Month: December 2008

SOLIDARITY DAY OF WORLD AZERBAIJANIS CELEBRATED IN DUBAI AND KOLN

Azeri Press Agency
Dec 29 2008
Azerbaijan

Baku-APA. Azerbaijani Community celebrated Solidarity Day of
Azerbaijanis in Dubai, UAE, State Committee on Work with Diaspora
told APA.

Representatives of Turkish Communities, Turkmen, European nations along
with Azerbaijanis attended the event held in JW Marriott Hotel. The
film Ayrilarmi Konul Jandan was demonstrated in the event. Chairman
of Azerbaijani Community Samir Imanov spoke about history of December
31-Solidarity Day of World Azerbaijanis and noted that Heydar Aliyev
founded this date.

Message of the President Ilham Aliyev was sounded in the event.

The books on realities of Karabakh and Armenian terrorism made by
Heydar Aliyev Foundation were delivered to the guests.

Germany’s Köln City also celebrated Solidarity Day of World
Azerbaijanis. Azerbaijani Embassy in Germany, Köln Cultural Department
supported the event held on the initiative of Coordination Center of
Azerbaijanis in Germany. Head of Köln Cultural Department addressed
the event and congratulated Azerbaijanis on the Solidarity Day of
World Azerbaijanis. The letter of congratulation of the President
Ilham Aliyev was read in the ceremony.

–Boundary_(ID_cQkVbCiHQE6rxLyZ0tOidg)- –

INTERVIEW WITH USA AMBASSADOR MR. R. HOAGLAND

Gazeta.KZ
Dec 29 2008
Kazakhstan

Dear readers, we offer answers of H.E. Ambassador of the USA to
Kazakhstan Richard Hoagland for the questions received from the
readers of the Kazakhstani internet source Gazeta.kz.

Question#1 Author: Kuanysh

How will Kazakhstan and USA cooperate on education programs for
our specialists in the United States, especially for construction
engineers?

The United States sponsors a number of excellent educational exchange
programs, ranging from the Fulbright Scholarship for advanced
academics to the FLEX program for high school students. For more
information on these educational opportunities, please visit our
web site at or contact us directly
at [email protected].

Question#2 Author: Anvar

Mr. Ambassador, could you please tell us about yourself: when and
where you were born, what educational background you have, what your
family is like, what kind of music you prefer, whether you used to be
a hippie, whether you smoked weed, what kind of sport you are fond
of. What are your religious and political views: are you a democrat
or a republican? For example, I know that you smoke which is quite
unusual for an American! What other typical or non-typical traits of
character do you have?

Thank you very much for your personal interest. I was born in Fort
Wayne, Indiana, and I studied at the University of Virginia and the
University of Grenoble, France. Before joining the Foreign Service,
I taught English as a foreign language in Zaire (which is now the
Democratic Republic of the Congo) and African literature at the
University of Virginia’s Carter-Woodson Institute of African and
Afro-American Studies.

Before coming to Kazakhstan, I served previously as U.S. Ambassador
to Tajikistan 2003-2006, as Charge d’affaires to Turkmenistan July
2007-July 2008, and in the U.S. Embassy in Uzbekistan 1993-1995. And
so, I know this region pretty well.

Was I ever a hippie and did I ever do the standard "hippie
things"? Let’s just say, like almost all university students, I fully
enjoyed life.

Music? My favorite music is chamber music from all historical periods,
from before Johann Sebastian Bach to after Sergei Prokofiev. I also
very much like traditional American folk music from the Appalachian
Mountains, especially those recordings our Library of Congress made
in the 1930s.

One other detail few people know – I am a passionate gardener. Finally,
I love good food and very much enjoy shopping at "Green Bazaars"
and cooking for myself and my friends.

Question# 3 Author: Alibek

Could you please explain terms for obtaining the Green Card? How is
it issued? What are eligibility requirements? How can application
be submitted?

A Permanent Resident Card, or a "green card," is given to someone
who legally immigrates to the United States. This can be done
in a number of ways, including being sponsored by a relative,
being petitioned for by an employer, or winning the Diversity Visa
lottery. For more U.S. visa information, please visit our web site
at

Question#4 Author: Nair Aliyev (Azerbaijan)

What is U.S. viewpoint on routes of oil and gas transportation to
world markets from the Caspian region?

The United States’ view of this issue is simple. We believe the
more routes that oil and gas can take to get to world markets,
the better. This includes routes through Russia, routes to China,
and routes across the Caspian.

Question#5 Author: Nair Aliyev (Azerbaijan)

Could you please explain what happened to the Caspian Guard program
which was widely discussed several years ago? The program meant to
provide help to Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan in establishing combat
efficient military naval forces.

There are many programs under which the United States, Kazakhstan,
and other countries cooperate to build mutual security. The name
Caspian Guard has not been used for many years. We continue, however,
to cooperate with Kazakhstan and other countries of the Caspian Basin
to ensure free access and commerce in accordance with international
practice.

Question# 6 Author: Zhanar

Why have cases of racial hostility in the United States increased
with the election of an African-American, Barack Obama, as President
of the United States?

There has not been any rise of racial hostility in America, as
far as I know. In fact, while no nation is perfect, the election
of Senator Obama shows how far the United States has come in race
relations. Both Democrats and Republicans, black people and white
people, as well as people of all other races, have praised Senator
Obama’s election as an historic turning point in race relations in
the United States. Regardless of one’s political party, seeing an
African American take the oath of office as President of the United
States on January 20th will make the great majority of Americans very
proud of their country.

Question#7 Author: Anar

Your predecessor, Mr. John Ordway, predicted problems in interethnic
relations for the next 20 years in Kazakhstan. Do you also support
this point of view?

Ethnic tensions can rise in any country in the world, including the
United States. However, I know that President Nazarbayev takes ethnic
and religious tolerance very seriously, and I believe that Kazakhstan
has every opportunity to become one of the more ethnically harmonious
nations in the world.

Question #8 Author: Zhanar

Is it true that elected US presidents undergo a sanctification ceremony
in one of the main synagogues?

According to the First Amendment to our Constitution, there can be no
establishment of a religion in the United States, and so, obviously,
there is no religious rite or ceremony that new presidents are required
to perform.

Question #10 Author: Andrey

You are a representative of a country upon whose action or inaction
depend the destinies of the world. I hope that you will handle the
responsibility placed on you with dignity during these hard times
for your country and the world. God bless you.

Thank you so much for your kind wishes. It is the greatest honor of
my life to have been chosen by my government as U.S. Ambassador to
Kazakhstan. I hope to see our relationship strengthen in the areas
of political and economic progress, security cooperation, and energy
resource development during my tenure. And I sincerely hope I will
represent my country with dignity.

Question#11 Author: Andrey

Is it possible to arrange non-visa entry for Kazakhstani citizens
to the United States, like the one for Russians citizens to Israel,
for example? Or as we have now for entry to Russia? I think it would
serve only to strengthen trust and respect between the two countries.

The United States has legal requirements that countries must meet
before they qualify for what we describe as "visa waiver status." As
can be seen from the recent accession to visa waiver status of some
Central European countries, these requirements are constantly being
reviewed for different countries. In theory, this could become possible
for Kazakhstan sometime in the future.

Question #12 Author: Zhanbolat Mamyshev, Astana

Will budget and non-budget expenses on various U.S.-sponsored programs
be decreased due to the crisis and the beginning of a recession in
many major world economies?

Like all Americans, I am waiting to see what the new Administration
will decide to do with the budget. However, I think the financial
crisis will probably have more impact on domestic policy budget
choices, while foreign policy will largely remain the same.

Question# 13 Author: Oleg

Mr. Ambassador! I have a question: Is it true that comedian Michael
Zadornov is denied entry into the US due to his mocking of the American
life style and literacy of ordinary Americans? (I hope I expressed
myself correctly) How do you evaluate system of higher education and
Unified National Test/Exam in Kazakhstan from the point of view of
education system in former USSR?

While I am not personally familiar with the details of this particular
case, I can tell you firmly that the United States does not deny visas
based on an applicant’s personal views or on his exercise of freedom
of speech – unless, of course, he advocates terrorism or other forms
of violence.

To answer your second question, the Soviet Union bequeathed an
excellent education system to its successor nations, and so far I am
very impressed with the educational level of Kazakhstanis.

Question# 14 Author: Asset

What kinds of investments were made to Kazakhstan by USA in 2008? What
industries will the US investments cover in 2009?

The United States is a free-market nation and, as such, its government
does not invest in industries in other countries. However, American
businesses are the number-one investors in Kazakhstan, in industries
as varied as building railroad locomotives to helping Kazakhstan
profit from its vast mineral and hydrocarbon resources. While the
global financial crisis might delay some new investments, I have no
doubt that in the long term, American businesses will continue to
invest in Kazakhstan – not only in the energy sector, but across the
whole economy.

Question # 15 Author: Gukas, Erevan

Mr. Ambassador, after recent events when you were not appointed as a
US Ambassador to Armenia due to denial of Armenian genocide in the
beginning of 20th century have you changed your opinion concerning
the given issue?

Thank you very much for this question, because it allows me to set the
record straight. I never, ever "denied the Armenian genocide." That
view was falsely attributed to me by some political extremists who
wanted to make a political statement. What I did, as any diplomat
loyal to his own government must do, was support my government’s
policy. Our view is not "to legislate history." Rather, let both
Yerevan and Ankara fully open their historical archives, seriously
study together the documented history of the period, and mutually
reach a common position based on the objective historical record.

Question#16 Author: Marat

Why does U.S. not acknowledge the exile government of the Chechen
Republic in London?

The United States supports the territorial sovereignty of Russia in
the same way that it supports the territorial sovereignty of Georgia.

Question #17 Author: Russian

Mr. Ambassador, what is the United States’ acknowledgment of Kosovo and
non-acknowledgment of South Ossetia and Abkhazia associated with? Is
a policy of double standards still effective?

I disagree with the premise of your question. The two situations are
completely different. Unlike the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia collapsed
over a period of time in war and ethnic violence. Today, Kosovo is
the seventh country to emerge out of the former Yugoslavia. If you
recall, in 1999 the international community had to intervene in Kosovo
because of the extreme ethnic violence and ethnic cleansing that took
place there.

The international community has spent a lot of time and a lot of
effort working on this problem. The United Nations has been integrally
involved, and Martti Ahtisaari, former UN diplomat, former president
of Finland, and winner of this year’s Nobel Peace Prize, came to
the conclusion that the only possible way forward for Kosovo was
to have internationally-recognized independence. The United States
recognized Kosovo because we thought that it was the right thing
to do, and because, as with other cases in the former Yugoslavia,
we sought an outcome that protects the rights of people to live in
peace, security, and stability. It seems to us that this is the best
possible outcome, with full protection for the rights of minorities,
including the Serbian minority that will continue to live in Kosovo.

On the other hand, Russia’s recognition of the supposed independence
of Abkhazia and South Ossetia contradicts the longstanding support
of the international community (including Russia) for Georgia’s
territorial integrity, and risks destabilizing the broader region. No
country in the world so far, with the single exception of Nicaragua,
has joined Russia in recognizing Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Some
might even go so far as to ask if Abkhazia and South Ossetia should be
independent, should not Chechnya and Dagestan be independent, too? I
want to emphasize this is not my view, nor the view of my government,
but I know that some ask this question.

Question #18 Author: Symbat

Will U.S. policy towards Near East countries change and in general,
will the policy of the omnipresent justice and democracy axe in world
politics change with the new U.S. president taking over the office?

U.S. foreign policy has remained through many years generally
consistent under both Democratic and Republican presidential
administrations, though each administration has its own
priorities. Under President Obama, the tone and nuances of U.S. foreign
policy might change – for example, I expect U.S. foreign policy to
become increasingly pragmatic – but long-term U.S. national interests
are consistent.

In our relationship with Kazakhstan, I believe we need to be grounded
in reality. We need mutually and thoroughly to understand the
historical, cultural, and political realities in both our countries –
and we need to respect them. Where they are congruent, we will easily
prosper together. Where they are not fully congruent – and friends can
disagree and still remain friends – we will work to understand each
other’s reality with respect. Where we will find points of agreement,
we will pursue common goals. Where we will sometimes disagree, we
will do so with respect and without recrimination.

Question #19 Author: Bek

We would like to cooperate more with the United States, since it is
a warrant of world safety. It’s commonly known that in many ways
we are squeezed between two large countries, one of them being a
superpower country and the other an ideological claw. All of the
above creates certain difficulties and internal uneasiness. Is it
possible to envision the United States as a warrant of our national
independence and safety in the region?

As Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said during her October 5 visit
to Astana, we do not believe that there is some kind of competition
for the affections of Kazakhstan among its neighbors. I believe the
government of Kazakhstan is successfully building strong relationships
with nations from every region of the world.

The United States strongly believes that no country is entitled to
some kind of special "sphere of influence" in Central Asia that aims
to exclude other countries. That would be a violation of Kazakhstan’s
sovereignty and its fundamental right to choose its own partners. The
United States will continue to promote openness in the region.

Question #20 Author: Mikhail

Mr. Ambassador, how do you assess civil society development in
Kazakhstan and what kind of support might the United States provide
for its further growth? Thank you.

A vibrant civil society is the cornerstone of democracy. Kazakhstan’s
civil society is developing, with NGOs becoming more and more expert
on how to articulate and promote the interests of the citizens of
Kazakhstan, which range from human rights and media freedom to prison
reform, pensioner support, and environmental protection.

The U.S. Embassy provides support to civil society through the
work of USAID, small grants to help NGOs implement worthy projects,
and exchange programs, such as the International Visitor Leadership
Program and Community Connections, that allow Kazakhstanis to share
ideas and experiences with their colleagues in the United States. We
also bring experts from the United States to work with civil society
leaders in Kazakhstan. The United States is committed to working with
our Kazakhstani partners to build a solid civil society in Kazakhstan.

Question #21 Author: Damir 010

Will the United States invest money into Kazakhstan’s economy?

The Government of Kazakhstan has already laid out an aggressive
program for dealing with the economic crisis that many believe will
be effective. The United States will continue to cooperate with
Kazakhstan on issues of mutual interest, including programs in the
areas of security, healthcare, civil society, and many others. The
United States Agency for International Development (USAID) works
closely with its Kazakhstani partners to fund projects important to
Kazakhstan’s further development. Our trade representative in Almaty
continually works to attract new U.S. investment to Kazakhstan.

Question #22 Author: Viktor

Mr. Ambassador, I have a pragmatic question. Nowadays, the automobile
industry of the United States is undergoing huge problems which are
difficult to solve even with the government support. At the same time,
it’s known that the importation of used vehicles from the United
States to Kazakhstan has been developed. Do you think it would be
reasonable to import used and new vehicles to Kazakhstan at a lower
price in order to revive sales in the United States?

While it’s difficult for me to comment on any specific business, the
United States strongly supports increased trade with Kazakhstan. We
commend the government of Kazakhstan’s desire to expand its non-energy
sector economy.

In its goal to become one of the 50 most competitive countries in the
world, Kazakhstan should consider reducing the bureaucratic barriers
that make international trade more difficult than it has to be. The
United States is always prepared to work with Kazakhstan to improve
its business and investment climate.

Questions #23 & #9

Question #23 Author: Murat

Recently the EU announced the program "Eastern
Partnership." Unfortunately, Kazakhstan was not on the list of partner
countries. Mr. Ambassador, is the convergence of the RK and the EU
possible and to what extent, in your opinion? Is it possible for
Kazakhstan to become an associated member of the EU? Do you envisage
membership of the RK in NATO? Thank you.

Question# 9 Author: Tima

We would like to join NATO. Is it possible?

As the American Ambassador, I cannot comment on the European Union’s
policy and plans. NATO has always said the door is always open for new
members. However, in reality, while Kazakhstan cooperates fruitfully
with NATO through its Individual Partnership Action Plan (IPAP), the
government of Kazakhstan has never expressed an interest in joining
NATO as a full member. Under President Nazarbayev’s multi-vector
foreign policy, Kazakhstan has developed excellent relationships with
Russia, China, the United States, and the European Union and those
relationships have served Kazakhstan very well.

ELDENIZ GULIYEV: "TURKEY LOSES MUCH MORE FROM STRENGTHENING RELATIONS WITH ARMENIA"

Today.Az
olitics/49877.html
Dec 29 2008
Azerbaijan

"The strengthening of relations between Turkey and Armenia is of
negative nature", said chairman of the Azerbaijan Intellectuals
Movement Eldeniz Guliyev.

He said strengthening of relations between the countries should be
considered from various positions.

"First of all, Turkey must not forget the historical facts and the
evil Armenia brought to it. Second, it must bear in mind that 20%
of Azerbaijani lands are occupied.

Naturally, each country pursues its goal while strengthening the
relations. In particular, the opening of borders is profitable for
Armenia, while Turkey tends to join EU. However, both countries should
not forget that the things they achieve will be insignificant against
what they lose. Turkey loses much more by strengthening relations
with Armenia", noted he.

Guliyev also added that the campaign held by representatives of
Turkish intellectuals by apologizing to Armenians for 1915 events in
the Osman Empire and the reverse campaign were planned incompetently
and incorrectly.

ARMENIA: TWO DECADES AFTER DEVASTATING EARTHQUAKE, THOUSANDS OF DISPLACED FAMILIES STILL WAITING FOR PERMANENT HOME
By Anush Babajanyan

EurasiaNet
Dec 29 2008
NY

A EurasiaNet Partner Post from Transitions Online

It’s a small structure in the middle of a field, seemingly
deserted. Only when you get close does it become clear that someone
lives here. Harutyun Gevorgyan moved to this makeshift house six
months ago after he married Manik, its owner.

Twenty years ago Gevorgyan lived with his first wife in an apartment
in Gyumri, Armenia’s second-largest city, but it was ruined in the
December 1988 earthquake that devastated the northwest corner of the
then-Soviet republic, killing 25,000 people and leaving hundreds of
thousands homeless.

Gevorgyan lived with a series of relatives until he met Manik, a
fellow street cleaner. Her family had not been offered a new home
after the earthquake. Like many in Gyumri, then called Leninakan,
they found shelter in domiks, small houses provided by the government
or built by the homeless themselves using wood, stones, or pieces
of metal found in the rubble of ruined buildings. These tnaks still
cover many parts of the city.

In the aftermath of the disaster the Soviet government promised that
the homeless would get new apartments within two years. Construction
began, but in 1991 the Soviet Union collapsed; Armenia became
independent and lost its main source of aid. Two decades on more than
4,000 families in Gyumri are still waiting their turn to get a home.

"One of the reasons was the fall of the Soviet Union, and another
was the government that came afterwards," City Hall spokesperson
Lilit Aghekyan says to the question of why so many displaced by the
earthquake still do not have permanent new homes. But 20 years after
the disaster, the national government this year launched a construction
effort designed to provide permanent shelter for Gyumri’s remaining
homeless.

The War Hits Home

Aghekyan refers to the "negligence" of independent Armenia’s first
leaders, who, preoccupied with fighting Azerbaijan over the disputed
territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, let restoration of the devastated
quake area languish. Then-President Levon Ter-Petrosian’s government
concentrated the country’s resources on the war, ushering in what
Armenians recall as the "dark years" of little or no electricity,
heat, or running water.

After the 1994 ceasefire, restoring the Armenian economy took
precedence over delayed earthquake relief. By this time still-displaced
families had largely settled into their domiks, and into a routine
of petitioning the local authorities for help.

There are about 300 such households in the Fountain District, a former
park not far from the center of Gyumri that hosts one of the city’s
main concentrations of domiks.

Harutyun and Manik Gevorgyan live in one of the haphazardly sited,
closely spaced structures. Their house is a patchwork of sheets
of steel, heated, like many in the Fountain District, by a stove
Harutyun stokes not just with wood but with anything he can find that
burns. Smoke fills the badly-ventilated structure, mixing with dust
from the items brought in to be burnt. Harutyun cooks on the same
stove while his wife is out on her daily job as a street cleaner.

There are two rooms, a kitchen where the fire fodder is piled and
a bedroom with a narrow, partly broken bed. "Our house is in bad
condition," Harutyun says, "but there are houses in this district
that are much worse off."

Unlike the Gevorgyans’, most of the houses here have electricity,
but none has running water or sewerage. People bring water from
nearby springs and dig holes, screened by walls, outside their houses
for toilets.

"We eat and do laundry in the same room," says Geghetsik Gevorgyan
(no relation to Harutyun), who has moved from one domik to another
since the earthquake ruined her apartment building. With a pension
of $80 a month and a little extra money she earns working in a local
farmer’s fields, she maintains the thin-walled house and takes care
of her ill son.

Chichak Petrosyan lives alone in a one-room house piled with scattered
clothes and cardboard, but family members are always coming by to
help, and as we talk her grandson plays in the heaps on the floor. She
keeps doves in the one-room house, as well as a dog and cat. Outside
her relatives are doing laundry in the open air.

Petrosyan found this onetime ice-cream stand shortly after she lost
her home in the earthquake. She’s been living here ever since. She
has petitioned City Hall for a new home, without success. "I have
applied several times but received no reply," she says. "By now I
have almost lost hope."

Building Blocks

Since the quake an alliance of foundations and organizations headed by
the U.S. government aid agency USAID and including Armenian-American
billionaire Kirk Kerkorian’s Lincy Foundation has helped build 18,000
apartments for homeless families in Gyumri, but nothing has been built
by Armenian authorities since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Last
June, the national government announced an ambitious effort to resolve
the plight of the remaining homeless families within five years.

"Apartments for 3,000 families will be built in accordance with a
government program," City Hall’s Aghekyan says.

The first step was a contract with Yerevan-based developer
Glendale Hills to build at least 2,300 apartments in the Ani and
Mush 2 districts in the suburbs of Gyumri, where the Soviets built
apartments in first few years after the quake . Construction began on
the government-financed, 43 billion dram (100 million euro) project
in October and is slated for completion in 2010, with residents moving
in the following year.

The city received 4,284 applications from homeless families, and may
yet get more if the government agrees to extend the 1 November deadline
for 140 qualified families that were unable to apply "because they
are out of the country or other reasons," Aghekyan says. Those who
do not get one of the newly constructed flats will be eligible for
vouchers to purchase existing apartments on the outskirts of the city.

The help may come too late for Lena Atoyan, who is almost 80. She
does not expect to live long enough to move out of the tnak she has
shared with her daughter, Susanna, since the earthquake. "I am weak
and ill from living in this cold house all these years," says Atoyan,
who has been bedridden for months with a leg problem.

"I hope that at least my daughter gets some help or an apartment from
the government," she says. "It has been 20 years since we moved here,
and there is still no help from anyone."

Editor’s Note: Armenian photojournalist Anush Babayanjan reported
and for this article.

WINDSOR FUNDRAISER HELD FOR MISSING WOMAN IN HONG KONG

Windsor Star
+held+missing+woman+Hong+Kong/1121048/story.html
D ec 29 2008
Canada

Friends, relatives and strangers came together Sunday to help a
Windsor family find their missing daughter and sister.

Hundreds of people attended a fundraiser at the Armenian Community
Centre on Pierre Avenue and dropped off donations to help Ani
Ashekian’s family hire a private investigator to look for her in Hong
Kong. Ashekian, who grew up in Windsor before moving to Toronto, was
last heard from on Nov. 10, after arriving there. She had left for
Beijing on Oct. 24 and was supposed to return to Canada from Delhi,
India, on Dec. 15. Ashekian’s boyfriend is currently in Hong Kong
looking for her. Her family wants to step up the search efforts and
is hiring a private investigator with the money raised Sunday, which
hadn’t been tallied right away.

"I was just amazed by the people who came through the door today,"
Ashekian’s older sister, Rosie Kampstra, said. "Some of those people
didn’t even know Ani. I’m amazed by everyone’s generosity."

Hong Kong authorities are investigating Ashekian’s disappearance.

WILL TURKEY OFFICIALLY APOLOGIZE FOR THE ‘GREAT CATASTROPHE’?
By Cenap Cakmak

Today’s Zaman
Dec 29 2008
Turkey

As expected, the apology campaign initiated by a group of Turkish
intellectuals who criticized the indifference and injustice to the
massacres and sufferings of Armenian people in the events that took
place in Ottoman territories in 1915 has sparked differing reactions.

While some endorsed the declaration made available online for public
participation, others, including Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdogan, criticized the initiative, arguing that there was nothing
to apologize for. Some groups in the Armenian diaspora expressed
cautious optimism and satisfaction with the declaration, which should
be discussed or considered with reference to freedom of expression
given that this is a civilian initiative.

But it is obvious that this does not represent Turkey’s official stance
because neither the government nor Parliament implies that there will
be such action taken by the establishment. Besides, state institutions
have so far made public their open opposition to the campaign. In
this case, the question is whether this civilian initiative will be
transformed into an official policy of Turkey vis-a-vis the Armenian
genocide issue; this question is particularly relevant because this
is actually what the Armenian diaspora has been looking for.

The answer to this question is simple and clear: Such a move seems to
be out of the question in the current political context. Regardless of
the international environment and accompanying pressures as well as
the probable profits and gains associated with an official apology,
Turkey will not comply with these demands considering the gravity
and serious repercussions of accepting the Armenian claims.

There are at least two major reasons for Turkey not to proceed with
offering an apology for the "Great Catastrophe." Above all, the
Armenian genocide issue has turned into a political clash between
Turkey and the Armenian diaspora; an apology will implicitly mean
Turkey’s acceptance of defeat in this clash. Secondly, at a time
when relations with Armenia have become relatively smooth, granting
an apology would be a last resort for Turkish foreign policy makers.

Above all, it should be noted that an apology alone will not satisfy
the demands of the Armenian diaspora. What Armenians are looking
for is an apology accompanied by an open acknowledgement by which
Turkish authorities admit that Ottoman authorities committed the
crime of genocide against the Armenian population in the early 20th
century. There is no single guarantee or assurance indicating that
further material demands will not follow such an acknowledgement and
apology. Even though some Armenians declared that what they want from
Turkey is a mere apology and an open acknowledgement of the commission
of an Armenian genocide, those who have openly promoted the Armenian
genocide claims have not so far given any assurance that they will
not claim material remedies or reparations for the alleged genocide.

Besides, even if they offer such an assurance, Turkey’s
acknowledgement of the genocide claims will not be an ordinary
decision that will culminate in an apology and acceptance with mild
repercussions. Acknowledgement of the commission of the crime of
genocide against Armenians will inevitably entail reparations and
material compensations to be made to the victims or their legal
inheritors. Such an option will not be acceptable to Turkish foreign
policy-makers.

More importantly, as a greater number of states have promulgated bills
and enacted laws recognizing the alleged Armenian genocide and making
its denial a punishable offense, the issue has become more politicized
and internationalized; in such an environment, the problem has become
even more crucial for Turkish foreign policy. For this reason, the
issue of forcing Turkey to accept the Armenian genocide, a key goal
that has been promoted and emphasized by the diaspora, is a matter of
image and prestige for Turkish foreign policy-makers. In other words,
this issue has turned into an element of political clash between
Turkey and the Armenian diaspora. In a sense, they are rivals over this
issue; Turkey’s apology and acknowledgement of the Armenian genocide
claims would mean that Turkey accepts defeat in this struggle. For
this reason, Turkey will make an official and formal apology for the
"Great Catastrophe" only if it is left with no other choice.

In such an environment where the uncompromising stance of the Armenian
diaspora, which excludes opportunities for dialogue with Turkey as a
viable option, is visibly prevalent, Turkey’s official apology will be
out of the question. Of course, Turkish policy-makers will make some
efforts to improve bilateral relations between Turkey and Armenia,
but in such cases, it will strive to hold the initiative. Conversely,
an apology, which will actually mean acceptance and endorsement of the
claims, voiced within the Armenian genocide campaign, promoted and
sponsored mostly by the Armenian diaspora, will not be a humanistic
move; rather, it will be a political step that will undermine Turkey’s
prestige and image.

For this reason, even though the emphasis in the recent civilian
initiative is mostly humanistic and free of political considerations,
Turkey’s official apology will never bear such meaning. Turkey’s
official and formal apology will mean at least partial acknowledgement
and endorsement of Armenian genocide claims, and this will cause
serious political troubles for Turkey. This, of course, does not
necessarily mean that Turkey can never take some humane steps, but
such steps will not include a formal apology.

>From one perspective, this actually suggests that what makes a formal
apology by Turkey out of the question and an impossible choice is
the attempts by the Armenian diaspora to politicize the issue. An
apology, which will mean submission to the demands of the diaspora,
which will be held responsible for taking the issue to such extreme and
sensitive dimensions, will not be acceptable to Turkey for political
reasons. Considering the recent improvement and progress in dialogue
attempts with the Armenian administration, it becomes evident that
Turkey will never take the option of offering a formal apology into
account in an environment where its options will likely proliferate
and be diversified.

*Dr. Cenap Cakmak is an instructor at Mugla University and a senior
researcher at the Wise Men Center for Strategic Research (BÄ°LGESAM).

–Boundary_(ID_EdEaetSNRve IB6hD01o3Jw)–

‘TURKEY SEPARATES BAKU FROM YEREVAN’

Hurriyet
Dec 29 2008
Turkey

ISTANBUL – A real breaking of Turkish-Armenian and Turkish-Azerbaijani
relations has occurred in 2008, Web site today.az quoted Alexander
Iskandaryan, Director of the Caucasus Institute as saying yesterday.

Although there has been no real breakthrough in Turkish-Armenian ties,
the fact that Turkey managed to separate its relations with Yerevan
from the ones with Baku was a positive development, he said.

TRT BLAMES PRODUCER ON SCREENING SCANDAL

Hurriyet
Dec 29 2008
Turkey

ANKARA – Turkey’s national public broadcaster caused a scandal when it
screened a documentary in which murdered Armenian Turkish journalist
Hrant Dink was portrayed as the provocateur of the deadly MaraÅ~_
incidents of 1978.

In response to the strong public reactions to the documentary,
the Turkish Radio and Television Corporation, or, TRT, blamed the
producer of the documentary, the daily Hurriyet reported yesterday.

The 13-part documentary, "The Labyrinth of the Shahs," featured
controversial images in its episode, shown Dec. 24, on the MaraÅ~_
Massacre in which more than 100 people, most of Alevi origin, died. The
program showcased the statements of OkkeÅ~_ Kenger, who later became
OkkeÅ~_ Å~^endiller, the number one suspect of the massacre and one
of the founders of the Grand Unity Party.

In the documentary he said, "What happened in MaraÅ~_ at the time
was not a conflict between the Alevis and Sunnis. Hrant Dink and his
friends caused the events. Moreover, among the corpses there were
six or seven uncircumcised bodies."

After Å~^endiller’s statements, Dink’s photographs were featured
in the program. TRT officials, meanwhile, said what was said in the
program was not TRT’s opinion and TRT had purchased the documentary
from external sources. "They are not TRT’s views. The target of the
program was not Hrant Dink. It deals with many political topics from
that period and one of them was the MaraÅ~_ events. There are many
people interviewed in the documentary and Å~^endiller is among them,"
said TRT officials. "He says a few sentences. It is an allegation and
the documentary was made in a particular journalistic style. If Dink’s
family or lawyer said something, they would have been broadcast too,"
he said.

–Boundary_(ID_CRx0qE9KlJr0DD66pZ6m1A)–

TURKEY DENIES MINORITY DEAL

Hurriyet
Dec 29 2008
Turkey

ANKARA – Turkey and France both refrain from signing a convention
on the protection of minorities. A Council of Europe official warns
Ankara it will feel the pressure during European Union negotiations,
while Turkish officials point at Paris as an explanation for their
opposition, saying Turkey honors its obligations under the Lausanne
Treaty.

Turkey and France, whose paths are divergent on many issues in the
European Union, from human rights standards to political criteria,
are sticking to their guns over the ratification of a document on
the protection of minorities.

Eight of 47 Council of Europe member states have refused to ratify the
framework convention for the protection of national minorities. France
and Turkey are the two countries that have never signed or ratified it.

"For both Turkey and France, it is difficult to reconcile
the recognition of certain groups as minority groups with the
principle of equality for all citizens irrespective of their ethnic,
linguistic, cultural and religious backgrounds," Alain Chablais, head
of the Secretariat of the Framework Convention for the Protection of
National Minorities, told the Hurriyet Daily News & Economic Review
in a telephone interview.

Turkey and France base their arguments on constitutional grounds and
argue the signing of the document would jeopardize the principle of
equality among their citizens.

Both countries say every citizen is free to have his own religion,
language and cultural background, but argue it is not up to the
state to recognize or provide official support for specific ethnic
identities.

Less participation "We do not share that argument, because the
framework convention sets equality and non-discrimination as key
principles, which are also enshrined in many other treaties like the
European Convention on Human Rights," said Chablais.

He said the convention also required state parties to take special
measures in favor of disadvantaged minority groups to ensure they
enjoyed equality with the majority in practice. Persons who belong to
a minority are in a disadvantaged position in many fields, he said,
adding that they participate less in public and political life and they
have few opportunities to be educated in their mother tongue. "This
(applying special measures) is considered fully compatible with the
principle of equality by most European states," said Chablais.

While opposing ratification of the convention, Turkey consistently
says it honors its obligations stemming from the Lausanne Treaty,
the founding document of the Turkish Republic, which provides that
Armenians, Greeks and Jews are national minorities. Turkish authorities
also say its Constitution does not allow for a recognition of other
minority groups, as that would create a different status more favorable
to other ethnic groups and would violate the principle of equality
among its citizens.

Copenhagen criteria

The convention on minorities did not exist at the time Turkey and
France joined the Council of Europe. After the 10 founding member
states including France, Turkey was one of the first countries
to become a member in 1949, meaning there was no legally binding
commitment for the two to sign the convention. But European officials
say Turkey will feel pressure to sign and ratify the convention as
part of the EU negotiations.

"The signing of the convention is not part of the Acquis Communitaire,
but is explicitly mentioned in the Copenhagen political criteria,"
said Chablais. Turkish officials, however, point to EU member France
to explain their opposition.

"This is of course an understandable reply by Turkish authorities
in theory, but if Turkey sincerely wishes to share European values
and join the EU I think that is no longer a sustainable argument,"
said Chablais.

He said the exercise of fundamental rights and freedoms in the
countries was tremendously different.

"In practice, France has a number of minority groups which enjoy
education and language rights without any impediment, but in Turkey,
you cannot put up street names in Kurdish for example, and you cannot
open public schools that teach Kurdish. It is impossible." Aside
from Turkey and France, Greece, Belgium, Iceland, Andorra, Monaco
and Luxembourg have not ratified the convention on minorities.

AN INTERVIEW WITH C.A.O.’S TIM OZGENER
By David Savona

Cigar Aficionado
_Features/CA_Feature_Basic_Template/0,2344,2607,00 .html
Dec 29 2008

Tim Ozgener, the president of C.A.O. International Inc., is following
in the footsteps of his father, Cano, who founded the Nashville,
Tennessee, company in 1968. The 39-year-old Ozgener is a former
stand-up comedian with the eye of an artist, which is evident in
the visually arresting packaging and nontraditional blends that
make C.A.O. one of the world’s most innovative cigarmakers. Ozgener
recently sat down with senior editor David Savona to speak about the
40th anniversary of C.A.O., and the changes in the company since its
January 2007 acquisition by Holland’s ST Cigar Group, the maker of
Henri Wintermans cigars.

David Savona: Let’s start from the beginning, and talk about C.A.O. and
its origins. Tim Ozgener: This is our 40th year. My father started
the business in 1968 out of the basement of our home, and it was
really just a hobby. It was his love of meerschaum pipes. We started
shipping out of the garage of our home, and it was something that
developed organically into a family affair.

Q: It started as a pipe business, and you and your sister, Aylin, would
help your dad? A: Yeah. He is an Armenian who was born in Istanbul. He
was trained as an engineer, and he didn’t like the engineering of the
pipes [that he smoked]. He improved the engineering, and he went to
a retailer in North Carolina, and the guy said, "Where did you get
that pipe?" And my dad said, "Well, I made it." The guy wanted to
order some, and my dad said, "Listen, son, when you are Armenian,
you never say no to an order. How many do you want?" [Laughs.] This
retailer had some pull, and soon people started calling our house
phone, and people wanted to order my dad’s pipes. They wanted to make
sure the pipe had the same improved stem, and he started putting his
initials on the pipes, which are C.A.O. [for Cano A. Ozgener.] That’s
how the company started. He didn’t have any employees, so when my
sister and I were home, we would occasionally hear my dad say, "Are
you done with your homework? Come downstairs." Downstairs, it would
be a sea of pipes, and he would say, "This row of pipes–$45. Go." And
he would hand us the pricing gun.

Q: So it was a very modest beginning. A: Oh yeah. Looking back on it
now, there are some fantastic stories. He had a retailer that he would
do barter deals with–pipes for green coffee beans, and he would cook
the coffee beans in a pan. And I would wake up in the morning and I
thought there was a brush fire in our house because there was a haze
of smoke. I would say, "This smells horrible, Dad!" He said, "You do
not know what the hell you are talking about. This is quality! I am
roasting coffee–look how oily the beans are!" He was a mechanical
engineer. He used to analyze microfibers, so he was into the specifics
of everything.

Q: How did C.A.O. evolve from a company making pipes to a company
that’s best known for its cigars? A: When you’re going to the trade
show, it’s basically pipes, cigars and humidors. And it’s a small
circle of people. My father got to know everybody, and he saw a
trend of cigars having a resurgence, thanks in large part to Cigar
Aficionado, and celebrities smoking again. So he said people need
humidors. He was in London, found some beautiful antique boxes,
bought 30 of them, shipped them here and lined them with Spanish cedar.

They were all vintage pieces from the 1700s and they would sell
out each time we went to the trade show. They would retail around
$2,000, $3,000. So based on that demand, my father decided to make
humidors that were more reasonable. And we were pretty proud of the
fact that we were the first company to make humidors out of solid
cherry, mahogany and walnut here in the United States. We found two
woodworkers who were perfectionists like we were, I would help my dad
put them in the back of his hatchback, and we shipped them from our
home. Humidors quickly became a big part of our business–I remember
at one point it was 60 percent of our business.

Q: It quickly overtook pipes? A: Meerschaum pipes were really a
niche. It’s not like briar pipes. Right around 1993, ’94, there
was an opportunity to get into cigars. That’s when cigars were
red-hot. Everybody wanted them, and demand superseded quality and
supply. Most everybody told [my father] not to get into the cigar
business, but there was one man who told him yes, the late Peter
Stokkebye, who was buddies with my dad.

Q: The pipe guy. A: Yes, he and my dad had a very close personal
relationship, Peter said, "Cano, go for it. Don’t listen to
anybody else. They don’t want you in there anyway, you’re just
another competitor." So he went for it, and right around 1994,
’95, my father hooked up with Carlos Toraño, who introduced him to
Nestor Plasencia. And they made the first C.A.O. blend, which was
C.A.O. Black.

Q: The C.A.O. Black came out during a crazy time for cigars. Was it
a successful launch? A: There was a very specific blend and look
that it was supposed to have. I remember going down to Honduras
and seeing people I didn’t know lined up outside of Nestor’s door
hoping to get him to make a blend. The factory was just crazy. One
box would come in and [the cigars] would be chestnut brown–the shade
that we had agreed upon. But another box would come in and it would
be green. Another would be yellow. I was living in Los Angeles, and
California was everybody’s No. 1 market. I was visiting all the stores,
and I’ll be honest with you–it was easy to sell out there–retailers
were buying anything.

Q: The inconsistencies didn’t hurt? A: Initially, it didn’t hurt
it. People just needed a cigar to sell. But once things started
slowing down, which took a couple of years, then people said, "Tim,
I like you, but it’s really hard to sell this product. Customers want
something that’s consistent."

Q: So when cigar sales started to normalize, you heard that there were
some problems with these things. A: Humidors were still a bigger part
of our business. Cigars were ancillary at that time, but nonetheless,
we wanted to be successful with them. When you visit all these stores,
I like to connect with people, and when I said, "Help me out, what
will it take to be successful?" they said, "Try this, try that." You
smoke a lot of cigars and you start developing a palate for what the
consumer is asking for. That was an education for me. In 1998, we met
with Douglas Pueringer at Tabacalera Tambor in Costa Rica. He wanted
to diversify his business, he had some great wrappers in maduro,
and that’s when we came out with our L’Anniversaire Maduro. People
smoked it and said, "This is a great cigar."

Q: That was a big deal for you–I remember when that cigar came
out. What was the result at the trade show? A: The reaction was
immediate, and we got very good ratings in Cigar Aficionado and
Cigar Insider. That’s what got us in the game. I also had made a
friendship with Nick Perdomo, and later we decided to do L’Anniversaire
Cameroon. That got even more accolades, and that just exploded. People
are always looking for what’s new, what’s different. Look at the wine
industry–look at how many new wines come out. Every year, we try to
come up with [something new]. That’s been our m.o. since 1998.

Q: There are definitely two schools of thought in the industry on
this. Some say keep it the same, don’t change, and then there are
people who always want something new. You obviously believe in the
latter. A: If you’re not moving forward, you’re moving backwards. If
you’re releasing new stuff every year, if you have some stuff that’s
not performing, what do you do?

Q: You have to whittle some things out. Have you ever dropped a full
brand? A: Knock on wood, not that much. We’ve only phased out one full
brand, C.A.O. eXtreme, and that’s because there were inconsistencies
in the product, and we couldn’t tolerate it. That’s just a decision
we made on it. We did that in a very quiet manner.

Q: You’ve had some very bold product launches, and nontraditional
ones. When you came out with C.A.O. Brazilia, C.A.O. Italia, Italian
tobacco has been used in the industry, but you were the first to
brag about it. What were your thoughts about those launches? A:
Most everybody was going down the same path, playing it safe. Wooden
boxes. If you stain them, it’s chestnut brown or red. We had this blend
that everybody put their heads together and came up with, which had
a Brazilian wrapper. At the time the famous Brazilian wrapper was
Mata Fina. This was Arapiraca. I had noticed that in the humidor,
everything blended together. I said, why not roll the dice to have a
box that pops. People told me, "You’re crazy." Fortunately, it worked
out for us. Another reason we went with that packaging, whenever I
went down to Nicaragua and Honduras, there would be all these cigars
ready to go, but the boxes weren’t ready, for they had to be kiln
dried. Then I would see boxes–even famous Cuban boxes–they’re wood,
and they’re putting paper over them. What a waste. They’re chopping
down trees, and they’re going to cover the inside and outside lid
with paper. Why not get boxes that are very stiff and don’t use wood?

Q: What’s the Brazilia box made of? A: It was made from a very rigid,
stiff cardboard, and now it’s an MDF [medium density fiberboard]. Now
we don’t have to wait for the boxes, and we’re not contributing to this
wild deforestation. I don’t want people to think when they’re buying
C.A.O., they’re paying for the box. We can get boxes that are beautiful
and the price is the same. For example, our Sopranos box. Beautiful
box. That’s basically sawdust that’s been compressed. You’re not
paying for the box. We look at the cigar at the end of the day–but
we want it presented in an elegant manner.

Q: Was C.A.O. Italia a bigger risk than Brazilia? Italian tobacco
is obscure. I know people use it, but people don’t talk about using
it. Was that a more risky move? A: We’re interested in improving the
quality in whatever medium, but we’re also interested in breaking
down myths. We try to be fearless in that arena. Going back to
L’Anniversaire Maduro, there was a strip of Italian ligero used in
that blend, which we didn’t publicly market.

Q: You never told me. [Laughs.] A: [Laughs.] It was kind of our
secret–like a little dash of cayenne. When we didn’t have it
in there, it wasn’t the same. And it was amazing, it was just a
strip. So I remember my dad talking about how the Italian ligero is
key. And I noticed that people in different factories have it–kind
of an underdog kind of thing. Traditionally a lot of that Italian
tobacco was ground up for cheap cigars. I spoke to leaf suppliers,
and they said what Fidel [Olivas] and the guys were doing in the
factory was magic. Taking compressed tobacco with a crusted look,
moistening it–they’re finding diamonds in the rough.

Q: So it took a lot of work? A: Yeah. It took a lot of work. And that’s
the talent of our organization at the factory level, and I have to give
credit to Fidel Olivas and his sons. We used Italian tobacco in there
and the marketing of it was a bit of a risk. We blended around it by
adding some nice earthiness of Peruvian and some Jalapa [Nicaraguan]
to give it some sweetness. That was a big learning curve for me on
how much detail was spent on the preparation of the tobacco.

Q: What’s your No. 1-selling cigar? A: Right now C.A.O. Gold is our
No. 1 seller. It flip-flops between Brazilia and C.A.O. Gold.

Q: How many cigars do you make a year? A: Well, since we’re not a
public company, we don’t get in the numbers that much. Our focus with
the cigars is not quantity, but quality.

Q: But where do you fit in the cigar universe? You’re not a small
company anymore, you’re not a giant, you’re somewhere in the
middle. Where do you think you fit in? A: Well, define production
that would be big?

Q: Twenty million cigars a year. A: Then I would say your description
is accurate: middle trending toward more. We’ve had double-digit
growth every year since ’98. The only year we didn’t was the year
we introduced Mx2, and that cigar was much more difficult than we
anticipated in making. It has maduro as a binder, and maduro as a
wrapper. It held more moisture and took a longer time to dry. Once
the cigars were made, we found it had to spend three times at least
as long in the drying room. The Mx2 had to sit there for 90 days,
sometimes more. We had this supply issue with Mx2 for a good two
and a half years, maybe even three years. But now we’ve figured it
out–now the drying rooms are more ramped up for the Mx2.

Q: What’s your goal when you make a cigar? A: We try to innovate in
our blends, and also in our packaging, and we try to create a wide
palate for people, no matter what they like to smoke. And we like to
use Nicaragua as a base.

Q: Is Nicaraguan tobacco in all your cigars? A: Almost all our cigars.

Q: Can you rank your brands, from mildest to strongest? A: C.A.O. Gold
would be the mildest we have, followed by C.A.O. Cameroon, followed by
Cx2, followed by Criollo, which is more medium bodied, then I would
say Sopranos, then I would say L’Anniversaire Maduro, which is more
like a medium full, as well as Vision, Italia, America, same thing,
Mx2, and then Brazilia.

Q: Brazilia is your fullest blend? A: Yes. Now, we want to push the
envelope and get even fuller, and that’s where Lx2 comes in.

Q: Let’s talk about that–it’s your newest creation, it has a lot
of ligero. What inspired the cigar? A: After I left our trade show
last year, I was looking at all of our products, what people were
responding to. There’s a niche of cigar lovers that gravitates toward
cigars that are stronger. That was sort of a response to trying to
create a cigar that delivered a real full-bodied experience, for
that niche of smokers. But we don’t want to do a cigar just for the
strength of it–we want it to be complex and have rich flavor.

Q: How do you create new blends? How does it work? A: It’s a very
creative process. We had some Pueblo Nuevo [Nicaragua] ligero. If
it’s something I want to explore, and find out the true nature of
that tobacco, then I’ll smoke only that. I did a lot of improv comedy
when I was in L.A., so it’s an improvisational process, which is
what makes it fun. I’m down there, these guys at the factory are
busy, and they’re not sure what I’m going to do. But I think they
like that. I try to take them out of the comfort realm that they’re
used to being in. Most of our blends come from us trying to do a
creative convergence of things. That’s what drives it. We also like
doing things in threes, which I picked up from my father–we did
three country blends, Brazilia, Italia and America. We had Mx2, Cx2,
now we have Lx2, which is a nice completion of the three. Actually,
I wanted ligero wrapper, filler and binder. The factory said it won’t
burn. I said try it again–they said we can’t give you a cigar that
won’t burn! [Laughs.]

Q: So the wrapper from Pueblo Nuevo? What’s special about that farm? A:
It has to do with flavor. When we were down there, smoking and trying
these different cigar blends, I had all these cigars made that were 3
1/2 by 46 ring gauge. They were each made of one type of leaf from each
region of the country. We use 41 different types of tobaccos from 21
different countries in all of our blends–that’s some total. We looked
at the materials that we thought were quality ones, and when it came
down to Pueblo Nuevo ligero and Pueblo Nuevo viso, we found those to
be outstanding–great flavor, great strength but great sweetness. It’s
like eating barbecue–great barbecue isn’t just smoky. It has smoke
but it also has sweetness. With cigars, if it’s strong but doesn’t
have that sweetness, it’s not satisfying. I tell all of our leaf
suppliers–anything that’s interesting, bring it and let’s try it.

Q: Is that a standing order? A: Not order it, but get in a bale, let’s
try it out. I’m not saying all of our blends are to be a kaleidoscope
of different countries–Lx2 is almost pure Nicaragua. But we’re very
open-minded, and that’s part of our success.

Q: I was going to ask you that–what are the other secrets of
C.A.O.’s success? A: Whatever you do, you want to improve the smoking
pleasure. We did it with pipes, with better engineering. Humidors, same
thing. We’re doing the same thing with cigars. That means quality of
the product–do we have to add more people to draw-test our cigars? How
can we improve the manufacturing process? We’re about to invest money
to test the humidity level in each cigar. We’ve added Humidipaks. It
also has to do with the quality of our customer service. And because
I have a background in acting, the best actors listen and respond–so
we try to listen and respond. Quality of the packaging. We want to be
an exciting, innovative company. C.A.O. is a brand that is exciting,
contemporary, innovative, yet still has its roots in what it means
to make cigars. C.A.O. is a company that delivers quality, but is
also fresh and innovative without losing touch with its roots. It
all starts with the cigar.

Q: How have things changed since the acquisition by Henri Wintermans,
and what does that mean for the future of the company? What’s
different now? A: As far as here, nothing has changed. They’ve been
very hands-off with us. I’m excited about it–they’re excited by the
brand. They see us as this vibrant, creative company and they want to
be a part of that same mojo. Wintermans is very much into inventory of
tobacco, and they feel that inventory of tobacco will help deliver a
consistent product. I see the future as very exciting. Wintermans,
which is a division of ST Cigar Group, Scandinavian Tabak, just
sold their cigarette division and now want to have more focus on
the cigar industry. Hopefully, they will be investing more in the
American market. For our consumers that means the quality will remain
as excellent as it is now.

Q: Can you describe the relationship between C.A.O. and the
Toraños? A: It started in the very beginning with my dad and
Carlos Sr. We’ve known the Toraños for a very long time. Once
the Toraños invested in a factory with the Olivas [family], based
on our relationship we started getting more production from those
factories. Then we saw that Charlie was stretched a bit thin. We
said, "Why don’t you turn your eye toward more day-to-day quality
control?" When it comes to blending C.A.O., I do that, but we wanted
Charlie to be focused on day-to-day quality control. Plus, once we
selected a blend, he spearheads the relationship between the leaf
growers and the leaf buyers and the factory. Making a cigar is not
an easy thing. It’s not just about making the cigars, but people
trying them, getting them out there, distribution–those are big
jobs in and of themselves. At C.A.O. I have to stress that we like
to stress teamwork at C.A.O. We believe that the best team wins, so
we try to give everybody something to focus on that’s almost like a
field of specialty.

Q: When did that deal take place? A: The beginning of 2008. As far as
with the factory and how it’s set up, there’s a factory in Nicaragua
and Honduras. Most of what they’re producing in both factories, a large
percentage is C.A.O. In Honduras, it’s more tangible. One building is
just C.A.O. and one is Toraño. In Nicaragua, it’s one huge galleria.

Q: So they make the cigars and you sell them? Or is that too simple? A:
We’re very much involved in the whole process of blending. All of
the blends that we come up with, we have a hand in. We’re very detail
oriented. The blends are taking us a longer and longer amount of time
to do. It’s like a concert, everybody getting together and working to
deliver this blend. It’s a teamwork process. We’re very much into the
team concept–we’re inspired by that. I’m not motivated by money. I’m
motivated by delivering something that brings pleasure to people. I
used to do stand-up comedy because I like to hear laughter. I like
making people happy. These are products that deliver moments of
pleasure. That’s the ultimate goal for me.

Q: Forty years ago your father started this business. Your father is
retired now–you have two young sons. Do you ever look down the road
and hope one day they’ll follow you? A: I look upon it the same way
my dad did–whatever their heart desires, whatever they want to do,
I’m going to let them go down that road. I’m going to love them for
whatever they want to pursue. To me, this is not work. This is fun,
this is a pleasure. And that should be the same for them, whatever they
desire to do. You spend most of your day doing your vocation. It should
be something that you feel passionate about, and that you love. v

–Boundary_(ID_c0Q8jSMpGYKpQ07igLu8Jg)–
From: Baghdasarian