According to WB Report, Poverty Reduced Notably in Armenia

ACCORDING TO WB REPORT, POVERTY REDUCED NOTABLY IN ARMENIA

YEREVAN, MARCH 10, NOYAN TAPAN. In recent years, poverty among the
Armenian population has been reduced from 50% to 30%, while extreme
poverty – to less than 5%. This is said in the report on
implementation of the strategy of assistance to Armenia that the World
Bank’s Board of Directors approved on March 8. According to the
report, poverty has been notably reduced in Armenia, as well as
sifficient progress has been registered in terms of increasing
expenditures in the social sector and reform implementing. Under
conditions of growth in GDP per capita and the country’s solvency, the
report says, Armenia may start using the limited financing of the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development on
non-concessional terms, in addition to financing provided by the
International Development Association on favorable terms. This is a
clear sign that Armenia is joining the group of countries with medium
income. At the same time, this shift should be gradual to avoid
premature debt restructuring.

European Parl. Refused to Condemn French Bill on Armenian Genocide

European Parliament refused to condemn French bill on Armenian Genocide

09.03.2007 15:52

YEREVAN (YERKIR) – The European Parliament has refused to condemn the
French bill making it a crime to deny the Armenian Genocide.

As reported by the Armenian European Federation (EAFJD), November 13,
2006 three European parliamentarians introduced a statement `On the
passage of the French bill criminalizing denial of the Armenian
Genocide of 1915′.

Late February the statement was signed by 38 out of 785
parliamentarians and the document wasn’t consequently put on the
agenda. The statement reads regret at the adoption of the bill that
`doesn’t contribute to the activities of those who struggle for
respect for freedom of speech and expression in Turkey.’

The authors of the statement consider that the passing of the French
bill ` will have a negative impact on the Turkish-Armenian relations
and will create a dangerous precedent in the form of punishment for
the events not officially recognized by all interested sides.

EAFJD Executive director Loran Leylekian said that Hrant Dink’s murder
should be a lesson for those who fight against recognition of the
Armenian Genocide and adoption of the bill criminalizing its
denial. These people are responsible for creation of atmosphere of
hatred for Armenians, according to him.

Laying the Foundations of the New Armenian Church in Northern Iraq

Laying the Foundations of the New Armenian Church in Northern Iraq

Ara S. Ashjian, Baghdad
10-03-2007 13:43:22 – KarabakhOpen

The Primate of the Iraqi Armenian Diocese, H.E. Archbishop Avak
Asadourian blessed 16 "vem-kar" stones of the new Armenian Church to
be constructed in Duhok in northern Iraqi Kurdistan region.

The ceremony was held according to the sacred traditions of the
Armenian Apostolic Church as prescribed in the Book of Rites. It was
attended by the Armenian population in the region as well as bishops
and priests of other churches in Iraq.

The Primate accompanied by 2 priests and 3 members of the Diocesan
Council traveled to the city of Erbil in northern Iraq on March 2,
2007. There, they were joined by the priests and parish council
members of the northern Iraqi cities of Kirkuk, Mosul, Zakho and
Avzroog. Being in the season of Lent, Peace and Rest services were
held at a local church for the Armenian Community. After delivering
the sermon and after the services, Archbishop Asadourian had a meeting
with the members of the Armenian Church there.

> At the city of Duhok the delegation held a regional meeting with the
participation of all the priests and parish council members. Several
issues were tackled concerning the affairs of the Armenian Church in
Iraq and the hardships it faces now due to the prevailing conditions
in the country.

129 NGOs have been registered with the Ministry of Justice

129 NGOs have been registered with the Ministry of Justice

10-03-2007 13:13:02 – KarabakhOpen

129 NGOs have been registered with the Ministry of Justice, said the
minister of justice Robert Hairapetyan in an interview with the
Karabakh Open. The NGOs include sports federations, youth
organizations and unions of artistes. According to the minister, 9
political parties are registered in Karabakh. In 2006 the NKR
government first gave grants to NGOs for separate projects on a
competitive basis. Formerly the government used to subsidize separate
NGOs. The chair of the Public Council Mikhail Gasparyan said in an
interview with the Karabakh Open that in 2006 12 million 300 thousand
drams was provided to 14 non-governmental media and 37 million 700
thousand drams to NGOs. 31 NGOs took part in the competitions, and 24
won. In 2007 55 million drams will be allocated for non-governmental
media and organizations, including 14 million for the media and 40
million for grants to NGOs. `In late December we held 14
competitions. 37 NGOs submitted proposals for grants. 26 applicants
won,’ said Mikhail Gasparyan. There were no applications for two
grants, Reform of Local Governments and Promotion of Integration with
European Organizations. In answer to the question if there were
complaints on behalf of the NGOs, Mikhail Gasparyan said two
organizations Kachar and Compassion complain of incompetence of the
commission members. According to Mikhail Gasparyan, the question will
be discussed during the meeting of the Public Council.

EU starts bridge building

In Brussels the conference on building bridges in the Black Sea region
and the role of the EU kicked off yesterday. The conference is held in
the framework of the project Civil Society Participation in the
European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) – A Regional Approach to Conflict
Resolution. This meeting was organized by the Crisis Management
Initiative (chairman Martti Ahtisaari, ex-president of Finland). The
participants are the partners of the Institute from Armenia,
Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, national experts and representatives of
the civil societies of Transdnyestr, Nagorno Karabakh, Abkhazia and
South Ossetia. Nagorno Karabakh is represented by the chairman of
Stepanakert Press Club Gegham Baghdasaryan. Gegham Baghdasaryan told
KarabakhOpen from Brussels that the purpose of the meeting is to set
up an open dialogue with the EU politicians and to enlarge the civil
society network sharing the outlook and interests for peace and
stability in the Black Sea region. The expected outcome is the
creation of an EU-Black Sea expert council which is thought to be a
flexible association of local and European experts dealing with a
peace settlement of the frozen conflicts in terms of engagement of the
EU in the process of regional cooperation and dialogue. The
objectives of the meeting are: to outline a common vision of the
future region to mark the spheres in which regional cooperation and
the engagement of the EU is necessary; to provide a similar perception
of the EU policy, organizations and tools; as well as acquaintance
with the standpoint of the civil society. The participants will work
out and prepare the vision of the Black Sea region in 2020. Besides
discussions there will be meetings with officials of the EU, the
European commission, the Council of Europe, the European parliament,
as well as representatives of the transatlantic community. 08-03-2007

Lectures in different parts of the country

Stepanakert Resource Center NGO kicked off an education project in
Shushi. Janna Krikorova, Secretary General of the NKR Foreign
Ministry, member of the Caucasian Forum, delivered the first lecture
on the topic `The current state of the settlement of the Karabakh
conflict’. According to Irina Grigoryan, the administrator of the
Resource Center, about 10 lectures are foreseen this year in
Stepanakert, Shushi and Martuni. The lectures will be delivered by
outstanding politicians and experts. The project is funded by the
International Alert, a British organization. The Discussion Club of
Martuni funded by the International Alert held a round-table meeting
in the village of Kert for schoolchildren from the villages of Kert
and Sos. The participants talked about the outlook for the settlement
of the Karabakh issue, the image of the foe and the education of the
young generation. Discussions will continue in the villages of Kert
and Berdashen of Martuni region. During the round-table meetings both
internal and external political problems will be discussed, as well as
the opportunities for contact between young people of Karabakh and
Azerbaijan. A few days ago the International Alert brought 100
calendars with photographs of Armenian and Azerbaijani children. The
administrator of Stepanakert Resource Center Irina Grigoryan said the
calendars will be distributed in the regions of the republic.
08-03-2007

There is a growing gap between the publics

In the post-Soviet space, especially in the Caucasian region, a
cascade of ethnic conflicts have occurred, which resulted in hostility
between neighbor states. The civilized world tried to interfere and
use its diplomatic and financial resources to influence these
processes. However, so far there have been but diplomatic lofty talks,
and maybe sincere but fruitless efforts. There are a number of
reasons, from complicated conflicts to the clash of interests of the
great powers in the region. However, the topic of our talk is a
little different. A generation of people is rising and developing in
our region, who feel aversion towards the neighboring nations,
independent from the values they had at birth and adopted later. A few
international organizations finance joint projects for a narrow
non-governmental circle (meetings of young people, short-term
cooperation between the media), however, these have almost no effect
on the state of things. I think more serious organizations should deal
with this, which are coming up to us with democratic banners. They
ignore xenophobia which acquires different expressions, including
vandalism, and neglect the necessity to create conditions for bringing
people closer. As a result, the gap between the publics is growing
year by year, causing new clashes, and it does not seem likely to
stop. In the meantime, Nagorno Karabakh and Azerbaijan, as well as
the other states of the region are not apartments to change because
the neighborhood is not good. Perhaps it is high time to resort to
broad popular diplomacy.

Vahram Poghosyan Leader of the youth organization of the Azat Hayrenik
Party 15-02-2007

Karabakh organization of refugees pursues compensation from Azerbaijan

The Organization of Refugees from Azerbaijan has appealed to a few
international organizations for compensation of the moral and material
damage inflicted on the refugees by the Azerbaijani side, the
correspondent of the REGNUM News Agency in Stepanakert reports. `We
wrote a letter to the CoE representative in connection with
compensation for the damage and got a reply, which is positive on the
whole, but there has been no progress yet. Hopefully, the EU is likely
to set up direct relations with Nagorno Karabakh. It may mark the
start of our cooperation with the CoE over compensation,’ said the
head of the organization Sanasar Saryan.

Independence and Security

The Open Society NGO and the Unity Youth Organization have conducted a
poll recently, and about 20 respondents said peace at any price is
important of all. The results of the same poll suggest that
independence is important for the majority. For Valery Balayan,
former chair of the Committee on Security and Defense, too
independence is important of all. `Of course, it is very difficult for
such a small country as Karabakh to be an independent state. If people
stopped believing in independence, our country would hardly last
long. We need to keep this in mind. Security through independence is a
justified goal,’ said Valery Balayan in an interview with the Karabakh
Open. The leader of the Azat Hayrenik Party, Member of Parliament
Arayik Harutiunyan thinks that independence and peace are
interrelated. `Peace without independence is impossible, and without
peace it is impossible to gain independence,’ Arayik Harutiunyan said.

People of Karabakh Want Honest President and Diplomat to Lead Them to
Independence

The analysis of the poll on the presidential election 2007

A presidential election will be held in June 2007. No person and no
political party has announced that they will run in the
election. Nevertheless, people are already discussing the possible
candidates and even mention names. The Open Society NGO and the Unity
Youth Culture and Sport Society conducted a poll from January 15 to 22
to find out which candidate people would vote for. The respondents
were offered the following questions: 1. In you opinion, is a free and
fair election possible in NKR? 2. What are the traits the president
should have? 3. What political orientation the president should have?
4. What should the standpoint of the president on the Karabakh issue
be? The respondents were also offered to mention a person they would
like to become NKR president.

300 people took part in the poll, including 150 from Stepanakert, 25
from the regions of Askeran, Martuni, Martakert, Hadrut, Shushi and
Kashatagh each. 179 are female, 121 are male. Age: 131 respondents
are up to 35, 94 are 35-50, 75 are 50 and up. Education: 101
respondents have secondary and vocational education, 20 have a
Bachelor’s degree, 179 have a Master’s degree. 159 respondents are
civil servants, 63 work in non-governmental offices, 33 are students,
26 are unemployed, 19 are retired.

The results

In answer to the question if they believe in a fair and free election
in NKR, 109 out of 300 respondents said yes. 139 said no. 52 found it
difficult to answer. It is notable that in Stepanakert only 42 out of
150 respondents answered yes, 86 answered no. Respondents from Askeran
were the most optimistic ` 19 out of 25 believe that a fair election
is possible. In Shushi 10 said no, 8 are not sure the election will be
fair.

The second question referred to the traits the next president should
possess. The respondents were offered to choose three out of fifteen
answers: patriotic, honest, intellectual, independent, having will
power, incorruptible, demanding, moral, having an Armenian mentality,
brave, unbiased, charitable, flexible in diplomacy, `other’, and `I
find it difficult to answer’. Patriotic got most votes `
169. Diplomatic flexibility comes next ` 122. Intellect and honesty
got 112 votes. Incorruptibility got 89 votes, morality 63. In Askeran
21 voted for patriotism, in Hadrut 5. Meanwhile, in Hadrut 15 want to
have an honest president, and in Martakert and Shushi only 3
underlined this trait. Incorruptability is an indicator in Askeran
(14) and Hadrut (10), but not in Shushi (3). 10 respondents from
Kashatagh ticked morality as a parameter, and in Martuni only 1 person
underlined this trait.

The third question concerned the orientation of the future
president. Along which path should the president lead the country `
pro-European, pro-Russian, pro-American or generally pro-West? Should
the president conduct a complementary, a neutral or other policy? The
answers reflected all the existing tendencies. For instance, 61 voted
for a pro-European orientation, including 40 from Stepanakert, Hadrut
and Shushi gave 1 vote each for the track for Europe. 109 people
voted for a pro-Russian way, including 37 from the capital, 19 from
Hadrut, 14 from Martakert. This path is preferred by most respondents,
especially outside the capital. Only 1 out of 300 respondents voted
for a pro-American way, and 4 voted for the pro-West path. Instead,
one fifth of the respondents voted for a complementary policy. Hadrut
is against it ` no one voted for this answer. Another 29 people voted
for a neutral path of development, 15 in Stepanakert, 4 in Martakert
and Kashatagh. 7 people voted for other, 29 found it difficult to
answer.

And what should the stance of the president on the Karabakh issue be?
Several answers were offered. The results are: 1. independence of NKR
109 Stepanakert 49, Martuni 5, Askeran 18, Martakert 12, Hadrut 16,
Shushi 7, Kashatagh 2 2. unification with Armenia 56 Stepanakert 24,
Martuni 12, Askeran 1, Martakert 2, Hadrut 1, Shushi 3, Kashatagh 13
3. independence as a stage of transition to unification 82 Stepanakert
45, Martuni 6, Askeran 4, Martakert 9, Hadrut 1, Shushi 10, Kashatagh
7 4. status under the protectorate of the European and international
organizations 6 Stepanakert 4, Martuni 0, Askeran 0, Martakert 1,
Hadrut 0, Shushi 1, Kashatagh 0 5. conciliation 3 Stepanakert 3,
Martuni 0, Askeran 0, Martakert 0, Hadrut 0, Shushi 0, Kashatagh 0
6. stability at any price 9 Stepanakert 3, Martuni 0, Askeran 0,
Martakert 0, Hadrut 2, Shushi 2, Kashatagh 2 7. compromise for the
sake of peace 5 Stepanakert 3, Martuni 0, Askeran 1, Martakert 1,
Hadrut 0, Shushi 0, Kashatagh 0 8. peace at any price 19 Stepanakert
13, Martuni 2, Askeran 1, Martakert 0, Hadrut 1, Shushi 1, Kashatagh 1
9. regional economic cooperation 3 Stepanakert 1, Martuni 0, Askeran
0, Martakert 0, Hadrut 2, Shushi 0, Kashatagh 0 10. other 0 11. I find
it difficult to answer 8 Stepanakert 5, Martuni 0, Askeran 0,
Martakert 0, Hadrut 2, Shushi 1, Kashatagh 0

And finally the question on who the president should be. Since in the
period when the poll was conducted nobody stated their likelihood to
run for presidency, the respondents were offered to note the person
they would like to be president. Over 100 people wrote they could not
mention a person because they think there is nobody who deserves to be
president. Some people wrote that the president should be a person who
possesses the abovementioned traits. 117 people declined to mention a
specific person.

1. Bako Sahakyan, head of the NKR Service of State Security 34 (mostly
men aged 35 and down) 2. Ashot Ghulyan, speaker of the NKR National
Assembly 31 (mostly women aged 35 and down) 3. Masis Mayilyan, deputy
minister of foreign affairs of NKR 26 (mostly men aged 35-50)
4. Arkady Ghukasyan, NKR President 18 (both female and male, aged
35-50) 5. Robert Kocharyan, President of Armenia 16 (mostly women aged
35 and down) Seyran Ohanyan, NKR minister of defense 10 Armen
Sargsyan, leader of the ARFD-Movement 88 faction 8 Samvel Babayan,
ex-minister of defense of NKR 5 Arthur Tovmasyan, leader of the
Hayrenik faction 4 (all from Martakert) Levon Hairapetyan,
businessman, benefactor 4 (all from Stepanakert) Serge Sargsyan,
defense minister of Armenia 4 (all from Kashatagh) Karen Grigoryan,
member of parliament from Kashatagh 3 Samvel Hakobyan, NKR parliament
member 2 Vitaly Balasanyan, NKR parliament member 2 Sergey Ohanyan,
NKR parliament member 2 Arpat Avanesyan, NKR parliament member, Arthur
Aghabekyan, deputy minister of defense of Armenia, Marat Hakobjanyan,
NKR minister of urban planning, Kamo Atayan, NKR minister of education
and culture, Gegham Baghdasaryan, NKR parliament member, Ararat
Danielyan, NKR vice premier, Armen Zalinyan, NKR prosecutor general,
Bagray Yessayan, mayor of Berdzor, Samvel Karapetyan, NKR deputy
minister of defense, Arthur Mosiyan, representative of the ARFD to
Artsakh, Georgy Petrosyan, NKR minister of foreign affairs, Murad
Petrosyan, editor of the Chto Delat Newspaper, Khosrov Ohanyan, Rudik
Hyusnunts, deputy speaker of NKR National Assembly got 1 vote each.

The Open Society NGO thanks everyone who participated in the poll and
informs that the poll was conducted for a social survey and was
anonymous. 26-01-2007

Project on Protection of Rights of Former Hostages and Prisoners to Be
Launched Next Year

Yesterday the director of the Center for Civil Initiative Albert
Voskanyan held a briefing to tell about the activities of the NGO in
2006. He dwelled on their projects connected with the
penitentiaries. According to Albert Voskanyan, the organization
delivered lectures at penitentiaries, organized psychological
rehabilitation, computer classes, provided the prison libraries with
books, defended the rights of inmates who are representatives of
religious minorities. The director of the organization said, in 2007
the Center will continue its activities in all these directions. It is
notable that next year the organization will start a project on
protection of the rights and interests of former hostages and POWs.
23-12-2006

Half Population of Karabakh Feel Progress in the Country Towards
Stability and Security

The Karabakh-based Open Society NGO and the Unity Youth Sport and
Culture Organization conducted a poll to find out how the year 2006
was in the life of the people of Karabakh. 150 citizens aged 18 and
up participated in the poll, including 20 from the regions of Martuni,
Martakert, Shushi and Hadrut each, and 70 from Stepanakert. The
respondents were offered one question: `Was there progress in your
life in terms of family, political life, social state, freedoms,
stability and security in 2006?’ 59 said there was progress in their
family life in 2006, 25 said there was little progress, 51 said
nothing changed, 15 said their state became worse. 33 out of 150
respondents said there was progress in their social state in 2006, 39
said `a little’, the social state of 62 did not change, 16 said their
social state became worse. 37 think there was progress in the
political life of the country in 2006, 37 said there was little
progress, 73 think nothing changed in the political life, and 3 said
the state became worse. In answer to the question if there was
progress in connection with freedoms, 28 out of 150 respondents said
`yes’, 37 said `little’, 79 said `nothing changed’, and 6 said `it
became worse’. 43 out of 150 respondents think in 2006 there was
progress towards stability and security, 32 think there was little
progress, 60 think there was no progress, and 5 think the situation
has become worse. The results of the poll suggest that in 2006 for
most people in Karabakh there was no progress in the main spheres of
life. In addition, although there are a number of positive replies to
questions regarding family life, there is more dissatisfaction with
freedoms and political stability. The situation is calm in Martuni. In
Martakert, which has not been reconstructed after the war yet, people
are dissatisfied with the level of security. In Shushi and Hadrut,
where the ruling regime is much more evident, people complain of few
freedoms, and even say the situation has become worse. In Stepanakert,
as usual, more people voiced their protest. 23-12-2006

A New Step Towards Future?

The EU Special Representative for the South Caucasus Peter Semneby
made a number of important statements. It is not known whether he made
similar statements in Baku where he visited before Yerevan. At least
the Azerbaijani media preferred not to speak about it. Now about
news. First, Peter Semneby met with NKR President Arkady
Ghukasyan. Although they met in Yerevan, not in Stepanakert, he noted
that in late January he would visit Karabakh. The meeting itself is
not nonsense, it is interesting that the tone of statements on
Karabakh by European officials has changed. It is also notable that
the tone changed after a series of statements on the rejection of the
outcome of the referendum in Karabakh. By the way, Semneby advised not
to perceive these statements as rejection of the democratic track
taken by the people of Karabakh. In other words, these were
statements that were to be made. Not more. Second, Semneby stated
that the EU is likely to work directly with Nagorno Karabakh, although
he did not specify in which spheres. Most probably, these will be the
economic and civil spheres. This is news because so far the
international organizations have vigorously rejected direct contact
with Karabakh. Even in humanitarian aid no international
organization, including the UN supported Karabakh. Moreover, the
refugees from Azerbaijan who settled down in Karabakh did not get aid
from the international organizations set up for this purpose, which
have been supporting the Azerbaijani refugees for already 15 years.
Karabakh did not get economic support. Moreover, the stipulation of
lending and grants to Armenia from international organizations was to
spend these funds in the territory of Armenia. Karabakh was not
`taken into account’ even in supporting the establishment of civil
society. It is not a secret that Western foundations, which are often
financed by the governments of great powers, fund the `development of
democracy and civil society’ in countries they are interested
in. Besides their purpose, these funds are also good financial support
for these countries. These funds are spent to support the
intelligentsia, the independent media and pluralism. The best example
of the use of these funds in perhaps Georgia, where hundreds of
offices of foreign foundations and organizations were set up employing
hundreds of thousands of Georgian citizens for a rather big salary
and, what is more important, relations with the world. The window for
Karabakh was opened in 2002 when the European countries decided to set
up the Consortium to seek ways of settlement. The Consortium, financed
by the British government, included four organizations. Two of them,
the Conciliation Resources and the International Alert implemented a
series of important projects in Karabakh. The support of the
international community to Karabakh was confined to this. However, the
duration of the Consortium has expired (although we have heard that it
was prolonged for another year), and the Europeans are considering
taking more serious efforts. And Semneby’s statement shows that these
efforts are already being prepared. The standpoint of the Armenian
Diaspora on support to Karabakh is interesting; it gives considerable
humanitarian and economic support to Karabakh but does not interfere
with the internal policies, civil and other processes in Karabakh.
Therefore, the Diaspora has a great economic contribution but in terms
of democracy there is no support. The Diaspora does not finance
independent media, non-charity NGOs and institutions for survey of
public opinion in Karabakh. The statement of Peter Semneby on direct
contact with Karabakh becomes highly important against this
background, especially if it involves the energy sector and transport.
Ostensibly, the statement of the EU representative is closely related
to the statement of the Armenian president Robert Kocharyan that the
talks will be stopped in the period of the Armenian parliamentary
election. After the Armenian election the electoral campaign starts in
Karabakh, then the presidential election in Armenia. Then the election
will be coming up in Azerbaijan. In other words, the talks will stop
for two or three years. And the EU decided to make use of this
time. This perfectly suits pragmatic Europeans. 19-12-2006

Will Consortium Initiative’s Contribution to Karabakh Increase?

Catherine Barns, strategic adviser to the Consortium Initiative, has
recently met with the NKR government officials, who commended the work
of the Consortium.

The Consortium Initiative was set up three years ago to seek ways of
settlement of the Karabakh conflict. It is financed by the British
government. We have learned that the CI will work for another three
years. The CI includes four organizations, which attend to a separate
strand of work: LINKS works on the level of political dialogue,
Conciliation Resourses addresses the media, International Alert
focuses on civil society work and Catholic Relief Services addresses
issues of conflict sensitivity and grassroots engagement. We have
learned that the latter is no longer a member of the Consortium
Initiative.

The presence of the Consortium would not be that tangible if other
international organizations worked in Karabakh, as well as other
places in the region. Karabakh is closed for the international
organizations. And only the Consortium Initiative has a `permit’ to
work in Karabakh, though along with Azerbaijan. Thanks to the CI a
number of important projects were launched in Karabakh. Conciliation
Resources set up the Demo newspaper, which is one of the most popular
ones. A radio project is implemented, the purpose of which is to
record stories of ordinary people. Also a TV project has been
launched, documentary films are made, and a production studio was set
up.

International Alert set up Resource Centers for NGOs in Yerevan, Baku
and Stepanakert, which carried out considerable
`enlightenment’. Namely, it enabled the Stepanakert center to expand
its activities, go to the regions and restore the tradition of public
debates on common problems in Karabakh.

For LINKS, it cannot be considered effective in Karabakh. At least
because the NKR members of parliament were not invited to the meetings
of the parliamentarians of Armenia and Azerbaijan organized by LINKS.

We have learned that the CI is starting to deal with a new strand `
European. Apparently, the so-called international community has
decided that the best settlement of the Karabakh conflict can be
reached in the framework of integration of the South Caucasus with
Europe.

One way or another, projects are already considered which will enable
the civil society of Karabakh to become closer to the Western values.
06-11-2006

Young People In Karabakh Think Long-Term Business Loans and Mortgage
Loans Will Save Them

Recently a conference of young people from all over Karabakh has been
held in Stepanakert, which adopted a statement addressed to the
relevant organizations in the country and benefactors.

The statement highlights the steps, which can improve the state of the
young people.

First, the participants of the conference proposed setting up a youth
foundation with a special focus on rural young people. Most young
people leave villages because they do not have a possibility to buy a
house and to set up their business. Moreover, with the post-war gender
statistics 47 to 53 most young people prefer not to marry. Therefore,
it is of great importance to provide long-term loans to young people
to set up a business and mortgage loans to buy a house. The
participants of the conference think that the government should work
out a policy on providing young families with apartments. The approach
of the government towards the manpower policy is also important. The
participants of the conference think that young specialists should be
preferred. It is also necessary to have more young people engaged in
small and medium-sized enterprises. Special emphasis was laid on the
necessity to battle arbitrariness in the republic maternity
hospital. The participants of the conference think that this might
stimulate the birth rate in the country. 26-10-2006

ARS Launches New Project in Karabakh

`We are going to start a new project to aid students, children of the
killed freedom fighters. Our sponsors will pay for their studies at
universities,’ said Nelly Ghulyan, the head of the Karabakh branch of
the Armenian Relief Society.

The ARF was founded in 1910 by the ARF Dashnaktsutyun (the
headquarters is in the United States). It has been working in Karabakh
since 1989. The ARS is a women’s organization, and only women above 18
can become members of the ARS.

Currently, the Artsakh office of the ARS is implementing two big
projects. One of them is a project of nursery schools, the other is a
project of aid to orphan children. The children of the killed freedom
fighters above 18 get 120 dollars. In the framework of this project
508 thousand dollars was distributed in 2005. As to the project of the
nursery schools, Nelly Ghulyan says the first nursery school of the
ARS was opened in 1998, including for the children of the killed
soldiers. In total, 500 children go to the ARS nursery schools.
26-10-2006

Are the Media Real Power?

A round table meeting was held in Stepanakert on Friday by the Press
Club of Stepanakert in cooperation with Article 19.

Article 19 is one of the first international organizations which
started working with Karabakh directly. In the framework of a three
`year joint project civil campaigns for access to information and a
talk-show were organized, several books were published, performances
and other events were held. All these initiatives were meant to raise
awareness among people of their right to get information.

The representative of Article 19 Anush Bagheyan said her organization
would like to assess the advantages of the project for the people of
Karabakh and to find out what else the organization can do.

The president of the Press Club Gegham Baghdasaryan said there is
obvious progress in the sphere of freedom of speech over the past few
years, but there are obstacles against applying the legislation. In
particular, the institution of independent press is not established
yet, the mass media do not affect the policies of the
government. Besides, the government is pursuing a line of neglecting
the facts published in the media. As to access to information, in
Karabakh there is no tradition to sue someone who refuses to give
information.

Kim Gabrielyan, the chair of the Union of Journalists of Artsakh said
the readers are passive, and the people living in rural areas do not
have access to the media at all. Naira Hairumyan, the coordinator of
the Karabakh Open, pointed to the fact that after the adoption of the
law on television and radio and the law on telecommunication, no
agency was set up which would grant licenses and distribute frequency
channels. It was emphasized that over the past decade the parliament
has been designing a Web site and has not finished yet. The greatest
obstacle, however, is the psychological barrier, the participants
say. The authorities think they are not obliged to provide information
on their activities, and the citizens think that they do not have the
right to ` disturb’ the authorities with their curiosity. The
journalists accused first of all the journalists that the fourth power
is not active. They pointed to insufficient consistency in their work,
most of them are not interested in getting information, as well as low
professionalism. The lawyer of the National Assembly Kamo Kocharyan
said in Karabakh the sphere of information is regulated by the law on
television and radio, the law on telecommunication, the law on
advertisement, the law on copyright and allied rights and the law on
the freedom of information. Member of Parliament Garik Grigoryan said
although the laws were adopted, the mechanisms of their application
have not been worked out yet. He informed that a group of members of
parliament is likely to propose setting up a national committee for
distributing frequencies. Karabakh Open 14-10-2006

NKR Faces Necessity for Fundamental Reforms

Open Society NGO and Stepanakert Press Club conducted a survey among
experts September 21 to 28 on home and foreign political issues. The
questionnaires were sent out to 21 experts, who are well aware of the
internal political life in Artsakh and regularly express their opinion
in the media. Only 16 agreed to answer the questions.

We sent the questionnaires to Vahram Atanesyan, Davit Babayan, Vahan
Badasyan, Vahram Balayan, Valeri Balayan, Gegham Baghdasaryan, Gagik
Baghunts, Alexander Grigoryan, Arthur Tovmasyan, Davit Karabegyan,
Haykazn Ghahriyan, Arman Melikyan, Maxim Mirzoyan, Igor Muradyan,
Sergey Shakaryants, Murad Petrosyan, Gagik Petrosyan, Manvel Sargsyan,
Ashot Sargsyan, Sergey Kalantaryan and Karen Ohanjanyan.

Alexander Grigoryan, Davit Babayan, Arthur Tovmasyan, Maxim Mirzoyan
and Arman Melikyan refused to take part in the survey for different
reasons, including lack of time, health, standpoint, etc.

1. Presidential Election 2007

The experts were asked to name a presidential candidate. Four experts
named Bako Sahakyan and Masis Mayilyan each, deputy foreign
minister. Three experts named Arkady Ghukasyan. Armen Sargsyan got 2
votes, Samvel Babayan, Igor Muradyan and Nerses Ohanjanyan got 1 vote
each.

Moreover, one of the experts said the present president is
irreplaceable, which is not an advantage but a disadvantage, in his
opinion. He said unfortunately the political culture in NKR is not so
developed as to enable someone make a serious bid for presidency, and
according to him this is the fault of the present government.

Five experts did not name any candidate: one has not decided yet, two
do not know worthy candidates, the fourth said he cannot name anyone
unless this question is discussed at the meeting of his political
party, and the fifth said the question is related to the settlement of
the Karabakh issue because, according to him, a fair settlement
depends on the internal transformation in our country and the state of
our society. `Even if it is the present president, what difference
will it make? The sources may be different, but the water is the same,
and the problem is to quench thirst,’ he wrote. He thinks that a
reform of governance is necessary, and the one who will succeed in
bringing it into being will manage to bring people together. In case
of such developments, the expert thinks it is pointless to worry about
breaking the law because people have the right to change every old law
for the sake of such a purpose.

In this context, one of the experts, who did not name any candidate,
said it would be a `compromise’ to name one of the professional
military figures, and another expert, who says there is not a leader,
offers to hold real parliamentary elections (not a suspicious contest
of political and financial forces), elect people who are worthy and
able to settle the urgent problems of our society, and as a result a
parliamentary republic will be created.

Seven experts think Arkady Ghukasyan will not run a third term, and
five think this is absolutely possible. One expert thinks that the
president will not take unconstitutional steps, which means the third
term is possible if the draft Constitution provides for it. Another
respondent also did not exclude the possibility of the third term.

Most experts, including those who say Ghukasyan may run a third term,
have an absolutely negative opinion on such a step. Moreover, one
expert says the parliament and government formed by this president
should quit as well.

In total, 12 experts assessed the third term of Ghukasyan negatively,
4 positively.

2. Constitution

The next question we offered to the experts was if the draft
Constitution guarantees the development of the country and democratic
reforms. Five experts said no, two said yes, three experts said it
needs more elaboration, one said partly and one said it is a step
forward but it has no prospects.

As for the reason of expediting the adoption of the Constitution,
seven experts pointed to the presidential election and reproduction of
this government, two experts said external pressure, three said the
settlement of the Karabakh conflict, one pointed to personal and clan
interests, one said after the parliamentary election the political
sphere is going through a period of establishment. One expert found it
difficult to answer, and the second did not answer to the point.

3. Karabakh Settlement

We asked the experts to assess the role of NKR in the political
settlement of the Karabakh conflict.

One expert said NKR has an important role, one said negative, one said
Karabakh is temporizing, seven experts say Karabakh does not have a
role, one characterized it as unsatisfactory, one expert said Karabakh
is on the offensive, one described the role of NKR as weak.

One expert said the role of NKR in the settlement of the conflict and
in the regional politics totally depends on its internal state,
strength and organization. The second expert said, `At some time NKR
will by all means sit at the table of negotiations. It is more
important who will represent us to the talks. Will we manage to build
a society, which will be dignified and reliable in any situation, or
will we preserve what we have now ` a sick, corrupt, polarized
society? The answer to this question depends on us.’

The next question was what the role of the Karabakh factor in the
settlement and regional policies should be.

All the experts think that NKR can and must have a more serious and
underlying role.

At the same time, some experts think only the new government, elected
in a democratic way, will be able to solve this question. One of the
experts also said that `Armenia’s current role of a buffer should be
used with utmost effectiveness to prepare NKR for the talks over
settlement, because NKR is not ready, in fact.’

4. Armenia Foundation

We asked the experts if in their opinion Armenia Foundation fulfills
its mission, and if not, we asked them to offer ideas.

One expert said yes, one said it has a number of shortcomings, ten
experts said no, two said partly, one said it has become obsolete. One
expert found it difficult to answer.

With regard to the cause of controversies between the leadership of
the Foundation and the NKR government three experts said they did not
know, four said home political relations, four said personal
relations, two experts said differing perceptions of priorities, one
pointed to the attempt to avoid accountability for bad performance,
one said relations between Armenia, NKR and the leadership of the
foundation. One expert did not answer to the point. 09-10-2006

Democracy is Government Policy Influenced by Public Opinion

The core of democracy is public control over the activities of the
government and the influence of the public opinion on the government
policies. In addition, democracy works when these principles are not
just declared but concrete mechanisms are worked out to bring into
being these principles. A number of ways were invented in the world to
enable a common citizen to take part in governance. The most popular
way is elections. A person votes for a candidate for the latter to
defend their interests on a government level. This is the essence of
elections. Elections are not for providing a good man with a job for
five years.

So, how can a person control the activities of a member of parliament
and make sure that the member of parliament protects his interests?
With our present laws, no way. Therefore, there are tried-out methods
in the world, namely regular meetings with constituencies, survey of
public opinion and activities based on the public opinion. There is
also the institution of the recall of the member of parliament, which
is applied as a last resort.

Several years ago all these institutions were eliminated. At least,
the law on the National Assembly does not provide for the recall and
obligatory meetings with voters. The draft Constitution does not
contain such provisions either. In answer to our question what
determined such privileges for members of parliament, one of them said
since people elected the person, they must trust him and let him work
all the five years. We disagree and we think that without these
institutions a member of parliament cannot fulfill his mission, namely
defend the rights and interests of voters, and his activities fully
depend on his conscience. The Open Society organization proposed that
the Task Force on Constitution include these points in the draft.

There is also another mechanism, enabling the society to influence the
government policies ` freedom of _expression. Democracy means that
everyone is free to tell their opinion and information to the public
and the government. But this is meaningful only in case the government
is obliged to react to every opinion and information, which is
significant for the public, and build its policy on the basis of this
opinion. Currently, of course, we are free to speak, propose ideas and
even write about state crimes. However, this has no influence on the
policies of the government. The law does not oblige the government to
react to published facts on crime and breaking of laws, and they do
not even sue the authors for libel. It is set down in one of the laws
that information can be sufficient ground for legal action. This does
not mean, however, that it must become ground. Again everything
depends on subjectivity.

Neglect of the public opinion has become a form of behavior of a
number of statesmen thanks to certain politicians, who are especially
negligent of public opinion. Open Society proposed including the point
on obligatory reaction of the relevant government agencies to
published facts and ideas in the basic law of the country. Reaction is
not accepting everything but setting out to discuss and
understand. This is genuine democracy.

Karabakh Open 04-10-2006

Karabakh Human Rights Defender and Peace Week in Amsterdam

Karen Ohanjanyan, the coordination of the Karabakh committee of the
Helsinki Initiative 92 informed from Amsterdam that September 16 to 24
the annual Peace Week is held in the Netherlands. Almost the entire
society of the Netherlands becomes involved in the debates on the
problems of settlement of conflicts all over the world, as well as
conflicts inside the country. During the Peace Week the society seeks
approaches to the developments in the world and the Netherlands, and
the government mostly accepts the recommendations worked out during
this civil campaign.

This is the third time Karen Ohanjanyan takes part in the Peace
Week. This time is special, although. The Dutch Wild Gesen
organization confirmed the project of the Karabakh committee of the
Helsinki Initiative 92 to build a House of Peace in Stepanakert and
Gyandja. The project will be funded by donations of the Dutch during
the Peace Week.

This year’s Peace Week is also different because the Dutch are
increasingly worried about the growing sectarian tensions, which
became apparent after the murder of the famous Dutch filmmaker Van
Gogh.

Karen Ohanjanyan said the organizers of the campaign asked him to make
speeches in different towns of Holland to convey to the Dutch through
the model of the Karabakh conflict what intolerance in the society may
lead to.

The organizers of the Peace Week are the Dutch Pax Christi and IKV.
19-09-2006

AGBU Continues Work in Norashen

There are 135 people in the village of Norashen (35
households). According to the acting mayor of the village Armine
Avetisyan, some families do not have their own house yet and are
living in different buildings they have modified somehow. 22 families
already have their own houses, which were built on the funding of the
Armenian General Benevolent Union.

The resettlement of the village started in 2001, when the AGBU started
its activities in Artsakh. The French branch of this organization
funded the repair of 29 houses. 22 families already live there, the
nursery school and the medical station were also repaired. The people
of the village were provided with cattle, seeds, a tractor was bought
for the village.

The AGBU will continue implementing projects in Norashen, said the
honorary member of the AGBU Levon Kebabjyan, who visited the village
several days ago for the ceremony of opening of the school, built on
the funding of the AGBU.

The people of Norashen work the land and breed cattle. The results
would be amazing but water is a real problem. The acting mayor of the
village says the upper part of the village gets some water, the lower
part does not.

There is another problem. The school is eight years, and children do
not attend high school because the closest school is in the center of
the region.

To solve the problem of water, they decided to dig an artesian well,
however, no decision was made on how to solve the problem of high
school. 15-09-2006

In Defense of Baptist Who Does Not Believe in Military Service

The director of the Civic Action Center Albert Voskanyan wrote a
letter to NKR President Arkady Ghukasyan. The letter runs:

Mr. President,

After 9 years of military service, on September 5, 2005 Gagik David
Mirzoyan, the village of Chailu, Martakert region, NKR, 1986, was
sentenced to 1 year of imprisonment for refusing to take the military
oath under Article 364 Point 1 of the Criminal Code of NKR.

Gagik Mirzoyan, who is a follower of the Protestant religious
organization Evangelist Christians ` Baptists says the Bible forbids
taking an oath. He is ready to continue military service in the armed
forces of NKR without taking an oath.

A complicated situation occurs, almost a deadlock ` after having
served his sentence, the convict will be drafted again and will again
refuse to take the oath although he is ready to serve in the army, and
will again be convicted, this time as a recidivist.

Honoring the laws of the republic, we beg leniency for Gagik Mirzoyan,
and considering his willingness to serve in the army (the members of
our organization became convinced of this in a regular talk to the
convict during the monitoring of the prison of the Police of NKR),
release him from criminal liability in the future and give him a
chance to continue his military service. We also ask to take into
consideration the state of the family of Mirzoyan. His father left the
family long ago and went to Russia, his teenage sister does not hear
and speak, his mother also sustains his little brother.

We appeal to your wisdom and mercy. We think that such an attitude to
the convict will produce an educational effect and will allow him to
become a good citizen of our country.

Respectfully and full of hope for understanding,

Stepanakert Nagorno Karabakh Republic August 21, 2006

Even Mafia Has Its Rules

In order to know how to conduct policies, the leadership must know
what problems worry people. Monitoring, public debates, public
discussions are necessary. These are not attended to, and they can
abstain from doing politics, explaining that people have no problems.

In the framework of the project Involvement implemented by the
Resource Center of Stepanakert, funded by International Alert, Open
Society NGO implements the project Life in Person: stories of common
people are regularly published on the web site KarabakhOpen.com. And
like a picture is made of separate strokes of the brush, these stories
make up the general picture of life in Karabakh.

The organization decided to round up these people ` the heroes of
these stories ` at a round-table meeting. People were invited to the
Resource Center, who live their own lives and do not take part in
public processes. Their ideas, however, amaze by their civil reason.

Razmik from Sardarashen stated that everything would be good if they
first solved prime problems. For instance, there is no water in their
village, neither for drinking, nor for irrigation. How can people live
without water?

Ms. Sarah lives in the village of Jivani. She moved to Karabakh from
Javakheti. A group of Georgian Armenians settled in this village of
Karabakh. However, it is the sixth year they have been unable to
solve their problem of passports. They arrived from Georgia with
Soviet passports, for citizenship of Karabakh they demand that they
renounce Georgian citizenship, which they do not have. They do not
know what they can do.

Nuneh is from Stepanakert. She has sick children. She told that for
several years doctors could not diagnose the disease and did a wrong
treatment. She even applied to the president but in vain.

Astghik from the village of Hovtashen thinks that the government
conducts a wrong policy on immigrants to Karabakh. Her family arrived
from Gyumri, Armenia. They signed an agreement with the authorities
of Karabakh, but none of the points of this agreement are implemented,
they say. `A dictatorship would be better than this democracy. A
dictatorship, even mafia has definite laws, rules of the game. There
are no rules now, everyone lives the way they want,’ it was stated
during the round-table meeting. Although, not everyone agrees to this.

Vardan from Haterk told with an aching heart that not a single walnut
tree remains in the forest near his village. `Look, I understand that
trees are cut. But it is possible to plant new ones, isn’t it?’ he
said.

`No, at any rate we are not the masters of our lives. We do not
possess levers of power in the government. We fail to use the most
effective means ` elections. Starting from everyday interests, we
agree to elect people who fail to defend our interests,’ it was said
during the round-table meeting. We protest but we cannot influence the
activity of the government. This is the most dangerous phenomenon in
Karabakh today. The villagers turn to the head of the community asking
to conduct a general meeting, but he ignores.

Ashot from the village of Jivani thinks that it is even good when
there is not a ruling party, which directs the lives of people. `It is
difficult to make a conscious person to do something that he does not
want to do. The higher his consciousness is, the easier it will be for
us to rule our country,’ said Ashot. He thinks that presently
everyday chores dominate consciousness; maybe if the quality of life
improves, consciousness will improve too.

Dima goes to school in Stepanakert. His father studied in one of the
military academies in Saint Petersburg, and he knows how life in big
cities is like. The ten-year-old boy naturally wonders why there is
not a normal park in Stepanakert with entertainments. Besides, he does
not like that their teachers do not take them to museums. In
St. Petersburg they took us somewhere almost every week, here I have
not seen anything yet, says Dima.

Nuneh is also from Stepanakert. She thinks very little attention is
paid to education in Karabakh.

By the end of the round-table meeting Ashot asked sponsors through our
website: dear rich people, come to see the village of Jivani. And you
will see that the village school is at its last gasp. Whereas, a lot
of good people live in the village. 11-08-2006

Armenian Scouts from Iran and Karabakh to Gather in Shushi

We learned from Haik’s Generation NGO that 70 members of the Armenian
sport and culture union Raffi in Tehran arrived in Karabakh on August
8 to take part in the gathering of scouts in Shushi August 8 to 14.

This is the second gathering organized by Raffi and Haik’s Generation
in Karabakh.

There is an arrangement that the Iranian Armenian organization will
establish a Scout Association in Artsakh and build a youth camp in
Shushi.

In Shushi they live in tents. Over 60 young people from Yerevan,
Kapan, Stepanakert and Shushi take part in this event. 11-08-2006

Azerbaijani Experts in Stepanakert

On July 27-30, a conference of experts on the missing was held in
Stepanakert, which was organized by the Karabakh committee of Helsinki
Initiative 92 in the framework of the project of Yellow Tulips and
financed by the World Interchurch Council.

Experts from Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Ukraine, as well the
representatives of international organizations accredited to NKR
participated in the conference. During the conference reports were
made on the humanitarian aspect of the problem of the missing, the
attitude of government agencies towards the problem of the missing,
the law and the existing national mechanisms on human rights in
connection with the question of the missing, the international
humanitarian law and human right laws in connection with the missing
soldiers/civilians in the South Caucasus, the role of the media in the
settlement of the problem of the missing, the psychological aspect of
settlement of the problem for the relatives of the missing. The
coordinator of the Helsinki Civil Assembly Arzu Abdullayeva told the
history of collaboration of the HCA over the problem of the missing.

The Azerbaijani delegation met with President Arkady Ghukasyan. The
guests also visited Shushi and Gandzassar. 03-08-2006

Business, Youth and Peace Building

The public and cultural center Tradition was set up in 2002. The
purpose of this organization is integration of young people with the
public and political life of the country. In Karabakh Tradition
cooperates with almost all the active NGOs. The international partner
of the organization is International Alert. In the beginning Tradition
started working with teenagers (14-16 years). Summer camps were
organized all over the country, funded by local benefactors. Valery
Balayan, chair of the organization, says children passed a kind of
training aimed to acquaint teenagers with the world that is outside
Karabakh. ` We care for the future of our children. We want our
society to develop and prosper. The idea of work with teenagers
occurred because we felt constant isolation of young people from
public life in Karabakh and we tried to explain to them that the world
is bigger and it is possible to view it differently. And most
importantly, to see oneself in this world,’ said Valery Balayan in an
interview with the Karabakh Open.

The organization has opened an internet club in Hadrut. `The lifestyle
of the inhabitants of Hadrut has already changed. Now they spend more
time searching the web, in other words, they come in touch with the
world. Another internet club will be opened in the village of Togh in
the framework of Stepanakert Resource Center. Togh is a big community,
a link between the neighboring 7 villages. Therefore, we have decided
to open an internet club in Togh to help young people to break through
the isolation and start coming in touch with the world. The work in
Togh is in the final stage. Children from Togh and the neighboring
villages will learn to work on the computer free of charge. In the
evenings the club will work for customers to cover the costs,’ stated
the chair of Tradition.

Tradition also cooperates with the project Business and Conflict,
funded by International Alert.

`We are trying to promote business in Nagorno Karabakh and at the same
time influence the Karabakh society in terms of peace building. We
think that the conflict lasting for many years now must have a peace
settlement. So far we have mainly studied the state of small business,
but now we have entered a more practical sphere: we are likely to set
up a business center. We are facing two aims: favor development of
business in Nagorno Karabakh and foster peace building moods among the
public. We are already working out a project, which will enable
fulfilling both objectives.

Recently we have begun cooperating with the Armenian Zart NGO. In the
framework of the project Silk Road we took part in organizing a photo
exhibition and other events within the last week of June in
Stepanakert and Shushi,’ said Valery Balayan.

He emphasized that their organization has not encountered problems
with young people so far.

`Young people are active only if you are sincere with them. They will
respond only in this case. The problem of activity of the youth is
insincere aims of NGOs, which try to work with them,’ concluded Valery
Balayan. 18-07-2006

Kasparov, Building Opposition to Putin

The New York Times
March 10, 2007
The Saturday Profile

Kasparov, Building Opposition to Putin

ope/10kasparov.html?hp=&pagewanted=all

By STEVEN LEE MYERS

MOSCOW

GARRY KASPAROV, the former world chess champion, took a pen and notebook and
diagramed the protesters’ march through St. Petersburg on March 3. Like a
general reliving a battle or a player analyzing a winning combination, he
sketched Uprising Square and showed where the police had gathered in
strength, blocking the street leading to the governor’s office.
A tactical mistake! "This is typical for this government," he explained.
"They protect themselves."
As a result, only a few police officers guarded St. Petersburg’s main
commercial street, Nevsky Prospekt. And that was where Mr. Kasparov and
thousands of others – as many as 5,000 by some estimates – poured through a
barricade and marched into the city’s historic center, defying the
government’s ban on the event and the country’s recent history of political
apathy.
The whole thing lasted only two hours, ending with brief clashes with the
police and more than 130 arrests, including those of several opposition
leaders, though not Mr. Kasparov. Still, it was one of the largest protests
against President Vladimir V. Putin’s Russia.
And to Mr. Kasparov, it was a first crack in the authoritarian political
system Mr. Putin has created, one that he has committed himself to
dismantling as presidential elections approach next March.
"We never saw such a protest," he said. "Everybody recognizes it is a new
page."
Mr. Kasparov, 43, is not Mr. Putin’s only critic, but he may be the most
prominent. And he has brought to oppositional politics the same energy and
aggression that characterized his chess, attacking Mr. Putin and the
Kremlin – or the regime, as he repeatedly calls it – with language rarely
spoken so bluntly in Russia.
"This regime is getting out of touch with the real world," he said. "It’s a
deadly combination of money, power and blood – and impunity."
Such attacks have drawn the scrutiny of the authorities, though so far
nothing worse; someone who sounded angry that Mr. Kasparov had given up
chess for politics attacked him with a chessboard in 2005. ("I am lucky," he
said at the time, "that the popular sport in the Soviet Union was chess and
not baseball.")
He now travels with bodyguards. He hired them out of concern for hooligans,
he said, not because other Kremlin critics have been killed, like the
journalist Anna Politkovskaya, who was shot to death in Moscow last October.
"If the state goes after you," he said, "there’s no stopping them."
THIS is not the place Mr. Kasparov expected to be when he resigned from the
world of professional chess two years ago, quitting while still the
highest-ranked player, if no longer the world champion. He is a famous man
and a wealthy one, the author of numerous books on chess and its lessons for
life, who is now leading acts of civil disobedience in an uphill battle to
protest Mr. Putin’s policies.
"I am absolutely objective," he said. "I think we can lose badly, because
the regime is still very powerful, but the only beauty of our situation is
that we don’t have much choice."
Mr. Kasparov is the chairman of the United Civil Front, an organization he
formed in 2005 to promote activism in a country where it has steadily
disappeared, though for reasons that are fiercely debated.
He is also the guiding strategist behind the Other Russia, a collection of
groups from across the political spectrum united by their marginalization by
authorities loyal to Mr. Putin.
The Other Russia has held conferences, including one on the eve of last year’s
meeting of the Group of 8 countries, and staged rallies like the one in St.
Petersburg.
"It was not a protest against a concrete measure," he said. "It was not,
‘give us more money, salaries’ or ‘stop raising prices.’ It was a protest
against the regime."
Mr. Kasparov has always been something of an outsider. He is half Jewish and
half Armenian, born in Baku, the capital of mostly Muslim Azerbaijan. He
moved to Moscow in 1990 when tensions between Armenians and Azeris
intensified.
By then he was already world champion, a title he won in 1985 as a brash
upstart against Anatoly Karpov, the champion considered a favorite of the
Soviet establishment. Mr. Kasparov became a strong advocate of glasnost and
perestroika, Mikhail S. Gorbachev’s policies of opening up the Soviet Union
in the 1980s.
When a coup against Mr. Gorbachev failed in August 1991, Mr. Kasparov threw
his support behind Boris N. Yeltsin and the other new democrats. For a time,
he was a leader of the Democratic Party of Russia. He broke from Mr. Yeltsin
to support a challenger, Aleksandr I. Lebed, in the 1996 elections.
One criticism against him has been political fickleness: that he has drifted
from project to project, even as he continued to compete, mostly abroad.
A constant, however, has been his opposition to Mr. Putin. After an initial
grace period, he began to fulminate against the new president, reaching a
broad international audience as a contributor to The Wall Street Journal.
One column, published in January 2001, barely a year after Mr. Putin became
president, was titled, "I Was Wrong About Putin."
"Unfortunately, my forecast, based on an assumption that a young pragmatic
leader would strengthen democracy inside Russia, fight corruption and level
the curves of Mr. Yeltsin’s foreign policy, was wishful thinking," he wrote.
He has not let up since. He rails against Mr. Putin’s foreign policy,
accusing him of intimidating former Soviet republics that should be close
allies, while fostering ties with Iran, North Korea and China. He accuses
Mr. Putin of having neutered the news media, stifled political opponents and
independent businesspeople, and undercut the essential institution of
democracy: free and fair elections.
HIS biggest challenge may be being ignored. The state’s control of
television ensures that his views never reach the public en masse. News
reports of the St. Petersburg march on national channels described the
protesters generally, not Mr. Kasparov specifically, as "all manner of
radicals, from fascists to lefties."
His willingness to include all Kremlin critics in the Other Russia,
including radical ones like the National Bolsheviks, has left him vulnerable
to guilt by association. In December, counterterrorist police officers
raided the United Civil Front’s office, seizing books and printed materials
advertising a protest march a few days later.
A question that hovers over him is whether he will run against the person
who emerges as Mr. Putin’s chosen successor. He demurs, but does not deny
the possibility. He said there were other potential candidates, including
the former prime minister, Mikhail M. Kasyanov, adding that the more
pressing issue was building and maintaining a united opposition.
Mr. Kasparov is arguing for political freedoms at a time when Mr. Putin’s
approval rating hovers around a stratospheric 80 percent. The economy,
fueled by high energy prices, is growing. A retail binge is under way,
especially in Moscow and even outside of it.
But he contends that Mr. Putin’s control of all levers of power has obscured
the fundamental weaknesses in the system: the corruption, the vast gap
between rich and poor, the declining standards of health care, education and
living conditions.
"At the end of the day," Mr. Kasparov said, referring to his campaign ahead
of the 2008 election, "it will depend on whether people care. You can’t
invent public protest. It either exists or it doesn’t exist."

http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/10/world/eur

Genocide armenien : les archives ottomanes manquantes

Génocide arménien : les archives ottomanes manquantes

Publié le : 10-03-2007

Info Collectif VAN – _www.collectifvan.org_
( g/) – Info Collectif VAN –
– Le Collectif VAN vous propose le Communiqué de
Presse en anglais de l’Institut Gomidas, en date du 7 mars
2007. L’historien Ara Sarafian avait récemment proposé au Professeur
Yusuf Halaçoglu, l’historien officiel d’Ankara, d’étudier ensemble les
déportations arméniennes de 1915, en se basant sur le cas de la ville
de Harput (un des centres intellectuels et économiques arméniens les
plus importants avant 1915).

Nora Vosbigian explique ici comment Ara Sarafian a vu, après
l’acceptation initiale d’Halaçoglu, son offre refusée pour cause
d’absence d’archives turques sur le sujet… Halaçoglu lui, s’exprime
sur Atv channel et _Hurriyet_
( 316.asp?sd=3D2) pour dire que
Sarafian a finalement fait machine arrière, pour cause de pressions de
la diaspora arménienne… Le Communiqué du Gomidas Institute apporte
un éclairage très intéressant sur le sérieux des propositions turques
d’ouvrir les archives ottomanes sur le génocide arménien de 1915… No
comment.

Report

Missing Ottoman Archival Records on the Armenian Genocide, 1915

by Nora Vosbigian

London, 7 March 2007: Today the Gomidas Institute issued its third
statement on its proposal to work on a case study with Turkish
historians regarding the treatment of Armenians in Harput in 1915.1
The Institute’s latest statement follows a comment made by Dr. Yusuf
Halaço?lu, the head of the Turkish Historical Society, that vital
Ottoman records on the 1915 deportation of Armenians–including in
Harput–do not exist in Turkish archives today.

These "non-existent" records are directly related to two Ottoman
decrees which Turkish official historians have claimed regulated the
deportation and resettlement of Ottoman Armenians in 1915. These were
the 30 May 1915 regulations on deportations,2 and the 10 June 1915
regulations on the resettlement of deportees, the liquidation of their
properties, and their compensation in their places of exile.3

The Gomidas Institute had asked, based on these regulations, to
examine the registers showing details of Armenians who were deported
from the Harput plain, as well as the resettlement records accounting
for the fate of these deportees further a field. According to these
regulations, all deported Armenian had to be registered, person by
person (or household by household), villageby village; the properties
of deportees had to be recorded and liquidated; when the deported were
resettled in their places of exile, they had to be compensated in
proportion to their original assets. According to these regulations,
Ottoman officials had to generate meticulous deportation, resettlement
and compensation records which accounted for Armenians who were
deported in 1915.

On Monday 26 February 2007 Dr. Halaço?lu appeared on CNN- Turk’s
"Manþet" programme where he stated, categorically, that the Ottoman
records the Gomidas Institute had asked to examine did not
exist. Halaço?lu stated that : "He [Sarafian] well knows about the
archives. He also knows that there are no records for each village
listing persons by name. There are no such records. If there were,
they would not pose a problem for us. It would be better to produce
them."4 To date Dr. Halaço?lu has not contacted and explained himself
tothe Gomidas Institute.

It is not clear how Dr. Halaço?lu could make such a categorical
statement about the non-existence of the Ottoman records we had asked
for, given the texts of the Ottoman regulations governing deportations
in 1915, or the fact that there are many Ottoman archives in Turkey,
and not all Ottoman records in these archives are catalogued. Until
there is further clarification, Dr. Halaço?lu’s statement only raises
some fundamental questions:

1. Were Ottoman regulations on the 1915 deportations implemented
according to the letter of the law? If so, why are we told that the
registers related to this mass transfer of people are missing? Are all
records missing, for the whole Empire, in both local as well as
central archives?

2. If these regulations were not implemented, how was the movement of
Armenians, the liquidation of their properties, and the resettlement
of deportees regulated? Is it conceivable that none of these
regulations were implemented for the whole of the Ottoman Empire from
Erzeroum to Yozgat, Izmit and Kayseri? If so, where is the archival
trail in Ottoman archives associatedwith the actual course of events?

3. Is it possible that no records were kept for either deportation or
resettlement? If so, was this the case for the whole of the Ottoman
Empire, and why were no records kept?

4. If records were kept and then destroyed, why and when were they
destroyed? And were they destroyed for the whole of the Ottoman
Empire, inboth local as well as central archives in Turkey?

5. Is it possible that Dr. Halaço?lu might be mistaken? Might some of
the records we have asked for exist? Is it possible that there might
be deportation records, as well as records related to the liquidation
of Armenian properties, but no corresponding resettlement records?

According to Ara Sarafian (Gomidas Institute, London), "Primary
sources outside of Turkey indicate that the 1915 deportation of
Armenians and the liquidation of their properties were regulated by
Ottoman state authorities. Armenians were deported under the auspices
of Ottoman officials. And most deportees were killed through
privations and outright massacres on their way or in their places of
exile (most notably Der Zor). Our sources indicate that there never
was a resettlement programme as historians defending the official
Turkish thesis suggest."

The Gomidas Institute hopes that Dr. Halaço?lu will explain why he
thinks that the Ottoman deportation and resettlement registers the
Gomidas Institute requested do not exist–especially those on Harput
and its environs.

NOTES

1. For the first two Gomidas Institute statements see
htm and
htm For the third
statement (in Turkish) see
eTurkish.htm

2 Ottoman Ministry of Interior, Department of Settlement of Tribes and
Immigrants, "Regulations Related to Settlement and Board and Lodging
and Other Affairs of Armenians Relocated to Other Places Because of
War Conditions and Emergency Political Requirements, May 30, 1915" in
Turkish Prime Ministry Directorate-General of Press and Information,
Documents on Ottoman Armenians, Vol. 2 [n.d.], Document no. 12,
pp. 91-93. See copy
ions.htm

3 "The Regulation Concerning the Management of the Land and Properties
Belonging to Armenians Who Have Been Sent Elsewhere as a Result of the
State of War and the Extraordinary Political Situation" in Turkish
Prime Ministry Directorate-General of Press and Information, Documents
[on Ottoman Armenians], Vol. 1 [n.d.], Document no. 28, pp. 76-80. See
copy
gulations.htm

4 The Turkish transcript of what Dr. Halacoglu said is as follows:
"Ar?ivlerin nas?l oldu?unu kendisi [Sarafian] gayet iyi biliyor. Orada
herköyden tek tek, isim isim kimlerin nakledilmi? oldu?unu
bulamayaca??n? kendisi de biliyor. Öyle bir kay?t zaten yok. olmu?
olsa zaten bizim için problemolmaz, daha güzel ortaya konabilir."

http://www.collectifvan.or
http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/6094
http://www.gomidas.org/press/20Feb07PressRelease.
http://www.gomidas.org/press/26Feb07PressRelease.
http://www.gomidas.org/press/7Mar07PressReleas
http://www.gomidas.org/press/30May1915Regulat
http://www.gomidas.org/press/10June1915Re
www.collectifvan.org

Prosecutor demands suspended sentence for Turkish nationalist

Agence France Presse — English
March 8, 2007 Thursday 6:30 PM GMT

Prosecutor demands suspended sentence for Turkish nationalist

GENEVA, March 8 2007

A local prosecutor in Switzerland on Thursday asked a court to hand
down a suspended sentence and a 3,000 Swiss franc fine against a
Turkish nationalist on racism charges related to the massacre of
Armenians in 1915.

Dogu Perincek, 65, went on trial in the western city of Lausanne this
week for calling the "genocide" of Armenians during World War I an
"international lie" during a Turkish rally in the city two years ago.

The chief prosecutor for the canton Vaud, Eric Cottier, called for a
suspended jail sentence of 90 days or an equivalent fine, as well as
a firm fine of 3,000 Swiss francs (1,900 euros, 2,500 dollars) the
Swiss news agency ATS reported.

A verdict is due on Friday at 11.00 am (1000 GMT).

If found guilty, Perincek would be the first person sentenced under
Switzerland’s anti-racism law for denying an Armenian genocide. In
2001, a court in the capital Bern acquitted 12 Turks facing similar
charges.

However, two years later the Swiss lower house of parliament
recognised the massacre of Armenians during World War I as genocide.

Turkey fiercely rejects the genocide label to describe the massacres
under the Ottoman Empire.

The issue has sporadically sparked tensions in Turkish-Swiss
relations.

A lawyer for the prosecution’s side told the court Thursday that
Perincek came to Switzerland in 2005 in the full knowledge that he
would be breaking the law.

"Provocation has a price that must be paid," said the lawyer,
Philippe Nordmann.

Perincek argued in court that he had not committed an offence with
his statements during the rally, insisting there had been no genocide
in 1915, ATS reported.

He said Switzerland’s anti-racism law was not applicable in the
Armenian case while it was fully justified for the Holocaust in World
War II.

NKR: Who Semneby should meet

Who Semneby should meet

02-03-2007 11:06:42 – KarabakhOpen

After the visit of the EU’s Special Representative for the South
Caucasus Peter Semneby to Baku Nizami Bahmanov, who refers to himself
as the leader of the Azerbaijani community of Karabakh, stated that
the `Azerbaijani community’ is ready to discuss in Shushi the Karabakh
issue with the `Armenian community’. Recently the necessity of contact
between Karabakh and Azerbaijan has been underlined more
often. However, a few people make efforts to present it as the
necessity for relations between the `Armenian’ and the `Azerbaijani’
communities. Meanwhile, in Karabakh they are for equal relations.

`Nizami Bahmanov’s statement can be considered as another awkward
effort of the Azerbaijani government to present the problem of Nagorno
Karabakh as a conflict between the Armenian and Azerbaijani
communities. It means the only counterpart Mr. Bahmanov could talk to
is the chair of the NKR Organization of Refugees from Azerbaijan
Sanasar Saryan, which would help create confidence between hundreds of
thousands of people who suffer from the unsettled conflict. However,
even at this level the Azerbaijani side is politicizing the issue, and
rejects dialogue with NKR. I think Nizami Bahmanov should stop
carrying out the political orders of the Azerbaijani government and
let the competent agencies in Baku, Yerevan and Stepanakert deal with
the problem of Karabakh,’ said the head of the political department of
the NKR Ministry of Foreign Affairs Irina Beglaryan in an interview
with KarabakhOpen.com.

`As far as I know, Nizami Bahmanov runs a business in Baku, he is the
owner of the Shusha Hotel. It is strange that the EU’s Special
Representative meets with this person. Bahmanov cannot represent the
Azerbaijanis of Karabakh and the persons who are forcibly kept in
Azerbaijan, so I am not going to comment on his insinuation,’ said the
chair of the Committee of External Relations Vahram Atanesyan. `If the
EU’s special representative wants to show the importance of his
statements made earlier, he should cooperate with the elective
representatives of the people of NKR,’ the member of parliament added.

NKR: He dreams to find medals he left behind in Sumgait

He dreams to find medals he left behind in Sumgait

28-02-2007 13:28:24 – KarabakhOpen

Armen Abrahamyan, 84, was born on February 20. He is one of the
refugees who escaped from Baku to Stepanakert in 1988. Since then he
has been living with his wife at the dormitory of Artsakh State
University. He comes from the village of Dashushen, Karabakh.
Therefore, when he escaped from the pogroms in Sumgait, he preferred
his native Karabakh, hoping to live a happy old age here. `I was
mistaken. And I am sorry to say so. They promised an apartment to us
19 years ago, I am still waiting. I have worked all my life, I fought
World War II, now I can hardly make both ends meet on the pension I
get.

I have turned to all the bosses ` the prime minister, the speaker of
parliament, all they do is make promises. Once I saw the president in
front of our dormitory. I went up to him through the crowd and told
him that I haven’t got an apartment yet. He only gave me a smile. Now
after so many years they seem to keep their promises. They built
houses for refugees from Sumgait. For me too. But these houses are on
the edge of the city. How can Armen in his 80s move to live on the
edge of the world? I wouldn’t demand if I did not deserve. I even
decided to write to Putin and told him about my problems. Why Putin?
Because I have heard that he takes care about his veterans of war.’

You can read a novel about the life of Armen Abrahamyan from his
numerous decorations he cherishes like the pupil of his eye. He says
he left some medals behind when he escaped from Sumgait. He dreams of
finding these medals although he is sure that at best someone found
them and pinned them on his ragged jeans as homage to youth fashion.

Massis Weekly Online – Volume 27, NO. 7 (1307)

Massis Weekly Online

VOLUME 27, NO. 7 (1307)
SATURDAY, MARCH 10, 2007
—————
– S. D. Hunchakian Party To Contest the May 12 Parliamentary Elections
Separately
– Free Vote ?Key to EU-Armenia Ties?
– SDHP "Sarkis Dkhrouni" Union Presents Results of Corruption Survey
– More Congressmen Sign on HR 106
– ACA Announces Endorsements For Glendale Elections
– Glendale HOMENMEN Chapter Ladies Auxiliary Open House
– Hrant Dink and Armenians in Turkey
– Letter to the Editor of Asbarez
————-

– S. D. Hunchakian Party To Contest the May 12 Parliamentary Elections
Separately

YEREVAN — In an internet web conference organized by the Social
Democrat Hunchakian party?s central board and joined by S.D.H.P
regional board members from six continents, S.D.H.P Armenia
chairwoman, Lyudmila Sargsian, notified the participants that the
Social Democrat Hunchakian Party has registered with RA Central
Electoral Commission and will partake in a proportional system of
the upcoming May parliamentary elections.
Sargsian also addressed the lack of opposition forces to agree upon a
united front against the ruling regime. The S.D.H.P. has been
preparing and organizing throughout Armenia for the past three years
and has chosen to conform itself to the proportional system and not to
take part in the single mandate electoral system. This decision was
made by the party to insure that it does not clash with other
oppositional like-minded individuals and dilute the oppositional votes.
During the elections, Sargsian stated that the 120 year strong S.D.H.P
will adhere to the platform that was agreed upon in the 18th General
Assembly of S.D.H.P World Congress. With the existing situation of
corruption in Armenia, economic electoral oligarchical system,
distrust in judicial bodies, and based on the S. D. H. Party?s
socialist and democratic ideology, the party has concluded that the
establishment of true democracy in Armenia is the most important
endeavor. To achieve economic and social justice in Armenia there must
be democracy, the foundation of which is the peaceful change of
authority through free and just elections.
S.D.H.P considers the principle of the free self-determination of
nations the basis for the resolution of the Artsakh question. The S.
D. Hunchakian Party considers the unification of Mountainous Karabakh
with Armenia or its acquisition of independent status as appropriate.
During negotiations, any land belonging to Armenia cannot be subject
to deals or exchange, either in the form of area, nor as ?passageway?
or ?route.? Any agreement on the resolution of the Artsakh issue must
bear the signature of the legitimate authorities in Artsakh and merit
the consent of Artsakh?s populace.
S.D.H.P considers the duty of the next parliament to focus on
preserving and enhancing national, educational and cultural programs
within the State and the maintaining of an unrelenting stance in the
pursuance of the Armenian Cause.
Official Armenian-Turkish discussion must be conditional on the
recognition of the Genocide.
The future parliament must better extend its national-spiritual
mission, and operate to ensure that Armenian religious centers are
within a non-partisan and non-political existence.
The social, economic, civic and educational demands of the Javakhk
Armenians are just and legitimate. These demands must become a
national concern and be insured and addressed by the Armenian
government.
With the confines of a free and fair electoral process, Sargsian
insured that the 120 year old Social Democrat Hunchakian party will
make great inroads within the next parliament. Twenty nine parties are
competing for 90 proportial-based seats and 173 politicians are
running for the remaining 41 seats that are awarded to individual
candidates.

– Free Vote ?Key to EU-Armenia Ties?

YEREVAN — Armenia will miss an important opportunity to deepen its
relationship with the European Union if it fails to ensure the freedom
and fairness of its parliamentary elections, a visiting senior EU
diplomat warned on Friday.
?It will mean that an opportunity has been lost to build, in the short
and medium terms, a firm relationship based on mutual values and
mutual trust,? Peter Semneby, the EU?s special representative to the
South Caucasus, said of a possible repeat of serious irregularities in
the elections slated for May 12.
Preparations for the crucial polls dominated the agenda of Semneby
latest trip to Yerevan, which involved talks with Prime Minister
Andranik Markarian and other Armenian officials.
Markarian?s office quoted the Brussels-based diplomat as saying that
their proper conduct will be ?critical? for Armenia?s democratization
and European integration. Markarian was reported to assure him that
his government has ?the desire and the will? to hold a first-ever
Armenian election recognized as democratic by the West.
?I haven?t gotten any guarantees, but I have a very strong sense that
the authorities are aware of the importance of the elections,? Semneby
told RFE/RL after the talks. He stressed the fact that it will be the
first major ballot since Armenia?s and neighboring Azerbaijan?s and
Georgia?s inclusion in the EU?s European Neighborhood Policy (ENP)
framework.

– SDHP "Sarkis Dkhrouni" Union Presents Results of Corruption Survey

YEREVAN –In response to the denial of corruption at Universities in
Armenia, the Social Democrat Hunchakian party ?Sarkis Dkhrouni? youth
association conducted a press conference on Tuesday, March 6
presenting evidence disproving the claims made by University leaders.
The youth organization brought forth the rsults of anonymous survey
they conducted which was distributed to students several months ago.
Five percent, about 2000 students, responded to the survey which asked
whether they thought their institution engaged in corrupt practices.
Of every 20 students, 19 admit that corruption is prevalent in their
University. Five percent of those students were from Film and Drama
Universities, 18 percent from Cultural Universities, 42 percent from
Yerevan State University, 75 percent from Linguistics Universities, 79
percent from Teaching Universities, Public Universities made up 81
percent, Medical Universities were 86 percent and Agricultural
Universities made up 96 percent.
The Sarkis Dkhrouni youth association presented these findings to
Levon Lazarian, Minister of Education who has since accepted the
claims. Nareg Sarkissian, Chairman of the youth association stated
that the Minister has called for a formation of an independent board
to investigate the matter closely. Yet the students are once again
facing the denial of the truth.
The first press conference regarding this issue was held on Dec. 10,
2006. Although the Minister of Education has cooperated with the
Sarkis Dkhrouni youth association, board members the Yerevan State
Institution of higher education have yet to accept that corruption is
lurking on university campuses in Armenia.

– More Congressmen Sign on HR 106

The Armenian Council of America Ohio and Texas branchs have expressed
gratitude to heir respective members of Congress for sponsoring House
Resolution 106. The Resolution calls upon the President to ensure that
the foreign policy of the United States reflects appropriate
understanding and sensitivity concerning issues related to human
rights, ethnic cleansing, and genocide documented in the U.S. record
relating to the Armenian Genocide.
On March 1 Congressman Al Green of Texas co-sponsored H.R. 106
becoming the eighth congressman from Texas to do so. On the very same
day Congressman Steven LaTourette from Ohio co-sponsored H.R. 106,
becoming the fourth congressman from Ohio sponsor the House Resolution.
In a statement issued by the Armenian Council of America, the Texas
chapter thanked Congressman Green for co-sponsoring the current
legislation. ?We have been good friends of the congressman and thank
him for his deeds towards H.R. 106.? stated Sarkis Ohanian, chairman
of Texas chapter of the ACA.
Dr. Avedis Kazanjian, Chairman of the ACA mid east states, also
conveyed his enthusiasm in gaining the support of Congressman
LaTourette towards the legislation.
Both recognized that gaining the support of congressional members with
little or no Armenian American constituency has proven to be
increasingly challenging.
?Currently there are only eight out of 32 members of Congress from
Texas who have signed on to H.R. 106,?stated Ohanian. ?With the
increasing pressure of the Turkish government and the fact that the
current administration is headed by a Texan, it has become a
tremendously difficult uphill battle in confronting our (Texas)
legislators to do the right thing,? he added. Dr. Kazanjian also
confirmed that currently there are only four out of 18 members of
Congress from Ohio who have signed on to the legislation. ?Yes it is
an uphill battle, yet we as Armenians have gone through fiercer
struggles and have prevailed.?
?As stated before, the Armenian Genocide resolution will not pass
without the full support of congressional members that do not have a
substantial constituency of Armenian Americans,?
declared Peter Darakjian, Executive Director of the ACA. ?The Armenian
Cause is continuously facing obstacles from all directions. The
current administration is against our Cause, the State Department is
stuck in the cold war mentality adhering to the needs of Turkey, the
Turkish government and its well funded lobbying firms along with the
Turkish media are decimating false information to combat the truth and
our legislation.?
Darakjian expects set backs facing Armenian related legislation in
Congress, such us the delay within the Foreign Relations Committee due
to committee ranking member Richard Lugar?s request that consideration
of S. Res. 65 be held over until the next committee business meeting
will be overcome.
?With the perseverance of Armenian Americans exposing historical truth
we can overcome all obstacles placed against us.? conveyed Darakjian.

– ACA Announces Endorsements For Glendale Elections

GLENDALE — For the upcoming Glendale City Municipal elections on
April 3, the Armenian Council of America-PAC on March 6 announced its
endorsement of current Glendale Unified School Board member Greg
Krikorian and Glendale community activist and former Public
Information Officer for the Glendale Police Department, Chahe
Keuroghelian, for the two City Council seats.
The ACA also announced its endorsement of Elizabeth Manasserian for
one of the two open seats in the Glendale Unified School District
Governing Board.
As for the Glendale Community College Board of Trustees elections, the
ACA is endorsing Tony Tartaglia, a current member of the GCC Board of
Trustees.
?After carefully reviewing the backgrounds of these candidates and
analyzing their views on certain issues relevant to the
Armenian-American community, we can wholeheartedly say that they are
the most qualified candidates,? stated ACA Executive Director Peter
Darakjian. ?We encourage everyone in the community to vote for our
endorsed candidates because we believe they will best represent our
interests as a whole.?
Additionally, ACA board chairman Vasken Khodanian stated, ?Having
worked with these candidates at different capacities in the past and
knowing them on a personal level gives us the confidence we need to
make a sound judgement on their performance in the future.?
Besides endorsing the above officials, ACA is also actively engaged in
educating the Armenian-American community about the importance of
voting including conducting voter registration and urging every
citizen to fulfill their civic duty.
The Armenian Council of America-PAC is a non-partisan federally
registered political action committee dedicated to educating the
Armenian-American community in local political affairs,
as well as actively pursuing Armenian-American participation in their
respective local governments, to support political candidates who
share the values of the Armenian American community.

– Glendale HOMENMEN Chapter Ladies Auxiliary Open House

GLENDALE — The Armenian Athletic Association ?Homenmen? women?s
auxiliary Glendale chapter organized an open house for Homenmen
athletes and their parents on Sunday March 4 at the Glendale central
library auditorium. The event was was attended by young athletes and
parents who wanted to learn more about the organization and its
direction.
Seta Khodanian, master of ceremonies, briefly discussed the 86 year
old history of Homenmen in general and more specifically talked about
Homenmen?s activities in the greater southern California area and in
particular the city of Glendale. She also addressed some of the short
and long range plans of the organization.
Homenmen Glendale chairman Vartan Kojababian addressed the hardship
that parents, community leaders and the youth have gone through in the
past to make Homenmen not only a successful athletic organization, but
also a learning step for youth to partake in professionalism. He
stated that Homenmen creates a platform for discussion in activity
giving youth the necessary skills to become well-informed, active
members and leaders of their community.
Armenian Athletic Association ?Homenmen? women?s auxiliary Glendale
chapter chairwomen Rozin DerTavitian addressed the audience on the
meaning of being a Homenmen member, and following its credo ?Sound
Body, and a Sound Mind.? She added that those who have participated in
Homenmen throughout their youth and into their adulthood have achieved
a higher level of success and happiness in both their personal and
professional lives. Everyone was encouraged to proactively recruit
their friends and family into the organization.

– Hrant Dink and Armenians in Turkey
By Hratch Tchilingirian

The assassination of the Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink on 19
January 2007 and its aftermath highlighted both change and resistance
to change in Turkish society. To understand how far Turkey has
travelled in the past generation, Hratch Tchilingirian examines the
role of Hrant Dink himself in the context of the Armenian community of
which he was voice, critic, and emblem.

On 18 October 1994 a press conference called by the then Patriarch of
the Armenian Church, Karekin Kazanjian, was held at the Armenian
patriarchate in Kumkapi, Istanbul. It was organised to correct what
the church saw as misinformation amounting to a slander campaign
against the Armenian church in particular and the Armenian community
in Turkey in general. The ?highlight? of this campaign was an attempt
by the patriarchate to voice protest against false, even lethal,
accusations in Turkish media and political circles that Armenian
clergymen were supporting Kurdish Workers? Party (PKK) terrorists in
their secessionist struggle against the Turkish state.
A photograph allegedly depicting an Armenian priest in the company of
PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, widely distributed on posters, was a key
instrument of these accusations. Indeed, shouted slogans such as Apo,
Ermeni pici (?Apo [Öcalan?s nickname], Armenian bastard?) were at the
time commonly heard during nationalist demonstrations and street
protests.
The patriarchate?s communiqué on the matter categorically denied the
existence of any ties between the Armenian community in Turkey and any
terrorist organisation, and explained that the priest in the relevant
photo was not a cleric of the Armenian church. The document went on to
condemn such anti-Armenian insinuations in both print and broadcast
media, expressing the serious concern that such false rumours,
assumptions and misrepresentations were endangering the Armenian
community in Turkey and making the lives of individual Armenians
difficult.
The press conference ? attended by some seventy Turkish and foreign
journalists – was a tense affair. Several journalists harassed the
patriarch with presumptuous questions laced with innuendo about
contentious issues, including the PKK and the Armenian Secret Army for
the Liberation of Armenia
(Asala) – a small, Lebanon-based terrorist group that had killed
thirty-four Turks (mainly diplomats) between 1975 and 1983, mainly in
western Europe. (Asala had no presence, links or any type of backing
among Armenians in Turkey, and minimal support even among diaspora
Armenians).
As the interrogators became increasingly belligerent, a tall figure
forced himself into the heart of the journalistic melèe. ?As a member
of the patriarchate?s press office, I would like to answer that
question?, Hrant Dink announced. He continued: ?Respectable
representatives of the press, we are trying to shake off from our
shoulders a discomfort which causes pressure. It is for this reason
that we are trying to voice our protest against a false claim. Apart
from that, all your questions have been answered many times before.
The Armenians of Turkey are not terrorists and they have never
provided aid to terrorism, from whichever direction that may come.
From now on too, this is the way it is going to be. Armenians will
never support terrorism.
As citizens of this country, we would like to live in peace and
tranquility. This is the message of this press conference. … The
Armenians, all Armenians in the world, especially Armenians in Turkey,
at this moment have only one preoccupation: peace, peace, and peace?
(see Marmara [Istanbul], 19 October 1994).
This was the moment Hrant Dink fully entered public life. The
occasion, the pressure, the times themselves were such that he chose –
publicly, confidently and courageously – to address the ?discomforts?
and ?burdens? put upon his community by the state and a highly
politicised media. It was the moment Hrant Dink openly began to deal
with the dilemma of being simultaneously a citizen
of one country, Turkey, while being part of another nation, Armenia.

A time of silence
It was never going to be easy, for the challenge was at once
institutional, legal, and political. The Armenian community, like that
of other minorities in Turkey, experienced shame, humiliation,
harassment and intimidation across the long decades from the 1950s to
the 1990s without being able to speak up in its defence ? and in a
very different atmosphere to later controversies over Article 301 and
even minimal debate about the genocide of 1915. The Armenian community
in Turkey in this period was characterised by its reclusive existence
and collective silence.
The defining institutions of the Armenian community in Turkey were and
are the church and the school. Both faced (and face) perennial
problems that kept Hrant Dink and his colleagues awake at night. The
interference and heavy handedness of the Turkish government in the
Armenian community?s process of electing a patriarch (in 1990, and
again in 1998) were among the arduous legal problems enmeshing this
key Armenian body. On the second occasion Hrant wrote: ?We are sad …
The (Armenian) community is deeply hurt by the uncertainty created by
the escalation of the senseless crisis about the election of an acting
patriarch. These are trying days … We are observing with shame? (see
?Uzgunuz?, Agos, 21 August 1998).
The situation with the Armenian schools was (and is) no better. Hrant
wrote many columns about the state of Armenian schools in Turkey, and
took special interest in their administration. While criticising his
own community for its shortcomings, he also berated the Turkish
government for imposing numerous administrative restrictions on
minority (and not only Armenian) schools.
Hrant passionately recorded the constant indignities experienced by
Armenian educators. In August 1998 he wrote: ?If I am not mistaken,
it was three years ago … One of the vice-directors of the ministry
of national education?s Istanbul office – who was later convicted of
corruption and bribe-taking – said the following to the
?vice-principals? he appointed (whom the minority schools call
?Turkish vice-principals?): ?You are our eyes and ears … You are to
inform us of even the minutest mistakes that these people make.? He
said this in the presence of the minority school principals, with
total disregard for their dignity and common courtesy.
?… And what was I fantasising all these years … With my
45-year-old brain, I was thinking: ?would, one day, a minister of
national education start the ceremony for the new school year in a
minority school?? Sweet thoughts … My naïveté … Sorry …? (see
?Kinkel ve Valilik?, Agos, 21 August 1998 ? translated excerpts posted
on ).

A voice of dignity
Hrant Dink and his colleagues were symbols as well as agents of change
in relation to the Armenian community in Turkey. They were determined
to express the indignation and resentment they experienced as citizens
of the Republic of Turkey. If society and the political system did not
allow them to voice their fears, concerns, and hopes for their
community and for Turkey, the silence surrounding them – they
believed – must be made audible.
It was to a large extent this combination – of the hunger to speak and
the desire to address the ?existential? problems surrounding the
Armenian church and educational establishments – that sparked the
creation of the bilingual weekly newspaper Agos in April 1996.
The five colleagues who founded Agos were: Diran Bakar, a lawyer; Luiz
Bakar, also a lawyer and (since 1994) the spokesperson of the
patriarchate; Harutiun Sesetian, a businessman; Anna Turay, a
public-relations professional; and Hrant Dink, who at the time owned a
bookshop.
The founding members – as is the case with any equivalent innovative
project – were to have their differences in subsequent years. But at
its heart, Agos (and Hrant in particular) remained consistent in the
effort to open channels of communication and dialogue between the
reclusive – and at times isolated – Armenian community and Turkish
society.
Hrant defined one of the newspaper?s purposes as ?(trying) to identify
and explain our problems to the government and to Turkish society?,
while acknowledging that ?because of this, we sometimes have problems?
(Armenia International Magazine, 11/3, March 2000). His core belief
was that prejudices could be overcome by education and dialogue.
The target of this education and dialogue was not just
misunderstanding and prejudice in Turkish society, but the Armenian
community itself. Hrant?s critical discourse about the Armenian
community, and especially the Armenian patriarchate, was unpopular,
costing him supporters and even friends.
In June 2001, for example, on the occasion of the 1,700th anniversary
of Armenian Christianity, he wrote: ?The Armenian church has suffered
divisions throughout history and it is evident that it has not learned
from its own history.
The ?one nation – one church? rule, which has been repeated almost
everywhere during these last years, is nothing but a slogan void of
content? (see ?Spiritual Chess?, Agos, 1 June 2004 – translated from
Turkish by Anahit Dagci). At the same time, many found his passion,
genuine concern and sincerity disarming. Most people in the Armenian
community saw Agos as a courageous publication where issues related to
Armenian identity and community were discussed with refreshing
openness, reason and a genuine desire to build bridges across large
divides – whether within Turkey, with Armenia or with the diaspora.
In the course of this work, Hrant came to a profound realisation: that
the resolution of the problems of the Armenian community in Turkey was
intimately related to the progress of tolerance, democracy and freedom
in Turkey.

Armenians, here and there
Dogu Ergil observed after Hrant?s death that he had ?aimed to promote
the idea that there are other ethnic-cultural groups in Turkey than
Turks and Muslims, and (that) they can very well blend into the nation
cleansed of stereotypes and biases?. Hrant wanted, said Ergil, to
?defend Armenians against majority fanaticism in Turkey and to defend
Turks/ Turkey against the fanaticism and hypocrisy of foreigners and
diaspora Armenians? (see ??, EU Turkey Civic Commission, 25 January
2007).
In recent years, the ?Armenian issue? – as the problem of the genocide
is referred to in Turkey – had indeed become a central theme in
Hrant?s public discourse. The centrality of the ?Armenian issue?, in
fact, has come to cast a shadow over the other problems of the
Armenian community in Turkey: ownership of property, community
foundations, education of clergy, school administration,
and church elections among them. (Why, for example, should the affairs
of minorities in Turkey still be ?administered? by Turkey?s council of
ministers, interior ministry, the security and intelligence agencies,
and the foreign ministry?).
If the central, heated question of genocide came to dominate
discussion of Armenians and Turkey, it is one that Hrant Dink and a
considerable segment of the Armenian Diaspora could not agree on. On
the eve of the 24 April commemorations in 2002, for example, he
addressed members of the Armenian
diaspora in France in an interview with L?Express newspaper.
?Do not seek Armenian identity among the 1915 graves?, he advised. ?I
am ready to discuss all issues with you … I am proud to be a Turkish
Armenian. I want to represent, with my newspaper, the rebirth of this
society. Armenia will never be safe unless Turkey achieves
democratization. I believe Turkey may be a chance for that young state
which is on the brink of drowning. Tomorrow, thanks to Turkey, Armenia
will get the chance to become neighbors with the European Union.
Turkey is Armenia?s only chance? (Turkish Daily News, 23 April 2002).
More than the semantics of the issue, Hrant?s approach to the issue of
1915 and Turkey-Armenia relations focused on the substance of
reconciliation.
?I know what happened to my grandparents?, he told AFP. ?It does not
matter what you called it: genocide, massacres or deportation? (Agence
France Presse, 8 October 2000). Hrant strongly believed – to the
dismay of many in the diaspora – that the more essential thing was to
influence Turkish public opinion. ?The winning of the empathy and
compassion of the Turkish population is far more important than the
adoption of Armenian resolutions in hundreds of parliaments
elsewhere?. Hrant spent considerable time and energy in seeking to
persuade the diaspora that there is a new dynamic and a new openness
in Turkey, involving an unprecedented interest in and discussion of
Armenian issues. He said that ?this process has been developing very
slowly, just like the democratisation of Turkey?, in a way that
encouraged him to believe that ?the taboo (of 1915) too will be broken?.
Yet anyone who is familiar with ?breaking taboos? in Turkey knows the
extreme dangers involved in such a process.
Hrant himself was well aware of the possible consequences: ?We never
deny our own history. But Armenians (in Turkey) are unable to discuss
it for fear it will harm the community?s existence?
(see Ayla Jean Yackley, ?Turks confront dark chapter of Armenian
massacres?, Reuters, 26 April 2005).
In his response to this predicament, Hrant displayed one of his
largest virtues: courage. As he wrote in open Democracy in 2005:
?Where fear is dominant, it produces symptoms of resistance to change
at all levels of society. The more some people yearn and work for
openness and enlightenment, the more others who are afraid of such
changes struggle to keep society closed. In Turkey, the legal cases
against Hrant Dink, Orhan Pamuk, Ragip Zarakolu or Murat Belge are
examples of how the breaking of every taboo causes panic in the end.
This is especially true of the Armenian issue: the greatest of all
taboos in Turkey, one that was present at the creation of the state
and which represents the principal ?other? of Turkish national
identity? (??, 13 December 2005).
Hrant Dink ?was Turkey in its complexity?, wrote Dogu Ergil. ?He was a
Turk against Armenian extremism and an Armenian against Turkish
extremism.?
The day of Hrant Dink?s funeral was the evidence of how far Turkey had
travelled since that press conference at Istanbul?s Patriarchate in
1994. More than twelve years on, the Ermeni pic epithet hurled by
nationalists was overtaken by the cries of Hepimiz Ermeniz (?We are
all Armenians!?) in the throats of tens of thousands of Turks. Hrant
himself, in his life as much as his death, had played an enormous role
in bringing about that change. He opened the door to a future that
Armenians and Turks must find together.

OpenDemocracy.net

Hratch Tchilingirian is associate
director of the Eurasia Research
Programme at the Judge Business
School, Cambridge University

– Letter to the Editor of Asbarez

After centuries of being subjugated by foreigners, for the past 15
years we have finally become the masters of our own domain, capable of
shaping our own common destiny. Needless to say, the many centuries of
subjugation should serve as a powerful lesson for us to work closer
with each other, in order shape a worthwhile future for ourselves and
generations to come.
Thus, it is utterly incomprehensible as to why an Armenian would label
his fellow kin, who do not share his views, as ?a?holes?, ?idiots?,
?traitors?, who are ?rife with absurdity?, exhibit ?shameless style?,
?emit moribund rales? and who ?ought to be in rehab?. Unfortunately,
that is what Mr. Garen Yegparian has stated in his article published
in the February 24, 2007 issue of your publication. It truly saddens
us to find out that on the very same day of Hrant Dink?s
assassination, a man who championed dialogue even between enemies, Mr.
Yegparian has gone to the vigil not to pay his respects to the fallen
martyr, but to count how many people were in attendance.
The history of human civilization has shown that real progress is
achievable only through the clash of differing opinions and not by the
imposition of one?s views over others.
While we strongly condemn Mr. Yegparian?s vitriolic diatribes and
disagree with his views, we would not call for him to be put into
rehab, but rather be showcased as a role model. To achieve progress,
some role models ought to be followed, while others should be avoided
at all cost. Mr. Yegparian falls in the latter category.

Respectfully,
Gaidz Youth Organization


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