TBILISI: FMs Of Georgia And Armenia Discuss Bilateral Cooperation

Daily Georgian Times, Georgia
March 24 2007

Ministers Foreign Affairs Of Georgia And Armenia Discuss Issues
Related To Bilateral Cooperation

Gela Bezhuashvili, Minister of foreign Affairs of Georgia, and Vardan
Oskanian, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia, are discussing
bilateral relations, regional cooperation and other issues.

Prime-News was told at the Ministry of Foreign Affiars of Georgia
that Gela Bezhuashvili accompanied President of Georgia Mikheil
Saakashvili on his brief, private, friendly visit to Armenia.

During his visit to Armenia, Mr. Bezhuashvili held a telephone
conversation with newly appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of
Ukraine Arseniy Yatsenyuk, congratulated him on his new office and
expressed hope that he will contribute to further development of
strategic relations between Georgia and Ukraine. Mr. Bezhuashvili and
Mr. Yatsenyuk agreed that the Georgian Foreign Minister would pay a
brief working visit to Kiev in the nearest future.

Tbilisi. March 22 (Prime-News)

A shameful campaign by Taner Akcam

ZNet, MA
March 24 2007

A shameful campaign

by Taner Akçam
Armenian Reporter

For many who challenge their government’s official version of events,
slander, e-mailed threats, and other forms of harassment are all too
familiar. As a former Amnesty International prisoner of conscience in
Turkey, I should not have been surprised. But my recent detention at
the Montreal airport-apparently on the basis of anonymous insertions
in my Wikipedia biography-signals a disturbing new phase in a Turkish
campaign of intimidation that has intensified since the November 2006
publication of my book, A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the
Question of Turkish Responsibility.

At the invitation of the McGill University Faculty of Law and
Concordia University, I flew from Minneapolis to Montreal on Friday,
February 16, to lecture on A Shameful Act. As the Northwest Airlines
jet touched down at Trudeau International Airport about 11:20 a.m., I
assumed I had plenty of time to get to campus for the 5:00 p.m.
event. Nearly four hours later, I was still at the airport, detained
without any explanation.

"Where are you going? Where are you staying? How many days are you
staying here?" asked the courteous officer from Citizenship and
Immigration Canada. "Do you have a return ticket? Do you have enough
money with you?"

As the border control authorities were surely aware, I travel
frequently to Canada: three or four trips a year since 2000, most
recently with my daughter in October 2006, just before the
publication of A Shameful Act. Not once in all that time had I been
singled out for interrogation.

"I’m not sure myself why you need to be detained," the officer
finally admitted. "After making some phone calls, I’ll let you know."

While he was gone, my cell phone rang. The friend who had arranged to
pick me up at the airport had gotten worried when I failed to emerge
from Customs. I explained the situation as well as I could, asking
him to inform my hosts, the Centre for Human Rights and Legal
Pluralism at McGill and the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human
Rights Studies at Concordia, that I might be late for the lecture.
The Zoryan Institute and the Armenian Students’ Associations of
Montreal, co-presenters of the event, would also need to be updated.

The immigration officer returned with a strange request: could I help
him figure out why I was being detained? You’re the one detaining me,
I was tempted to say. If you don’t know the reason, how do you expect
me to know? You tell me. It was like a scene from Atom Egoyan’s
Ararat. I knew better than to challenge him, giving the impression
that I had something to hide.

"Let me guess," I answered. "Do you know who Hrant Dink was? Did you
hear about the Armenian journalist who was killed in Istanbul?" He
hadn’t.

"I’m a historian," I explained. "I work on the subject of the
Armenian Genocide of 1915. There’s a very heavy campaign being waged
by extreme nationalist and fascist forces in Turkey against those
individuals who are critical of the events that occurred in 1915.
Hrant Dink was killed because of it. The lives of people like me are
in danger because of it. Orhan Pamuk, Turkey’s Nobel Laureate,
couldn’t tolerate the attacks against him and had to leave the
country. Many intellectuals in Turkey are now living under police
protection." The officer took notes.

"In connection with these attacks there has been a serious campaign
against me in the U.S.," I went on. "I know that the groups running
this campaign are given directives and are controlled by the Turkish
diplomats. They spread propaganda stating that I am a member of a
terrorist organization. Some rumors to that effect must have reached
you." The officer continued to write.

"For your information, in 1976, while I was a master’s degree student
and teaching assistant at Middle East Technical University, I was
arrested for articles I had written in a journal and sentenced to
eight years and nine months in prison. I later escaped to Germany,
where I became a citizen. The Turkish criminal statute that was the
basis for my prosecution, together with similar laws, was repealed in
1991. I travel to Turkey freely now and went there most recently for
Hrant Dink’s funeral."

The officer finished his notes. "I’m sorry, but I have to make some
more phone calls," he said, and left.

My cell phone rang again. It was McGill legal scholar Payam Akhavan,
an authority on human rights and genocide, who was to have introduced
my lecture. Apologizing for my situation, Prof. Akhavan let me know
that he’d contacted the offices of Canadian Minister of Public Safety
Stockwell Day and Secretary of State for Multiculturalism and
Canadian Identity Jason Kenney. Bishop Bagrat Galstanian, Primate of
the Diocese of the Armenian Church of Canada, also called to confirm
that he too had been in touch with Secretary Kenney’s office. I was
going to be released.

About 3:30 p.m. the officer returned with a special one-week visa.
Upon my insistence that I had a right to know exactly why I had been
detained, he showed me a sheet of paper with my photograph on top and
a short block of text, in English, below.

I recognized the page at once. The photo was a still from the 2005
documentary Armenian Genocide: 90 Years Later, a co-production of the
University of Minnesota Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies and
Twin Cities Public Television. A series of outtakes from the film,
originally posted on the CHGS website, could be found on the popular
Internet video site YouTube and elsewhere in cyberspace. The still
photo and the text beneath it comprised my biography in the
English-language edition of Wikipedia, the online encyclopedia which
anyone in the world can modify at any time. For the last year-most
recently on Christmas Eve, 2006-my Wikipedia biography had been
persistently vandalized by anonymous "contributors" intent on
labeling me as a terrorist. The same allegations had been repeatedly
scrawled, like gangland graffiti, as "customer reviews" of A Shameful
Act and my other books at

It was unlikely, to say the least, that a Canadian immigration
officer found out that I was coming to Montreal, took the sole
initiative to research my identity on the Internet, discovered the
archived Christmas Eve version of my Wikipedia biography, printed it
out seven weeks later on February 16, and showed it to me-voila! -as
a result.

The fact was that my upcoming lecture had been publicized well in
advance in the Canadian print and broadcast media. An announcement
had even been inserted in Wikipedia five days before my arrival.
Moreover, two Turkish-American websites hostile to my work-the
500-page Tall Armenian Tale and the 19,000-member Turkish Forum
listserv-had been hinting for months that my "terrorist" activities
ought to be of interest to American immigration authorities. It
seemed far more likely that one or more individuals had seized the
opportunity to denounce me to the Canadians. Although I was forced to
cancel two radio interviews, I made it to the McGill campus in time
to lecture on A Shameful Act.

On Sunday, February 18, before boarding my return flight to
Minneapolis, I was detained for another hour. It was obvious that the
American customs and border authorities knew what had happened at the
adjacent offices on the Canadian side. "Mr. Akçam," I was gently
advised, "if you don’t retain an attorney and correct this issue,
every entry and exit from the country is going to be problematic. We
recommend that you do not travel in the meantime and that you try to
get this information removed from your customs dossier."

The well-meaning American customs official could hardly have known
the extent of the problem. Wikipedia and Amazon are but two examples.
Allegations against me, posted mainly by the Assembly of Turkish
American Associations (ATAA), Turkish Forum, and Tall Armenian Tale,
have been copy-pasted and recycled throughout innumerable websites
and e-groups ever since I arrived in America. By now, for example, my
name in close proximity to the English word "terrorist" turns up in
well over 10,000 web pages.

The first salvo in this campaign came in response to the English
translation of my essay, "The Genocide of the Armenians and the
Silence of the Turks." In a sensational March 19, 2001, commentary
from the ATAA Turkish Times ("From Terrorism to Armenian
Propagandist: The Taner Akçam Story"), one Mustafa Artun introduced
me to Turkish-Americans as a mastermind of terrorist violence,
including the assassinations of American and NATO military personnel.
Posted at the ATAA Web site in April 2001 and circulated via Turkish
Forum in December 2001 and June 2003-my protests notwithstanding-
"The Taner Akçam Story" ended up by March 2004 at Tall Armenian Tale
next to a photo of a PKK member, which was captioned as "a younger
Taner Akçam, from ; Three years later, the photo has been
updated, but Artun’s commentary remains, a frequently cited resource
for copy-pasters.

As further evidence of my "terrorist" past, Tall Armenian Tale posted
a detailed chronology related to incidents of arrest, on dates that
even I can’t remember, for leafleting and postering in my student
movement days. Whoever provided this information failed to note,
however, that people were frequently arrested for such activities
even after official permission had been obtained. An entire nine-page
section of Tall Armenian Tale is now dedicated to vilifying me and my
work, and well over 200 pages of that denialist site mention my name.

Next came an announcement from Turkish Forum: "For the attention of
friends in Minnesota…. Taner Akçam has started working in America….
It is expected that the conferences about so called Genocide will
increase in and around Minnesota. Please follow the Armenian (Taner
Akçam’s) activities very closely." My contact information at home and
at work was conveniently provided "in case people would like to send
their ‘greetings’ to this traitor." Soon enough, harassing e-mails
were sent anonymously to my employer, the University of Minnesota,
and to me personally. A profile of the Center for Holocaust and
Genocide Studies and its director, my colleague Stephen Feinstein,
was added to Tall Armenian Tale.

With the publication of A Shameful Act, the circle began to close in.

On November 1, 2006, the City University of New York Center for the
Humanities organized a gathering at the CUNY Graduate Center to
introduce my book. Before I rose to speak, unauthorized leaflets
bearing an assault rifle, skull, and the communist hammer and sickle
were distributed in the hall. In rhetoric obviously inspired by
Mustafa Artun’s commentary, I was labeled as a "former terrorist
leader" and a fanatic enemy of America who had organized "attacks
against the United States" and was "responsible for the death of
American citizens."

As soon as I finished my lecture, a pack of some 15 to 20
individuals, who had strategically positioned themselves in small
groups throughout the hall, tried to break up the meeting.
Brandishing pictures of corpses (either Muslims killed by
revenge-seeking Armenians in 1919 or Kurdish victims of Iraqi gas
attacks on the town of Halabja in 1988), they loudly demanded to know
why I had not lectured on the deaths of "a million Muslims."

Shouting and swearing in Turkish and English, they completely
disrupted the discussion in the lecture hall and the book-signing
session nearby. I was verbally assaulted as a "terrorist-communist"
and lashed with the vilest Turkish profanities. Two individuals
dogged my footsteps from the podium to the elevator doors, howling,
"We are the soldiers of Alparslan Türke?!"(A Turkish politician who
was arrested in 1944 for spreading Nazi propaganda, Türke? later
founded the Nationalist Movement Party.) The security guards
surrounding me had to intervene when I was physically attacked.

A month later, on December 4, I was scheduled to speak at another New
York event, a symposium at Yeshiva University’s Cardozo School of Law
on "Denying Genocide: Law, Identity and Historical Memory in the Face
of Mass Atrocity." As if to illustrate this very theme, a 4,400-word
letter signed by Turkish Forum’s Ibrahim Kurtulus "on behalf of Dr.
Ata Erim the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Federation of
Turkish American Association, FTAA and Dr. Kaya Buyukataman the
President of Turkish Forum" was sent to the law school dean and
faculty three weeks in advance, urging the cancellation of the
symposium and labeling me as "a propagandistic tool of the
Armenians."

Two days later, on November 19, Turkish Forum published an 800-word
letter to the dean from Turkish-American activist Ergun Kirlikovali,
who characterized me as "a convicted terrorist in Turkey… one of
the leaders of an armed and clandestine group advocating a
Marxist-Leninist takeover of Turkish Republic caught red-handed in a
bombing plot in late 1970s… part of a group which bombed the
limousine of the American ambassador Comer in Ankara in 1969… He is
in America probably illegally."

Gusan Yedic of Turkish Forum posted further "terrorist" allegations
about me on November 24, with this sarcastic admonition: "The friends
who are going to attend the concert of Taner Akçam and his orchestra
at Yeshiva University are earnestly requested to behave in a
gentlemanly manner. Attendees are obliged to follow black-tie party
rules." On November 30, Turkish Forum mobilized an e-mail campaign
against the "Taner Akçam conference." Members were also urged to
attend the symposium and a "pre-meeting for Turks," coordinated by
Ibrahim Kurtulus.

I forwarded this information to the event organizers with a request
that appropriate precautions be taken. I let them know that if they
were going to allow intruders from Turkish Forum to leaflet my
presentation and disrupt the symposium, I wasn’t going to
participate. Yeshiva was concerned. An organizer who had attended the
CUNY gathering on November 1 assured me that security would be
increased.

As a pre-emptive step, the event committee informed the Turkish
Consulate that the law school symposium was intended to be general in
scope, comparative and scholarly in approach, and not focused on
either Taner Akçam or Turkey. They made it clear that any disruption
similar to the CUNY incident would not put Turkey in a favorable
light. A Turkish consular official disavowed any government
involvement in the disruption at CUNY, which he attributed to "the
actions of civilians" in grassroots organizations. There was nothing
the Consulate could do about them, he said. The organizers stressed
that they intended to take extra security precautions and that the
Consulate ought to think hard about what would happen if the
symposium was invaded and its participants attacked.

Just one day before the symposium there was another phone
conversation between the Turkish consular official and the
organizers. He assured them that no disruption would take place and
only two or three Turkish representatives would attend.

The government kept its word. The symposium was peaceful and no
leaflets were distributed. The Turkish consular official attended
with ATAA President-elect Gunay Evinch, both of whom were
scrupulously polite. It was as though three intense weeks of
mobilization had never happened.

For many Turkish intellectuals, freedom of speech has become a
struggle in North America as well as in our native country. What is
happening to me now could happen to any scholar who dissents from the
official state version of history.

Since my return from Montreal, the Canadian immigration authorities
have refused to say exactly why I was detained. As a result, I am
unable to face my accusers or examine whatever "evidence" may be
filed against me. Although I have formally requested access both to
my Canadian and American dossiers-a process that could take months-I
have had to cancel all international appearances. Meanwhile, my
Wikipedia biography and Amazon book pages remain open to malicious
insertions at any time.

Nevertheless, my American book tour continues under tightened
security. Although it is stressful and very sad to have to lecture
under police protection, I have no intention of canceling any of my
domestic appearances. After all, the United States is not the
Republic of Turkey. The Turkish authorities whether directly or
through their grassroots agents have no right to harass scholars
exercising their academic freedom of speech at American universities.
Throughout my life I have learned in unforgettable ways the worth of
such freedom, and I intend to use it at every opportunity.

Taner Akçam – Turkish intellectual, professor at the University of
Minnesota, and the author of A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide
and the Question of Turkish Responsibility – recently became the
subject of a formal complaint under Turkey’s Penal Code Article 301:
the same "crime" of "insulting Turkishness" for which Hrant Dink was
tried and found guilty by the Turkish judiciary.

e.cfm?SectionID=80&ItemID=12408

http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticl
www.Amazon.com.
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Opening of Moscow Palace incarnation of coop b/w Armenia & Russia

Arka News Agency, Armenia
March 24 2007

OPENING OF MOSCOW PALACE "MATERIAL" INCARNATION OF COOPERATION
BETWEEN ARMENIA AND RUSSIA

YEREVAN, March 23. /ARKA/. The opening of Moscow Palace is the
"material" incarnation of cooperation implemented between Armenia and
Russia, said Moscow’s Mayor Yuri Lujkov in Yerevan.
"The project is demonstration of new principles of cooperation
established on post-soviet territory as well as between Armenia and
Russia. And these principles should have material incarnation," he
said.
In his turn, Mayor of Yerevan Yervand Zakharyan pointed out that the
construction of the Palace "is the main component of the document
about the cooperation between the municipalities of the two capitals
and it will contribute to deepening the relations in social life and
cultural sphere."
Moscow Palace in Yerevan is built in the centre of Armenia’s capital
not far from Russia’s Embassy in Armenia, across the street from
Yerevan Municipality.
The foundation of Moscow’s Cultural-business centre was laid in
October, 2005 in the presence of Lujkov. The architect of the
building is Levon Vardanyan.
The investment cost of the Centre makes $10mln. The project is fully
financed by Moscow’s Government. L.M. -0–

"Free, Fair elections foundation stone of democracy" conference

Arka News Agency, Armenia
March 24 2007

"FREE, FAIR ELECTIONS FOUNDATION STONE OF DEMOCRACY" CONFERENCE TO BE
HELD IN YEREVAN ON MARCH 27

YEREVAN, March 23. /ARKA/. The conference entitled "Free and fair
elections foundation stone of democracy is to be held in Yerevan on
March 27.
The CE Office in Armenia reported that among participants of the
conference are Speaker of Armenian Parliament Tigran Torosian,
Special Representative of CE Secretary General Boyana Urumova,
Armenian Deputy Foreign Minister Armen Bayburtian, Germany’s
Ambassador to Armenia Hayke Renate Paychi and Head of OSCE Yerevan
Office Vladimir Priakhin.
The conference is held by CE to support in holding the May 12
parliamentary elections in Armenia up to standards. At the
conference, representatives of political parties, governmental
officials, mass media and civil society will discuss preconditions of
successful and democratic pre-election process. N.V. -0–

Culture plays role in police diversity

Los Angeles Daily News, CA
March 24 2007

Culture plays role in police diversity

Armenian community more receptive to law enforcement jobs

BY EUGENE TONG, Staff Writer
Article Last Updated: 03/23/2007 09:51:26 PM PDT

GLENDALE – Tigran Topadzhikyan was born in Soviet-era Armenia, a
repressive place where police officers didn’t have the best public
image.

So it wasn’t entirely a surprise that his mother would frown on his
decision to pursue a law enforcement career.

"My mom was a little apprehensive," said Topadzhikyan, 31, who has
served as a Glendale police officer for more than a decade. "She
thinks it was dangerous even when I was an (police) Explorer. I was
the first one in my family doing something like that. She supports me
throughout now."

Topadzhikyan and Lola Abrahamian, also of Armenian descent, were
among four officers recently promoted to sergeant – a boon to a
department that has been trying to diversify its force to police an
increasingly diverse city of 207,000.

According to city and census estimates, at least 30 percent of its
residents are Armenian-American, 20 percent are Latino and 17 percent
Asian-American.

But the current force of 253 officers – 6 percent are of Armenian
descent, 23 percent Latino, 6 percent Asian-American and 60 percent
white – still needs to catch up.

"Ideally, you want your police force to match the demographics of the
city," Glendale Police Chief Randy

———————————————– ———————————

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————————————————– ——————————
Adams said in a recent interview. "The reality is, that does not
happen overnight."
The department has made progress – a decade ago, only three officers
out of a force of 195 were Armenian-American, compared with seven in
2002 and 14 today.

The difficulty lies in finding enough recruits who meet department
standards – and a cultural bias of some Armenian families who view
law enforcement as a blue-collar profession to be avoided, Adams
said.

"In order to match the demographics of the city, you certainly
shouldn’t compromise your standards," he said.

However, critics say change isn’t happening fast enough. Zanku
Armenian of the Armenian National Committee said the department needs
to step up recruitment while training current officers to better
navigate the community.

"Just like you would have diversity training in a major corporation,
there needs to be that kind of fundamental training in the department
in order to evolve the culture," said Armenian, a board member of the
group’s western region chapter. "It takes a long time and very
thoughtful effort."

Past friction between the department and some Armenians has fostered
a measure of distrust. Stephan Partamian, an Armenian community
activist, said police made it a point to pull over people of color in
the 1980s, a time before the city’s demographics shifted.

"I think right now, it’s the best as ever," said Partamian, who hosts
a call-in television show. "Glendale police have done very well in
adapting to the multicultural face of Glendale. … But every week,
people call me to complain."

A lot of the calls are rooted in cultural misunderstanding, Partamian
said. He recalls a run-in he had last year with an officer during a
traffic stop:

"He came to the window. … In a very bad manner, he asked me
something – then he spit on the floor, like something I had seen in a
Western movie.

"I gave him my driver’s license, and he asked me how many times had I
been arrested," Partamian said. "I think it’s impolite."

Partamian said he took the issue to the City Council – three of the
five councilmen are of Armenian descent – and met with Adams, who
listened to his concerns.

"It turned out he was a rookie officer and had a habit of chewing
tobacco."

That’s not to say would-be Armenian-American criminals won’t try to
take advantage of a common ethnicity.

"Obviously, that’s happened," said Abrahamian, a 10-year Glendale
police veteran who was born in Iran and grew up in Los Angeles. "I’ve
arrested somebody and they would say, `How is it? Can you let me go?’

"The answer is, no."

Author will sign book on Armenian genocide

DetNews.com, MI
March 24 2007

Author will sign book on Armenian genocide

The Detroit News

SOUTHFIELD — Taner Akcam, a University of Minnesota historian, will
sign copies of his book, "A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and
the Question of Turkish Responsibility," at 7:30 p.m. Saturday at the
Manoogian School, 22001 Northwestern Highway in Southfield.

Akcam has attracted attention because he is one of the first Turkish
intellectuals to devote his career to studying the Armenian Genocide,
the Ottoman Empire’s systematic slaughter of more than 1 million
Armenians from 1915-1923. The modern Turkish government still
officially denies such a slaughter ever took place.

ANKARA: Book recounts dramas behind the exchange of populations

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
March 24 2007

Book recounts dramas behind the exchange of populations

What does history hang around the neck of a man who sanctioned the
deportation of some one-and-a-half million people because they
believed in the wrong God? The answer in the case of the Norwegian
diplomat, Fridtjof Nansen, was a Nobel prize for peace.

Nansen was a prototype of today’s international civil servant, a
behind-the-scenes arbiter of the 1923 Lausanne Treaty. This was the
document which confirmed the failure of the Great (Megalo) Hellenic
Idea to plant a new Byzantium in the ruins of the Ottoman Empire
after a Greek invasion into Asia Minor that was ill-conceived and
badly-led. Mustafa Kemal’s ragtag Turkish nationalist army thus
defined the borders of today’s Turkish Republic. The Lausanne
Conference attended by Curzon and Poincaré and the other the great
politicians of the day became bogged down by weighty issues: control
of the oilfields in Mosul and the future of the commercial
concessions that the Ottomans had once ceded to foreign powers. The
fate of refugees and whole populations caught on the wrong side of
the fighting exercised the Great Powers rather less. The treaty’s
very first clause called for the compulsory exchange of Muslims
living in Greece with the Greek Orthodox population in Turkey.

Many of the indigenous Greeks of Asia Minor had already fled their
homes, fearing Turkish retribution for the excesses committed by the
Hellenic invaders. Under Lausanne, they could not return. For others,
such as Greek-speaking Turks of Crete and Thessalonica or
Turkish-speaking Greeks in Cappadocia and Karaman, being uprooted
from ancestral homes was an inexplicable catastrophe and resettlement
not a return from diaspora but perpetual exile. Bruce Clark’s
absorbing study examines exactly how the frock-coated politicians in
far-away Switzerland came to embrace, organize and (quite
interestingly) finance a much praised solution which in different
circumstances might have landed them before an international tribunal
on charges of ethnic cleansing.

Mustafa Kemal, who led the Turkish victory, and Eleftherios
Venizelos, who resuscitated Greece from humiliation, were both
architects of secular states. Neither man questioned that nations
could more easily be built if those citizens were cast from the same
ethnic and sectarian mould. It is that principle, what Clark calls
the "spirit of Lausanne," which has set a cynical precedent in the
dark art of conflict resolution. It defined a problem that has
resurfaced in Cyprus and Northern Ireland, as well as in Serbia,
Darfur and Iraq. Can people of different persuasions live together in
the wake of violence, or must ethnic and religious boundaries match
political frontiers for war to end?

It is a question which at the time of Lausanne seemed rhetorical.
World War I followed by invasion and civil war in Anatolia cost,
cites Clark, some 20 percent of the population — 2.5 million
Muslims, some 800,000 Armenians and 300,000 Greeks. Facing the future
meant developing collective amnesia over the traumas of the past. The
need to bury shame, or to at least embalm it in silence, has been a
key component of the nationalism afflicting the region.

The Istanbul Orthodox population, like the Muslims of Eastern
(Grecian) Thrace, were exempted from the exchange, but over a million
Anatolian Greeks were settled in Greece. They became Venizelos’
instant political constituency, a buffer against Bulgarian expansion
and a workforce in the post-war reconstruction of the country. Turkey
was affected less by the influx of newcomers than by the sudden
hemorrhage of a Greek bourgeoisie.

Filling that void became a crucial event in the shaping of modern
Turkey. If Greeks were the first of the sultan’s subjects to
successfully rebel against Ottoman rule in 1821, the Turks were the
last. Lausanne was recognition of — what the Turks call their War of
Liberation — that bid to create their own nation state from the
heterogeneity of empire.

The exchange of populations is today remembered as an historical
necessity by the descendants of both parties to the conflict. It was
not totally heartless — there were attempts to allocate to the
refugees property equivalent to that they had left behind. Greece
threw itself on the mercy of the international community, drew
attention to the desperate plight of refugees and in an early model
of development finance, raised an international bond issue on the
productive potential of the new immigrants.

The Turks, in contrast, reveled in Lausanne as an opportunity to
exclude the Western allies, who in the previous, now voided, Treaty
of Sevres had wanted to emasculate their emerging state. They dealt
with the problem of resettlement themselves.

"Twice a Stranger" is, of course, an attempt to remember. It is a
history, an analysis of history’s impact on present politics but also
an endeavor to bring center stage the anonymous figurants whose fate
was dictated by their political betters. Clark has collected the
stories of remaining representatives of the generation of ordinary
people, Greek and Turk, whose lives were uprooted. There is little
sensation in these accounts. Clark is speaking to the survivors of an
event that took place over 60 years ago and he is gently respectful
of those he interviews, careful not to cross the line between
understanding the past and using history to attribute blame.

"We were living in the mountains. We were being killed and we
killed," he quotes one Greek who fled from the Black Sea, later to
find his sister adopted by a Turkish family.

It is an approach, however, that allows him to capture in the manner
of a patient wildlife photographer, that rare moment when an
individual’s own recollection is painfully at odds with official
history. Most of those he talks to have been taught to accept the
received wisdom that their resettlement was for the best. Yet a trip
in their final years to their birthplace or a sudden knock from an
elderly stranger from across the sea who recognized the front door as
the one they shut behind them all those years ago, suddenly yields a
different set of truths. It is a world of loyalties and empathies
more complex than the signatories of Lausanne could concede.

There are so many conflicts that still burn in the Balkans, in the
Caucasus, in Africa and the Middle East. A European audience, reared
on the psychoanalytic method or the logic of the confessional, wants
to believe in the causal relation between truth and reconciliation,
historical honesty and the process of repair. It is only when nations
face up to their past that the war can end, is something one senses
Clark would like to believe. But he remains troubled by the ghost of
Lausanne, hinting that things may work the other way around and that
it is only when the war is truly over, we can begin to look back.

`Twice a Stranger: How Mass Expulsion Forged Modern Greece and
Turkey’ — By Bruce Clark, Published by Granta Books

24.03.2007

BOOK REVIEW ANDREW FINKEL

ANKARA: Turkey suspends F-16 purchase from US over Cyprus ban

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
March 24 2007

Turkey suspends F-16 purchase from US over Cyprus ban

Turkey has reportedly suspended negotiations with the US over the
purchase of an additional 30 F-16 fighters after Washington set the
condition that they not be flown over the divided Mediterranean
island of Cyprus.

Military sources close to the Turkish Air Force Command (THK) told
Today’s Zaman that US technology restrictions, including a ban on
their usage by Turkey over Cyprus, irked Ankara. "The US condition
that fighters should not be used over Cyprus made us mad," said a
source at the THK.

The US has not imposed any such restriction on the around 300 F-16s
already in Turkey’s inventory, said the same sources, adding that the
possible adoption of an alleged Armenian genocide bill by the US
Congress sometime in April has no direct links with Turkey’s
suspension of talks over the F-16 purchase.

Turkey and the US have also been in dispute over the price of the
F-16s, estimated at around $2.9 billion. The US Congress approved
earlier this year the sale of an additional 30 advanced F-16 Block 50
aircraft as well as associated equipment and services under Foreign
Military Sale (FMS) credit to Turkey.

US’s Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA), when it notified the
US Congress in late September last year of the Turkish decision to
buy additional F-16s, said, "This proposed sale will not adversely
affect either the military balance in the region or US efforts to
encourage a negotiated settlement of the Cyprus questions." The
island of Cyprus has been divided into a Turkish north and Greek
south since 1974.

According to well-informed military sources, the Turkish Armed Forces
(TSK) have been attaching great importance on the attitude of the US
over Turkey’s outlawed terrorist organization the Kurdistan Workers’
Party (PKK), reported to have been preparing for attacks inside
Turkey in their bases in neighboring northern Iraq.`Rather than
Armenian genocide bill, the PKK issue has the potential to turn
upside down Turkish-US strategic relations on the part of Ankara. If
the US does not take action against the PKK in northern Iraq or allow
the Turkish military to stage a cross-border operation, the THK may
even consider to abandon the idea of buying around 100 JSF fighters
from the US,’ stated one air force source.

During the American-Turkish Council (ATC) meeting due to start in
Washington early next week, both the PKK and the Armenian genocide
bill are expected to top the agenda, in addition to the F-16 and JSF
purchases.

24.03.2007

LALE SARIÝBRAHÝMOÐLU ANKARA

From the Margins: Feeling included, sensing pride

Glendale News Press
March 24 2007

FROM THE MARGINS:
Feeling included, sensing pride

By PATRICK AZADIAN

A friend of mine brought something to my attention last week. After I
told her yet another story about my father, she asked: "Have you
always missed him so much, or is this very recent?"

My father passed away in 2002.

I did not have an answer for her. She caught me off guard, and my
stories dried up for a couple of days. I briefly became
self-conscious about storytelling.

Who knew? Maybe this was a phase I was going through; something my
now-abandoned therapist would have had a label for. Perhaps I had a
condition. I wouldn’t be surprised if "Late Post Loss Syndrome" was
listed somewhere in the encyclopedia of psychology.

My self-imposed ban on "dad stories" lasted a few days. Meanwhile,
even simple daily situations continued to remind me of my father,
Njdeh. But the much-talked-about Glendale multilingual ballot and
information pamphlet was the latest phenomena that brought him to
mind.

Here is why: After years of being physically separated from our
family due to political upheaval, he was finally able to join us for
a third and final time here in America. He was already in his
mid-60s.

Once we all had enough of the sentimentalities and our family unit
was back to a quasi-normal state, he had a few pieces of important
business he wanted to take care of.

First, as the rest of his family members were American citizens, he
put his citizenship documents into motion.

Simultaneously, he signed up for English as Second Language classes
at an adult education center. He took pride in going to class every
day and scoring perfectly in his exams. I have kept his exams.

In the process, sometimes he ran my patience thin by asking me
numerous detailed questions. Once he asked me the meaning of the word
"ambivalent." It was not always easy to give satisfactory answers to
his questions in Armenian. Often, certain words do not have a direct
equivalent in another language. But he was determined and my answers
often brought on new questions.

Njdeh wore out the English-to-Armenian, as well as the
English-to-Persian, dictionaries at our house. I have kept them, too.

He graduated from his courses with the unofficial titles of "best
student" and "teacher’s pet." We were all proud.

Dad did not live long enough to take the oath of becoming an American
citizen. This had been one of his dreams since I was born. He always
reminded me that America was the best country in the world.

I did not shy away from telling him that being the best and being
perfect were two different things.

One of the topics that we disagreed on was how the past can influence
the future. I always emphasized that the injustices suffered in the
past by minority groups can hinder their progress today. To him that
was nonsense; his view always stressed taking responsibility for your
own actions. He was a product of real-life situations in the Old
World, I was a product of our public high school system and the UCLA
sociology department in the New World.

On one occasion he said: "Son, you don’t know how it is to live in a
country where laws are subject to interpretation by corrupt
officials." He was referring to a political system he had left
behind, which had discrimination against religious minorities
legislated into law.

Glendale’s multilingual ballot would have been another reason for him
to brag about America.

Njdeh would have secretly been happy with the multi-lingual ballots.
I say secretly, because even after successfully completing his ESL
classes, his English was not good enough to understand everything on
the sample ballot and voter information pamphlet. Yet he was too
proud to admit that he had not mastered the English language.
Frankly, at his age, I am not sure if he would have been able to be
fluent in English during his lifetime.

I can just see him coming out of the voting booth with the exuberance
reserved for teenagers. He would’ve said: "Kvearkam, byats hayeren
targmanootyoonuh bedk chooneyee." ("I voted, but I did not need the
Armenian translation!" in Armenian). He would have probably followed
up that statement with another one about the multilingual ballot:
"Did you see the ballot? This is what I am talking about. This is
what America is all about: tolerance and understanding."

In addition to his pride in his heritage, this would have been a
moment when he would have felt very American. He would have felt
included.

I wouldn’t have argued with him on that day.

PATRICK AZADIAN works and lives in Glendale.

ANKARA: General Staff publishes Russian officers book Re Armenians

Anatolia News Agency, Turkey
March 24 2007

Turkish General Staff publishes Russian officers book about Armenians

Ankara, 24 March: The Turkish General Staff published the journal of
a Russian lieutenant colonel, who witnessed the Armenian violence at
the Eastern Front during World War I.

The book titled "I witnessed and lived through" consists of the
memoirs of Russian Lt-Col Tverdokhlebov, who was the commander of the
2nd Armenian-Russian Fortress Artillery Regiment in eastern province
of Erzurum during the war, between late 1917 and early 1918.

While explaining the Armenian atrocity and massacres, the Russian
soldier describes Armenians as an "incapable, parasite and greedy
nation that can live only at another nation’s expense".

The book, which was published in English, French and its original
language Russian, was placed on the General Staff’s website as well.

The General Staff stressed on the website that the "Russian soldier’s
book could be the best answer to Armenian allegations".