Synopsis Armenia Plants Trees in Victory Park

Panorama.am
18:26 11/11/06

SYNOPSIS ARMENIA PLANTS TREES IN VICTORY PARK
Hundreds of people gathered at Victory Park today to
participate in tree planting. The event was organized
by Synopsis Armenia CJSC in the framework of the
Synopsis Community Volunteer Program and was also
tailored to the 20th anniversary of establishing of
Synopsis Inc., the parent company in US.. Four hundred
(400) trees were planted. It was sponsored by the
Synopsis for Armenia Charitable Foundation and
supported by Armenia Tree Project Charitable
Foundation (ATP), which provided young decorative
trees from its tree-nursery located in Karin village.
ATP also conducted site preparation work on the
planting plot and committed to monitor the planted
trees in the future. The planting was followed by a
picnic for all participants and guests. /Panorama.am/

Serzh Sargsyan to Leave for Iraq

Panorama.am
18:34 11/11/06

SERZH SARGSYAN TO LEAVE FOR IRAQ
According to our sources, Serzh Sargsyan, defense minister of Armenia
and secretary of security board, will leave for Iraq on a three-day
trip. The aim is to learn about the service conditions of 46 member
military unit of Armenian soldiers which is on a peacekeeping mission
in Iraq.
The unit is in Iraq since January 25, 2005. The fourth detachment of
peacekeeping forces of Armenia left for Iraq late July, this
year. Each group of 46 soldiers spends their mission in Iraq for 6
months.
Armenian soldiers in Iraq peacekeeping mission have been variously
praised by foreign experts, particularly the
U.S. military. /Panorama. am/

Bringing Syria into the fold

Bringing Syria into the fold
Asia Times Online
October 31, 2006
By Jim Lobe
WASHINGTON – While US President George W Bush appeared last week to
reject suggestions that Washington directly engage the government of
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, pressure for the United States to
work out some accommodation with Damascus is rising both at home and
abroad.
While never officially designated part of the “axis of evil” with
Iran, Iraq and North Korea, Syria has received the same “silent
treatment” as Washington has given its two surviving members, Iran and
North Korea, since the assassination of former Lebanese prime minister
Rafik Hariri in February 2005, allegedly by Syrian agents.
But Syria’s geostrategic relevance, particularly in the wake of last
summer’s war between Israel and Hezbollah and growing popular
sentiment for withdrawing the more than 140,000 US troops bogged down
in Iraq, is making it increasingly difficult to reject appeals for a
new diplomatic tack.
“In all of the major challenges we have in the Middle East – Iraq, the
Arab-Israeli conflict, the role of Hezbollah and Hamas, Iran – things
are more complicated without Syria’s cooperation,” Edward Djerejian,
who served as US ambassador to Damascus under presidents Ronald Reagan
and George H W Bush, recently told the National Journal.
That reasoning is being made by Republican “realists” such as
Djerejian, who currently heads the James A Baker III Institute for
Public Policy in Houston, and Senate Foreign Relations Committee
chairman Richard Lugar, as well as some of Washington’s closest
European allies, notably Britain.
A number of prominent Israelis, including even cabinet-level members
of Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s government, who believe that Assad’s
recent appeals via Germany’s Der Spiegel magazine and the British
Broadcasting Corp, as well as other media, for a peace agreement with
the Jewish state should be tested, have also called for Washington to
engage Assad, if for no other reason than to try to pry Damascus loose
from its alliance with Iran and Hezbollah.
“Assad is very keen to get the Golan [Heights] back [from Israel], but
he is even more keen to engage the United States,” David Kimche, a
former head of Israel’s Foreign Ministry and president of the Israel
Council on Foreign Relations, said at a recent dinner in Washington
sponsored by the New America Foundation.
“It is in America’s interest to wean away Syria from Iran’s embrace,
[a move that] would also be appreciated by moderate Arabs” in the
region, he said, adding that renewed engagement between Washington and
Damascus could also facilitate the resumption of talks between
Israelis and Palestinians.
The fact that the White House cleared a meeting last month between
former secretary of state James Baker, who heads the congressionally
appointed task force the Iraq Study Group, and Syrian Foreign Minister
Walid Muallem in New York has added to speculation that Bush may prove
more flexible than he has been to date, especially after next month’s
mid-term elections.
Nonetheless, asked at a press conference last Wednesday about his
willingness to “work with” Syria, as well as Iran, if it would improve
the situation in Iraq, Bush echoed his administration’s customary
mantra that both countries “understand full well” what they have to do
to get back in Washington’s good graces.
“Our message to Syria is consistent,” he said. “Do not undermine the
[Prime Minister Hanna] Siniora government [in Lebanon] … help Israel
get back the prisoner that was captured by Hamas; don’t allow Hamas
and Hezbollah to plot attacks against democracies in the Middle East;
help inside of Iraq. They know our position,” he declared, suggesting
that all of these were preconditions for the kind of engagement that
the critics have been urging.
Behind Bush’s latest statement, however, lies a familiar divide within
his administration. From the first days of the Israeli-Hezbollah
conflict last summer, the State Department was urging the White House
to engage Damascus, particularly after Olmert reportedly asked
Washington to enlist Syria in an effort to secure the release of the
two Israeli soldiers captured by Hezbollah.
But hawks centered in the National Security Council, particularly
assistant secretary of state Elliot Abrams, and Vice President Dick
Cheney’s office, notably his national security adviser, John Hannah,
and Middle East specialist David Wurmser successfully opposed such a
move, and Olmert’s request was rejected.
Two months later, when an attack, apparently by Islamist militants, on
the US Embassy in Damascus was repelled by Syrian security forces, the
State Department’s Near East Bureau again reportedly pushed for some
kind of opening to the regime, only to be checked by the hawks, most
of whom have long favored a policy of regime change in Syria.
In their view, Assad is not only insincere in his recent appeals for a
peace settlement with Israel, but his hold on power is weak and
growing weaker. That weakness has made him so reliant on Iran that
Damascus has in effect become a client regime of Tehran and should be
treated accordingly.
Moreover, according to this view, engaging the regime would not only
provide it with a form of legitimacy it doesn’t deserve, but would
also undermine the moderate opposition in Syria and, even worse,
discourage pro-Western forces in Lebanon, which would see it as a
first step toward the re-establishment of Syrian hegemony over their
country.
But these arguments appear to have been losing ground – at least in
the public debate – in recent weeks as the situation in Iraq has
deteriorated and demands, particularly among Republicans, for a
“course correction” both there and in the region as a whole have
mushroomed.
In the first place, Assad’s hold on power is seen as much more secure
than the hawks have suggested. “It’s pretty clear to me that the
regime is not on its last legs,” said Dennis Ross, Washington’s top
Middle East peace envoy under former presidents George H W Bush and
Bill Clinton and currently counselor to the Washington Institute for
Near East Policy, a think-tank that has generally been hawkish on
Syria.
Moreover, a growing number of experts believe that Syria’s
relationship with Iran is tactical rather than strategic and hence
much weaker than the hawks believe. In the view of these experts, to
the extent that the Bush administration now sees Iran as the greatest
threat to US influence in the region, it should be willing to offer
all kinds of carrots to begin prying Damascus from Tehran’s influence.
“The United States should convey its interest in a broader strategic
dialogue [with] Assad, with the aim of re-establishing US-Syrian
cooperation on important regional issues and with the promise of
significant strategic benefits for Syria clearly on the table,” said
Flynt Leverett, who served as the National Security Council’s top
Middle East expert under Clinton and for the first two years of the
current administration.
“I remain absolutely convinced that Bashar wants to realign towards
the US,” he noted recently.
(Inter Press Service)
t/HJ31Ak03.html

From Conflict Management to Conflict Resolution

From Conflict Management to Conflict Resolution
Foreign Affairs
November/December 2006
By Edward P. Djerejian
Article preview: first 500 of 2,189 words total.
Summary: The war in Lebanon presented a fundamental challenge for
U.S. policy in the Middle East, but also an opportunity — if
Washington can transform the fragile cease-fire into a lasting and
comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace settlement.
SPARKS AND ROOTS
The recent fighting in the Levant presents a fundamental challenge for
U.S. policy toward the Middle East — but also an opportunity to move
from conflict management to conflict resolution. The United States
should seize this moment to transform the cease-fire in the
Hezbollah-Israeli conflict into a step toward a comprehensive
Arab-Israeli peace settlement. Doing so would facilitate the
marginalization of the forces of Islamic radicalism and enhance the
prospects for regional security and political, economic, and social
progress.
The Hezbollah-Israeli confrontation has further proved what should
already have been painfully clear to all: there is no viable military
solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict. Even with its military
superiority, Israel cannot achieve security by force alone or by
unilateral withdrawal from occupied territories. Nor can Hezbollah,
Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and similar groups destroy Israel.
Peace can come only from negotiated agreements that bind both sides.
Hezbollah may have ignited the spark that set off this latest
confrontation, but it is not the root cause. The fighting was the
combined result of the unresolved Arab-Israeli conflict and the
struggle between the forces of moderation and those of extremism
within the Muslim world — two issues that are linked by the radicals’
exploitation of the Arab-Israeli conflict for their own political
ends. U.S. policy in the region should thus focus both on trying to
promote a peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israeli dispute and on
helping Muslim moderates by facilitating political and economic reform
across the Middle East.
THE NORTHERN FRONT
The crisis on the Israeli-Lebanese border this summer erupted in an
already tense environment. On June 25, Hamas kidnapped an Israeli
soldier, which reignited fighting on the Israeli-Palestinian
front. When Hezbollah captured two Israeli soldiers on July 12, it
precipitated a strong Israeli military reaction, which, by his own
admission, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah had not anticipated.
The Hezbollah-Israeli war lasted 34 days, with major Israeli
incursions into Lebanon and the firing of some 4,000 Hezbollah
rockets. The fighting resulted in major casualties (approximately 855
Lebanese and 159 Israelis killed), as well as large displacements of
people on both sides of the border. Lebanon sustained economic and
infrastructure damage estimated at $3.9 billion, and the toll on
Israel has been figured as running into the hundreds of millions.
When the hostilities began, the international community called for an
immediate cease-fire, but the Bush administration held off, calling
for a “sustainable” cease-fire instead. The Bush administration left
the strong impression that it was giving Israeli Prime Minister Ehud
Olmert’s government time to inflict serious damage on Hezbollah’s
infrastructure and personnel. Meanwhile, the administration and Israel
clearly identified Iran and Syria as the main state supporters of
Hezbollah’s actions, and the danger of a wider regional conflict was
not dismissed.
Eventually, the international community stepped in to stabilize
southern Lebanon and prevent the crisis from escalating further. The
parameters for international action had been set by UN Security
Council Resolution 1559, passed in 2004, which called for the
withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon and the disarmament of …
[rest of article not available]
Edward P. Djerejian is the founding director of the James A. Baker III
Institute for Public Policy at Rice University. He has served as
U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, Ambassador
to Syria, and Ambassador to Israel.
ssay85605/edward-p-djerejian/from-conflict-managem ent-to-conflict-resolution.html
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Arabian given Valley’s Fernando Award for volunteerism

Arabian given Valley’s Fernando Award for volunteerism
BY ERIC LEACH,
Staff Writer
LA Daily News Article Last Updated:11/10/2006 10:10:39 PM PST
WOODLAND HILLS – Former California Supreme Court Justice Armand Arabian
received the 2006 Fernando Award at a ceremony Friday night honoring him with the
San Fernando Valley’s highest honor for volunteerism.
Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa announced the award at the Warner Center Marriott
Hotel.
“Congratulations, Judge Arabian,” Villaraigosa said. “You have a great
story. I salute all the finalists – all your stories are an inspiration to us.”
Arabian, who will be feted at a dinner in February, said it was a beautiful
feeling to be recognized for something done without any expectation of
praise.
“Then you know you have touched someone and made a difference,” he said.
Arabian and the four other finalists were honored at the $100-a-plate dinner
attended by hundreds of business and government leaders. Besides Arabian,
the finalists were prominent community volunteers Jill Banks Barad, Dorothy
Jean Jauck, Ed Rose and Pauline Tallent.
Arabian of Tarzana has been a Municipal and Superior Court judge in Van
Nuys, an associate justice to the Court of Appeal and a member of the California
Supreme Court. He created the sexual assault victim counselor privilege now
embodied in the California Evidence Code and adopted by 28 other states.
Barad of Sherman Oaks is the founder and chairwoman of the Valley Alliance
of Neighborhood Councils.
Jauck of West Hills has volunteered for 40 years, working with the Girl
Scouts and YMCA and contributing to efforts to document the history of the San
Fernando Valley.
Rose of Mission Hills is the co-founder of Meet Each Need with Dignity, a
nonprofit social service agency in the northwest Valley that distributes 1,000
food baskets to the poor each Christmas.
Tallent of Winnetka is a three-time Fernando Award nominee who has worked
with the U.S. Marine Corps’ Toys for Tots program and helped establish the
Winnetka Community Foundation Inc.
The award was established in the late 1950s to recognize the contributions
made by Valley residents, and it has been presented each year to leading
business and community leaders who have dedicated themselves to helping the
community.
Brad Rosenheim, president of the award foundation, said each of the nominees
have dedicated decades of their lives to helping others – and their work
represents the heart of the Valley.
“The number of outstanding volunteers who give of themselves to the San
Fernando Valley is truly remarkable,” he said.
[email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected])
(805) 583-7602

Clinic operator charged with health care fraud

Clinic operator charged with health care fraud
BY TONY CASTRO, Staff Writer
LA Daily News Article Last Updated:11/10/2006 09:27:19 PM PST
A Russian immigrant living in Agoura Hills has been charged with bilking
Medicare out of more than $1.4 million in an elaborate scam in which he used
Mother Teresa’s personal physician to prey on homeless patients from Skid Row.
Rudik Avakyan, 55, in jail on $1.1 million bail, faces arraignment Monday on
charges that he recruited Medi-Cal and Medicare card holders at Los
Angeles’s Union Rescue Mission for fraudulent billing at a clinic he owned and
operated.
According to authorities, the clinic’s medical director – Dr. Prasantha
Nath, who once counted the late Mother Teresa among his patients – was an
unwitting participant in the scam that included the fraudulent reporting of medical
services that were never provided and billing for services provided to
patients who were dead.
Nath is not a defendant in the case, authorities said, and, in fact, was a
victim of identity theft in the scam.
Nath worked at Avakyan’s clinic two or three days a week – and only for a
few weeks before quitting – treating a handful of patients each day, a state
Attorney General’s investigation found.
But authorities say that Avakyan’s clinic fraudulently submitted claims for
hundreds of patients that Nath “could not possibly have treated, padded
Medicare bills with treatments that never occurred, submitted bills for services
rendered to 35 patients who were already deceased, and filled out medical
treatment charts for patients as much as six months prior to them actually being
seen by a doctor.”
Avakyan and two co-defendants also went so far as to bill Medicare for
treatments that Nath purportedly provided patients while he was out of the country
helping tsunami victims in Sri Lanka and the needy in India, according to
investigators.
Nath’s physician provider number was used for Medicare billings several
month past the time he had left the clinic, authorities said.
Avakyan was arrested last week at his home by agents from the Attorney
General’s Bureau of Medi-Cal Fraud and Elder Abuse.
His co-defendants, Gayane Abramyan, 44, and Lusine Khatchatryan, were
described by authorities as “purported medical assistants at the Workplace
Industrial Management Clinic in Los Angeles.”
The three are charged with a felony complaint alleging 37 counts of grand
theft, attempted grand theft and filing of false claims.
Bail was set at $100,000 each for both Abramyan and Khatchatryan.
Prosecutors also succeeded in attaching a motion to Avakyan’s bail that
would require him to prove that the money he uses to post bail did not come from
the proceeds of the alleged crime.
Attorneys for the defendants could not be reached for comment.
According to authorities, the scam began unraveling in the summer of 2005
when officials from the Union Rescue Mission reported the suspicious
recruitment of the homeless by so-called “cappers” who would regularly round up Skid
Row residents into vans with promises of free meals and a $50 cash payment.
Avakyan and his defendants would then pay the cappers $350 for each patient
they brought to his clinic, authorities said.
Assembly Speaker Fabian Nu ez, D-Los Angeles, whose office received report
of the suspicious recruitment of the homeless in Skid Row, called for “the
harshest penalties allowed by law.”
“We cannot tolerate this kind of fraud,” Nu ez said in a statement, “I am
pleased by the hard work done by the Attorney General’s Office to unravel this
ring of rip-off artists.”
In announcing the arrests, Attorney General Bill Lockyer said “these
defendants must be held accountable for allowing their greed to turn to fraud.”
“Medicare and Medi-Cal fraud not only rips off taxpayers,” he said, “it also
puts public health at risk by limiting the amount of resources available to
help those truly in need.”
[email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected])
(818) 713-3761

Problem with your country’s image? Mr Anholt can help

The Guardian, UK
Nov 11 2006
Problem with your country’s image? Mr Anholt can help
Got a problem with your national image?
Oliver Burkeman at the nation branding masterclass in London
Saturday November 11, 2006
The Guardian
Nobody from the government of Kazakhstan was present at the Langham
hotel in London yesterday for the world’s first masterclass in nation
branding. This wasn’t for want of trying: the Kazakhs had appealed
for help in combating the Borat Problem, but Simon Anholt, the expert
in the field of image makeovers for nation-states, had refused on
ethical grounds. Still, representatives from 65 countries did attend
– including a man from the Saudi tourist board, full of ambitious
plans for oil-refinery tours, and an Armenian woman named Armine
Yeghiazaryan.
“We recently completed a survey to find out what people think about
Armenia,” Ms Yeghiazaryan explained.
And what do people think about Armenia? “Lots of people don’t really
think anything about Armenia,” she conceded. Then she brightened.
“But quite a few of them had heard of it.”
Mr Anholt, who works as a consultant to numerous governments,
including Britain’s, frequently gets hostile responses to the term
“nation branding”.
“At first there was outrage,” he recalled. “People said: ‘You’re
treating nations like nothing more than products in the global
supermarket!’ Which I actually thought was a great metaphor.”
In fact, most big countries already have brands, Mr Anholt points out
– gut associations that people make when they hear a country’s name.
“Nigeria? It’s those scam emails. Japan? Technology, expensive …
Britain? Posh, boring, old fashioned. Switzerland? Clean and
hygienic. Sweden? Switzerland with sex appeal.” His job is making
sure those associations are a help, not a hindrance.
“This is fundamentally not a marketing trick,” he insisted. “It’s
national identity in the service of enhanced competitiveness.”
Carol Hunter, from the Isle of Man government, listened intently. If
your gut reaction to hearing Isle of Man is “birching”, she’d like
you to abandon it; if it’s “TT races”, she’d like you to broaden it.
If it’s “tax haven”, you may not be too far off, but these days the
preferred slogan for the Man brand is “freedom to flourish”.
Striding the stage beneath the chandeliers in the Langham’s ballroom,
Mr Anholt told delegates that the image being promoted to sell a
country to tourists is usually exactly the wrong one to sell it to
investors.
“For years, the Scottish tourist board marketed Scotland as a country
stuck about 100 years in the past, a place of emptiness, wildness and
no buildings,” he said. “Actually, there was one building: a thatched
pub and some yokels inside drinking whisky.” That might be appealing
to holidaymakers. “But it’s no good if you’re trying to persuade
Samsung to build their next factory there.”
It was a tension acutely felt by the man from Madrid, who glumly
noted that a reputation for siestas and all-night parties was not
exactly helping promote the Spanish technology sector.
And what of Jamaica? “You think sun, sea and sand, don’t you?” asked
Nicole Maraj-Pandohie, from Invest Jamaica. “You don’t think strong
business infrastructure.” You also think violent crime. “Yes. I deal
with this every day. Every day,” she said, with great forbearance.
Not that nation branding can’t go embarrassingly wrong. “The trouble
with Cool Britannia,” Mr Anholt sighed, “was not the basic idea. The
problem was that the government forgot it was trying to promote
Britain, and started promoting the campaign to promote Britain.”
(These days, the representative from Visit Britain explained, the
UK’s brand values are depth, heart, and vitality.)
Mr Anholt makes moral judgments on who to work with. The Kazakhs did
not make the cut, but if they had, he would have advised them to play
along with Borat, the fictional Kazakh reporter. “At least they have
a reputation now. It may be a bad one, but it’s much easier to turn a
negative into a positive than nothing into something.” Which was not
what the Armenians wanted to hear.
,,1945380,00.html
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

BAKU: Putin vows to double trade with Azerbaijan

Assa-Irada, Azerbaijan
Nov 11 2006
Putin vows to double trade with Azerbaijan
AssA-Irada 11/11/2006 02:51
Russia and Azerbaijan plan to double bilateral trade in the near
future, Russian President Vladimir Putin has said.
In a meeting at the Kremlin on Thursday with his Azerbaijani
counterpart Ilham Aliyev, in Russia on a three-day visit, Putin said
the strengthening trade ties between the two countries will serve the
purpose. He noted that the bilateral trade turnover has already
exceeded a billion dollars.
`I believe we will double it in the next two or three years. In any
case, the growth rate of the turnover suggests this,’ the Russian
leader said. `We have established very high-level cooperation in the
political field, international affairs and the economy.’
Putin said the two countries have already increased their trade by
50% this year compared the first ten months of 2005.
President Aliyev praised bilateral ties as well. `The relations
between Russia and Azerbaijan have reached their highest level –
probably a peak since gaining independence [in 1991]. We aspire to
further expand potential for cooperation. We are successfully
collaborating in the political, economic and humanitarian areas. A
positive solution of outstanding issues will facilitate strengthening
our ties and stabilizing the situation in the region as a whole.’
The two leaders also discussed the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict over
Upper (Nagorno) Garabagh, regional security and other international
issues.
350 Russian companies are operating in Azerbaijan. Most of the
Russian investments have been directed to the production and
transportation of oil. Azerbaijan mainly imports wheat, sugar,
beetroots, electricity, natural gas, and timber from its northern
neighbor, while exports include fruit and vegetables, petrochemicals,
tea and cotton.

Beirut’s real-life version of ‘The Yacoubian Building’

Daily Star – Lebanon
Nov 11 2006
Beirut’s real-life version of ‘The Yacoubian Building’
By John Ehab
Special to The Daily Star
Saturday, November 11, 2006

BEIRUT: Longtime residents of Beirut could be forgiven for reacting
to the popularity of “The Yacoubian Building” – the bestselling novel
written by Alaa al-Aswany and the blockbuster film adaptation
directed by Marwan Hamed – with some confusion. Aswany’s book and
Hamed’s movie concern the iconic status of a 70-year-old neoclassical
building on Talaat Harb Street in Downtown Cairo. Erected by
Armenian-Egyptian businessman Nichan Yacoubian in the 1930s, the
once-grand building fell on harder and harder times in the 1960s,
when it was left in the charge of numerous superintendends after a
wave of nationalizations under then-President Gamal Abdel Nasser. In
“The Yacoubian Building,” the structure is the setting for an
unfolding drama narrating Egypt’s modern sociopolitical history.
There is, however, another Yacoubian Building, equally storied and
symbolic, spread across two blocs and located in the Caracas
neighborhood of Ras Beirut. Like it’s namesake in Cairo, Beirut’s
Yacoubian has been witness to turbulent times.
At the time Cairo’s Yacoubian was being built, a vacant plot of land
populated primarily by some fruits, cacti and vegetable bushes was
sold to an Armenian-Lebanese man named Yacoub Yacoubian. A fruit
seller named Umm Mahmoud once lived on those lands and remembers the
place before the huge buildings went up.
“We used to live on this land, tending the garden for the Mezhers,”
recalls Mahmoud. “After the Mezhers sold the land … we moved.”
Not long after, Mahmoud adds, foundations were laid for an enormous
10-story, double-bloc building with 140 flats. Unlike the colonial
style of Cairo’s Yacoubian, Beirut’s counterpart came shaped like a
U-turn, copping the style of Le Corbusier.
Samia al-Assi moved into the Yacoubian in 1974 and never left. In the
days before Lebanon’s 1975-1990 Civil War, Assi recalls, the building
was famous for the artists who lived there. Singer Faiza Ahmad and
comedian Abdel-Salam al-Nabulsi were among the celebrity residents.
Back in the day, recalls Elie Qartabawi, who resides in the Yacoubian
still and has lived there longer than anyone else, “it was the
biggest, most famous, most expensive building in Lebanon.”
The Yacoubian used to boast a famous nightclub – the Venus – situated
one floor below ground. A legend in its time, the Venus welcomed
Cabinet ministers, MPs and army commanders alike. It was also a
favored destination for wealthy tourists from the Gulf. Shortly after
the Civil War broke out, the Venus closed its doors.

In the years that followed, the internally displaced sought shelter
in the building. Among them was Mohammad Sweidan, otherwise known as
Abu Ali. During the war he became the Yacoubian’s natour, or
concierge.
“I [saw] terrifying days during that war, and often received death
threats,” sighs Abu Ali.
All the local militias passed through the Yacoubian, and therefore
past his post.
Abu Ali says he was twice kidnapped by militiamen who were inquiring
after arms. With the Israeli invasion in 1982, he adds, an officer
pulled up to the building and called on all inside to surrender their
weapons.
Around 60 pistols came tumbling down into the courtyard, says Abu
Ali, who was ordered to collect them for the officer. The next day he
found one pistol left behind. He sold it to a banker for LL500.
“Like anything else in Lebanon,” says Qartabawi, “the Yacoubian
declined during the war. One day a lady asked me: ‘Where is the
Yacoubian refugee camp?'”
These days, the Yacoubian is known as the home of Abu Elie, the bar
that occupies the lower back corner of the building.
“The people who come here are mostly intellectuals, mostly leftist
and always progressive,” says Nina Jamal, a customer.
Posters of Che Guevara dominate the walls, along with pictures of
Marx, Lenin, Nasser, Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Samir Kassir and George
Hawi.
Abu Elie himself once lived in the Yacoubian and ran a sandwich shop
in the neighborhood. In the early 1990s, he moved back to Bourj
Hammoud and opened the bar.
Still, confusion abounds. Since the “The Yacoubian Building” has been
screening in Beirut’s movie theaters, Assi says, “many people ask me
if they shot the film here.”
sp?edition_id=1&categ_id=1&article_id=7682 3

Landmark’s battle scars take on new meaning

Daily Star – Lebanon
Nov 11 2006
Landmark’s battle scars take on new meaning
Multimedia artist Marwan Rechmaoui’s captures history of a former
icon
By Kaelen Wilson-Goldie
Daily Star staff
Saturday, November 11, 2006

Interview
BEIRUT: Marwan Rechmaoui’s most recent work, entitled “Spectre,” is
an exact, sculptural replica of a building that spreads across two
blocs in the neighborhood of Ras Beirut.
As an artist, Rechmaoui has nurtured an enduring interest in acts of
mapping and deconstructing city life. “A Monument for the Living,”
from 2002, dealt with the history of Bourj al-Murr, the concrete
tower in Kantari that continues to define the Beirut skyline despite
its uselessness (never finished, can’t be used, can’t be knocked
down, can’t be imploded, can’t shake a reputation as Civil War-era
sniper nest and torture center). “Beirut Caoutchouc,” from 2003,
re-created a map of the capital in tough, interlocking black rubber.
For “Spectre,” he tells The Daily Star, “I wanted to take a
cross-section of Lebanese society,” but only by dealing with the
traces that society leaves behind, the marks that are imprinted on
Beirut’s urban fabric.”
Plus, Rechmaoui used to live in this particular building, so whether
he’d be keen to acknowledge it or not, it must mean something to him.
The building, known as the Yacoubian, is named for the man who had it
built, says Rechmaoui, an Armenian originally from the Syrian city of
Aleppo who, according to rumor, once worked as a cake vendor but came
into great wealth when he moved to Beirut.
As Rechmaoui tells it, the Yacoubian was erected in the Nasserite
era, in the aftermath of Syria’s brief unification with Egypt, when
members of the Damascene elite were nervous about the potential
nationalization of their assets and shifted large amounts of capital
into banks in Beirut.
At the time, he continues, a group of five architects living in
Beirut pushed for new legislation to be passed in Lebanon, which
would allow the units of a particular building to be separated and
sold. Previously, such legislation had applied only to undeveloped
land.
As a result, he says,”people took advantage.”
Huge structures went up in Beirut’s residential and commercial
quarters. The typical four- to six-floor apartment building gave way
to towering blocs like the Yacoubian’s.
A Lebanese architect named Rafik al-Muhib drafted the plans for the
building. Yacoubian had commissioned him to design a deluxe housing
complex for wealthy residents who would be living in close proximity
to the sea and Beirut’s upscale, cosmopolitan nightlife district.
Indeed, in the initial years of its existence, the building was used
for that very purpose. The legendary Venus nightclub was located
beneath the parking lot, and every night that parking lot was filled
with Rolls Royces and Ferraris.
But with the outbreak of the 1975-1990 Civil War in Lebanon, the
building’s original residents, whether they were from Lebanon or
elsewhere, began to leave in large numbers. They were rich, says
Rechmaoui, which meant they could afford to escape the fighting, and
they had other places to live anyway.
As the violence in Lebanon continued, new residents began to move in
– refugees from other parts of Beirut and from South Lebanon, seeking
to escape the first Israeli invasion of March 1978.
Some of the older residents stayed on throughout the 15-year war.
Some refugees from the South who decided to settle down in Beirut
after the war eventually bought their apartments and stayed as well.
Some refugees who had been squatting in their units moved out and
made way for another wave of new residents in the postwar period.
In the process, the Yacoubian Building lost its original luster. It
is no longer viewed by anyone as a glamorous address.

But for Rechmaoui, it is a telling piece of history.
For a few years, he says, he lived in there in a first-floor
apartment with a studio next door, his two windows located right
above the entrance. For Rechmaoui, what is interesting about this
sprawling, two-bloc concrete structure is the challenge it presents
to the central tenets of modernity.
It was designed to be clean, rational, sleek, and sophisticated, he
says, and for a time it was all these things. It resembled an
architect’s maquette.
But then everything broke down. Residents wrecked the unity of the
facade by enclosing their balconies or throwing up tough and colorful
curtains. Businesses moved in hung exterior placards advertising
their offices. The boy scouts established a base in the complex, as
did an Eritrean social club and a dive bar much loved for its Che
Guevara memorabilia.
The new inhabitants of the Yacoubian established their own ad hoc
barriers and gerrymandered boundaries between units. The spaces
imagined by planners gave way to realities of how those spaces were
used. New rules took hold. The rhythms of urban life were disrupted
by the conventions of rural residents who lived in the Yacoubian
Building as they had in their villages.
“Spectre” is a recreation of this building in miniature. Rechmaoui
was commissioned to create it by the Sao Paulo Biennale, which opened
last month. He planned to cast it in concrete and have it shipped by
boat from Lebanon to Brazil this past summer. With the outbreak of
another war with Israel, things didn’t pan out. Instead, Rechmaoui
traveled to Sao Paulo in late September and built the work there
ahead of the opening in early October. He had only two weeks time to
complete it, which meant he had to make sacrifices.
As it stands now, “Spectre” is constructed of wood and painted a pale
shade of beige.
Originally, Rechmaoui wanted each unit to be not only rendered in
concrete but also exploded out for emphasis, “a gentle rather than
violent explosion,” he explains.
Pulling out each unit would call attention to the demarcation lines
between the apartments and highlight how they function, how they
allow a heterogeneous group of people to live together.
“Spectre” was meant to be a recreation of every detail along these
borderlines, examining the traces people leave behind and exploring
how urban life is impressed upon a city’s surface. At the same, the
artist wanted to make manifest his refusal to divulge what goes on in
those people’s lives inside.
“I don’t like to deal with people,” Rechmaoui says. “It’s a hassle
for me. I work how I work. Plus I didn’t want the work to be
gimmicky. You can never know what’s inside [a building like the
Yacoubian.] You can only see what people allow you to see, even if
you’re a voyeur.
“For me, it’s important to work on the city,” he continues.
“According to modernists, a place like this does not exist, because
to exist it has to follow a certain order. This place is chaos, but
it works and it works well. I don’t look at it as a case study on how
people are living and how they function,” he adds. It’s more a
mediation on urban life, “throwing away traditions to live now in
this life.”
Rechmaoui traveled to Sao Paulo with a suitcase packed full of
individually marked and ordered envelopes – the accessories
representing each of those borderlines.
The work currently on view in Sao Paulo is an approximation of the
work Rechmaoui originally wanted to do. Within a year’s time, he
intends to redo the work as planned.
The one lesson he learned in Brazil is this, he says: “I realize it
has to be bigger.”