constructing Armenia in Lebanon and Syria_, Nicola Migliorino
provides a comprehensive narrative of the formation of Armenian
communities in Lebanon and Syria (the Levant) while tracing the
political development of these two intertwined colonies during the
Mandate period. Migliorino situates these narratives within a broader
analytical framework that deals with the question of cultural
diversity and incorporation, particularly the various options that
immigrants may have aside from simple assimilation and exclusion.
Migliorino asks, "Does the case of the Armenians in Lebanon and Syria
tell us a different story, of how a community of ‘different’ people
can successfully ‘find its place’ in the contemporary Middle East
without being either assimilated or excluded?" (p. 4).

Migliorino explores this question from three main perspectives. The
first focuses on the historical background of the formation of
Armenian communities in the Levant, which Migliorino calls a "refugee
story" (p. 2). The second discusses the different dimensions and
meanings of the presence of those communities, namely, "nationalism
in exile" and "diasporic transnationalism" (p. 3). As part of this
diasporic perspective, Migliorino compares the host states, Syria and
Lebanon, in terms of their approach to ethno-cultural diversity. Up
to this point, he notes, diversity in the Middle East generally has
been analyzed "with the tools of ethno-politics and ethnic conflict
theory, and mostly from the perspective of the state, the political
system, or the regime" (p. 3). Migliorino points out that the
Armenian communities in the Levant present an interesting case in
that they are neither a threat to nor a primary strategic resource
for those states. At this point, he proposes a different
ethno-political approach as a third perspective. His new approach
entails the study of the Armenian communities in the Levant on the
basis of their distinctive cultural identity and their interaction
with the broader social, political, and cultural structure of the
host societies.

Within this framework, this book is composed of five main chapters in
addition to an introduction and conclusion. The first chapter
discusses mainly the historical background of the origins of Armenian
presence in the Levant. The Armenian community grew rapidly during
the First World War, when there was a mass exodus of Armenians to
Syria and Lebanon brought about by the genocide in the Ottoman
Empire. Nevertheless, Migliorino notes that "the migration and
displacements seem to be a distinctive feature of Armenian history
from old to modern times" (p. 9). As a direct consequence of the
ongoing waves of Armenian refugees after the genocide of 1915-16, the
modern Armenian community in the Levant was formed. Migliorino
discusses this process rather briefly and does not go into any
details about the genocide and its impacts on the refugees.

In the subsequent four chapters of the book, he traces the
development of the Armenian community in the Levant in conjunction
with the political history of Lebanon and Syria, that is, from the
years of the French Mandate to the present. Migliorino’s
periodization marks the common turning points of both Lebanese and
Syrian societies, namely, the French Mandate (1920-46)=3B the
postindependence phase until the end of the 1960s (1946-67)=3B the
period between 1967 and 1989=3B and lastly the period since the 1990s.
A chapter is devoted to each period, allowing Migliorino to discuss
continuities and changes in community-state relationships between the
Armenians and government authorities by analyzing six dimensions of
these relationships. These include "religion and the religious policy
of the state=3B the Armenian participation in public life=3B the
production and diffusion of Armenian culture and cultural policy of
the state=3B Armenian education in the context of national education=3B
Armenian associations and the state policy on the civil society=3B and
the economic and class dimensions of the Armenian presence" (p. 5).
In each chapter, Migliorino evaluates the Armenian communities on the
basis of these six dimensions. It is interesting to note that in each
chapter he changes their ordering according to the importance of the
role that dimension played in that period. In this sense, in terms of
the formation and preservation of a distinct community identity, the
religion/church and the political structure have played the most
decisive roles in each period. Among them, he notes that the
political bodies, namely, Armenian political parties, have gradually
surpassed the church, which, however, has maintained its traditional
position as the representative of the Armenian people. Armenian
educational institutions and associations that have been tied either
to the church or to political parties have also played a very
important role in consolidating Armenian communities in the Levant.

Throughout these chapters, Migliorino makes an argument concerning
the divergent approaches of Lebanon and Syria to this culturally
distinct Armenian community. In this sense, he discusses the
political development of both countries, which diverges especially in
the postindependence period. Since the 1950s, Syria has followed a
much more authoritarian statist path, while Lebanon has adopted a
"power-sharing, consociational political model" (p. 4). This
divergence has led to two different paths of development for Armenian
communities in each country. On the one hand, the Armenian community
in Lebanon has flourished on many counts, including all dimensions
that Migliorino analyzed in this book. In his words, "from an
Armenian point of view, Lebanon could be undoubtedly regarded as a
success story" (p. 147). On the other hand, the Syrian case presents
a different and much more disadvantageous path for the Armenian
community, namely, the virtual disappearance of Armenians from public
life in Syria. These two paths changed the development of the
character of the Armenian community within each society as well as
between them. In the immediate postindependence period we see the
beginnings of a migration wave from Syria to Lebanon. After the
1970s, however, the direction was reversed: the achievements of
Armenians in Lebanon were significantly damaged due to the civil war,
which resulted in the exodus of almost half of the Armenian
population "to the countries of the Western world," whereas the
Armenian community in Syria has enjoyed a relatively stable period
since then (p. 165). As the title of the fifth chapter summarizes,
the Armenian communities in both countries has faced a "difficult
recovery and uncertain future" since the 1990s (p. 179).

In sum, Migliorino gives a detailed picture of the experience of the
Armenian communities in Lebanon and Syria from the 1920s to the
present. In doing this, he answered his main question, posed at the
beginning of the book, in the following way: "The Armenians appear to
have successfully maintained, for more than eight decades since their
mass-resettlement in the Levant, a distinct identity as an
ethno-culturally diverse group, in spite of being a relatively small
minority within a very different, mostly Arab environment" (p. 221).
At the same time, he offers a vivid analysis of the evolution of two
post-Mandate states, Lebanon and Syria, concerning primarily their
approaches toward ethno-cultural diversity wherein he sees the main
possible deadlock for the future of Armenian communities in the
Levant. In his words, "this book suggests that neither in Lebanon nor
in Syria does a sustainable or consistent model for the accommodation
of ethno-cultural diversity appear to be in place" (p. 222). In light
of this, Migliorino argues that it is mainly within the framework of
such concepts as "cultural rights" or "rights to diversity" that a
sustainable approach can be genuine.

Migliorino’s book includes numerous detailed tables pointing to
various aspects of the Armenian presence in the Levant, ranging from
the number of refugees, to the number and location of schools,
churches, Armenian members of Parliament, associations, journals,
etc. These tables make it possible to trace changes in Armenian life
in both countries over time. Such socioeconomic data are also
complemented by the "impressionistic and anecdotal material collected
through interviews and personal visits" (p. 198). Migliorino also
consulted a broad literature on Armenians as well on Lebanon and
Syria, in English, French, Arabic, and Armenian. However, he would
have done well to translate the French quotations into English.

The main criticism I have of Migliorino’s book lies in the author’s
"conceptual analysis," which proves unconvincing in a sense that it
is very much confined to an analysis of the political history of the
host countries. Regarding the development of the Armenian communities
in those countries, the book lacks any rigorous conceptual tools.
This is surprising, since the concept of diaspora as an analytical
tool has been developed quite intensely in the humanities and social
science disciplines over the last decade. It has been used for a much
longer time with reference to traumatic experiences of Jews and
African slaves. Later on, new cases of genocide and expulsion, like
Armenians during World War I, and the waves of millions of other
people displaced by forced and voluntary migration, have increased
the number of diasporas. It has been argued that "the term [diaspora]
has lost its stigmatic connotation and on the contrary it turned out
to be a resource for identity politics."[1] The Armenian case has
occupied a critical role within diaspora studies, first as an example
of "Victim Diaspora" and then as a resource of identity. Therefore,
the experiences of the Armenian community in the Levant would have
been an interesting case for the studies of diaspora and
transnationalism. Although Migliorino makes some references to the
study of Khachig Tölölyan, a prominent scholar of diaspora studies,
and discusses the shift of the Armenian community’s self-perception
from a "nation in exile" to a "permanent transnational diaspora," he
does not employ these concepts in detail (pp. 124, 180). This main
deficit also weakens his claim to be studying the Armenian identity
as a distinct identity in the Levant.

Nevertheless, in spite of these critical remarks, this book makes
useful reading for those who are interested in Armenian communities
dispersed around the world and in the Levant specifically. It would
be my hope that Migliorino and other interested scholars will
continue to follow through on the important themes addressed by this
book.

Note

[1]. Rainer Münz and Rainer Ohliger, eds., _Diaspora and Ethnic
Migrants: Germany, Israel and Post-Soviet Successor States in
Comparative Perspective_ (London: Frank Cass, 2003), 3.

Citation: Ahmet H. Akkaya. Review of Migliorino, Nicola,
_(Re)constructing Armenia in Lebanon and Syria: Ethno-cultural
Diversity and the State in the Aftermath of a Refugee Crisis_.
H-Genocide, H-Net Reviews. November, 2009.
URL: 1

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.

http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=3D2503

Bob Dylan of Kagizman, Turkey

html

FEBRUARY 23, 2005

Bob Dylan of Kagizman, Turkey

Mavi Boncuk

BOB DYLAN CHRONICLES (Volume One),

Simon & Schuster (Pages 92-93),

2004 (Copyright)

When I wasn’t staying at Van Ronk’s, I’d
usually stay at Ray’s place, get back sometime before dawn, mount the dark
stairs and carefully close the door behind me. I shoved off into the sofa bed
like entering a vault. Ray was not a guy who had nothing on his mind. He knew
what he thought and he knew how to express it, didn’t make room in his life for
mistakes. The mundane things in life didn’t register with him. He seemed to
have some golden grip on reality, didn’t sweat the small stuff, quoted the
Psalms and slept with a pistol near his bed. At times he could say things that
had way too much edge. Once he said that President Kennedy wouldn’t last out
his term because he was a Catholic.

When he said it, it made me think about my
grandmother, who said to me that the Pope is the king of the Jews. She lived
back in Duluth on the top floor of a duplex on 5th Street. From a window in the
back room you could see Lake Superior, ominous and foreboding, iron bulk
freighters and barges off in the distance, the sound of foghorns to the right
and left. My grandmother had only one leg and had been a seamstress. Sometimes
on weekends my parents would drive down from Iron Range to Duluth and drop
me off at her place for a couple of days. She was a dark lady, smoked a pipe.

The other side of my family was more light-skinned and fair. My
grandmother’s voice possessed a haunting accent – face always set in a
half-despairing expression. Life for her hadn’t been easy. She’d come to
America from Odessa, a seaport town in southern Russia. It was a town not
unlike Duluth, the same kind of temperament, climate and landscape and right
on the edge of a big body of water.

Originally, she’d come from Turkey, sailed from Trabzon, a port town, across
the Black Sea – the sea that the ancient Greeks called the Euxine – the one
that Lord Byron wrote about in Don Juan. Her family was from Kagizman, a
town in Turkey near the Armenian border, and the family name had been
Kirghiz. My grandfather’s parents had also come from that same area, where
they had been mostly shoemakers and leatherworkers.

My grandmother’s ancestors had been from
Constantinople. As a teenager, I used to sing the Ritchie Valens song "In
a Turkish Town" with the lines in it about the "mystery Turks and the
stars above," and it seemed to suit me more than "La Bamba," the
song of Ritchie’s that everybody else sang and I never knew why. My mother
even had a friend names Nellie Turk and I’d grown up with her always around.

There were no Ritchie Valens records up at
Ray’s place, "Turkish Town" or otherwise. Mostly, it was classical
music and jazz bands.

POSTED BY M.A.M AT 5:25 PM | 0 COMMENTS

http://maviboncuk.blogspot.com/2005_02_01_archive.

Opening Of Border Also In Turkey’s Interests: Peter Semneby

OPENING OF BORDER ALSO IN TURKEY’S INTERESTS: PETER SEMNEBY

Tert
Nov 2 2009
Armenia

In establishing relations with Turkey, Armenia’s leadership encounters
numerous challenges at the same time, said EU Special Representative
for the South Caucasus Peter Semneby in his interview to the Russian
daily Vremya Novostey.

That opposition which is present in the process of establishing
relations with Turkey, according to Semneby, is not from inside
Armenia but comes from Armenians leaving abroad. "That is the reason
why I don’t expect the possibility of an explosion inside Armenia.

However, that is a very serious problem for the leadership, since
the Diaspora, which is of much importance for Armenia, doesn’t have
an unequivocal attitude towards the establishment of Armenian-Turkish
relations. It is necessary to ensure the Diaspora’s consent, [while]
also not ignoring the opinions of Armenians living in Armenia. The
latter have their demands, which are mainly socio-economic in nature."

Stating that one cannot ensure the border will open 100 percent,
Semneby expressed confidence that it will take place anyway.

"That is an issue of life importance for Armenia. It is also in
Turkey’s interests. Turkey started the process not because of good
neighbourly disposition towards Armenia but because it’s acting in
its own interests. Naturally, not ignoring Azerbaijan’s interests is
also important for Turkey. But, after all, bringing the process to
its end is in Turkey’s interests," Semneby stated.

Armenia Promised Associate EU Membership

ARMENIA PROMISED ASSOCIATE EU MEMBERSHIP

Tert
Nov 2 2009
Armenia

Most likely, negotiations with Armenia on associate membership to
the European Union will begin soon, EU Special Representative for
the South Caucasus Peter Semneby stated in his interview to Russian
daily Vremia Novostey.

He said that the process will continue irrespective of the fact
whether the border with Turkey is opened or not.

Politics And Football Don’t Mix: Turkish Football Team Diyarbakirspo

POLITICS AND FOOTBALL DON’T MIX: TURKISH FOOTBALL TEAM DIYARBAKIRSPOR JEERED AT IN GAZIANTEP

Tert
Nov 2 2009
Armenia

Yesterday, during the Gaziantepspor-Diyarbakirspor Turkish football
tournament match, fans of host team Gaziantepspor began shouting
"PKK, out!"

PKK stands for the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, which the Turkish
leadership consider to be a terrorist organization. Diyarbakirspor, a
Turkish football team in Turkcell Super League, represents Diyarbakir,
a city in Turkey mainly inhabited by Kurds — unofficially, the Kurds’
centre in Turkey.

As reported by NTV TV station’s official website, this is not the
first case when Diyarbakirspor’s football players face such phrases,
which is very offending for them.

Diyarbakirspor Chair Cetin Sumer stated that unless the Turkish
Football Federation settles this problem, referring to justice and
principles of fair game, before the next tournament, his team will
no longer take part in the tournament, reports Turkish news source
Milliyet.

According to Milliyet, Sumer said, "Political slogans [against the
team] which started in Bursa and continued in Gaziantep have become
the beginning of the end. We will consult civil society organizations
in Diyarbakir about our decision."

Diyarbakirspor was defeated by Gaziantepspor 2-1, and presently is
the 14th among 18 teams in the standing. The team’s next match will
be with Galatasaray, which is the second in the championship.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Yerevan’ Punik Comes Out On Top: Declared Armenia’s Champion Footbal

YEREVAN’ PUNIK COMES OUT ON TOP: DECLARED ARMENIA’S CHAMPION FOOTBALL TEAM

Tert
Nov 2 2009
Armenia

Yesterday, in the 27th tournament of the Armenian Championship it
became clear that Yerevan’s Pyunik became the country’s champion for
the 9th time consecutively, but the 12th in total.

The current champion competed with local team Shirak in Gyumri and
managed to have a convincing victory: 3-1. In the middle of the first
half of the match, Albert Tadevosyan scored the first goal.

At the beginning of the second half, Vahagn Minasyan from Pyunik
scored his own goal. But, later, Albert Tadevosyan, who became the
hero of the match, scored two more goals ensuring a victory for his
team and the next championship. Last year, too, Tadevosyan played
a decisive role in the championship match. In what was known as the
"golden match" with Ararat, he scored two goals and Pyunik was able
to defeat the opposing team: 2-1.

The results of the other matches were as follows:

Banants-Ulis 2:3

Gandzasar-Ararat 2:3

Mika-Kilikia 2:1

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress