Month: November 2006

NATO, France downplay impact of Turkish military decision
Turkish Daily News, Turkey
Nov 17 2006
ANKARA – TDN with wire dispatches
Both NATO and the French capital have remained calm over a decision
by the Turkish military to freeze military ties with France in
a growing diplomatic row, saying the decision would not have an
immediate impact on the two courtiers’ cooperation with NATO or on
the existing cooperation between Turkey and France, particularly in
NATO-led overseas operations.
French Defense Ministry spokesman Jean-Francois Bureau said yesterday
that France believes that existing cooperation with Turkey will
continue. Specifically, he mentioned operations in the Balkans and
in Afghanistan. “There is a relationship of work and cooperation in
these operational commitments with Turkey that are extremely important
and which, in our eyes, will continue,” he said.
Turkish Land Forces Commander Gen. İlker Başbug announced
the suspension of military relations with France late Wednesday
in retaliation for a French parliamentary bill criminalizing any
denial of the alleged genocide of Armenians at the hands of the
Ottoman Empire. Başbug was speaking to reporters at a reception
in Ankara on the occasion of the 23rd anniversary of the founding of
the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (KKTC).
“Relations with France in the military field have been suspended,”
Başbug said. Asked whether there were any cancelations of
military visits, he replied, “There are no high-level visits between
the two countries.”
Bureau noted that the suspension was announced by a military commander,
not Turkey’s civilian government. “Until now, the announcement has
not had any practical or concrete effect,” he said, although he added
that there could be some in the future. He also noted that military
relations have recovered in recent years from a previous chill in 2001,
when France passed a law recognizing the Armenian killings as genocide.
In Brussels, NATO officials said the alliance’s operations would
not be affected by the Turkish army’s decision. “It’s a bilateral
issue. It won’t affect their relations at NATO,” an official said.
Both French and Turkish troops were operating in Kabul, he added.
“They’re there today,” he stressed.
French and Turkish troops operate side by side in the Afghan capital,
under the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF),
combating a fierce insurgency by the Taliban.
Turkey has warned that bilateral ties will suffer a great blow if
France adopts the controversial bill, which foresees one year in jail
for anyone who denies that Armenians were subjected to genocide.
The bill was passed in the French National Assembly last month but
still needs the approval of the Senate and the president to take
effect.
“This doesn’t concern NATO,” a diplomat at NATO said. “We don’t foresee
any difficulties in the NATO sphere. There won’t be any impact on
the functioning of the Alliance.”
Top military officers from NATO and partner nations were completing
two days of talks in Brussels yesterday, two weeks ahead of a NATO
summit in Riga to shape and inform military advice for the North
Atlantic Council.

AzerTag, Azerbaijan
Nov 17 2006
CHAIRMAN OF CAUCASIAN MUSLIMS’ OFFICE MEETS WITH CHAIRMAN OF SAUDI
ARABIA’S GENERAL ORGANIZATION FOR SOCIAL INSURANCE
[November 17, 2006, 12:26:23]
Chairman of the Caucasian Muslims’ Office, Sheikh ul-Islam
Allahshukur Pashazade met with visiting Chairman of Saudi Arabia’s
General Organization for Social Insurance Suliman Al-Humaid and his
accompanying delegation.
Allahshukur Pashazade welcomed the level of cooperation between
Azerbaijan and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
He said Azerbaijan was the first former Soviet republic to join the
Organization of the Islamic Conference.
Mr. Pashazade noted Islam strengthened in Azerbaijan after his country
regained its independence.
Chairman of the Caucasian Muslims’ Office recalled the meeting between
the nationwide leader of the Azerbaijani people Heydar Aliyev and
Saudi Arabia’s late King Fahd bin Abdul Aziz al-Saud, adding it marked
a new era in the bilateral ties between the two countries.
Allahshukur Pashazade expressed his gratitude to Saudi Arabia for
supporting Azerbaijan’s efforts towards peaceful solution to its
conflict with Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh.
Suliman Al-Humaid conveyed to Sheikh ul-Islam Allahshukur Pashazade
sincere greetings from the King of Saudi Arabia Abdullah bin Abdulaziz
al-Saud.
The Saudi guest said his country views Azerbaijan as a fraternal
country and welcomes the fact Azerbaijan has managed to preserve its
religious values and traditions in face of difficult period.
Mr. Al-Humaid described Azerbaijan as one of the region’s leading
countries.
Ambassador of Saudi Arabia to Azerbaijan Ali Hasan Jafar and Ambassador
of Azerbaijan to Saudi Arabia Tofiq Abdullayev were also present at
the meeting.

Good enough to eat: Georgia hosts international food exhibition
By Christina Tashkevich
The Messenger, Georgia
Nov 17 2006
Twenty-nine companies working in the food industry from Georgia,
Armenia, Poland and Azerbaijan gathered at the Sheraton Metekhi Palace
hotel on Thursday to display everything from pickles to beer.
The organisers of the 3rd food exhibition-the British exhibition
company ITE Group PLC and its partner in Georgia ITECA Kavkasia-stress
the importance of the event for Georgia, which has great potential
in the agricultural sector.
“The interest of foreign companies in gaining positions on the
Georgian market is not accidental. This exhibition has already become
a tradition, and seems to be the mediator in the establishment of
business contacts and in drawing investments,” the organisers said
Thursday.
The general director of Armenian company Echmiadzin Cannery, Zareh
Sargsyan, says that his company plans to gain a foothold in the
Georgian food market.
“Armenian tomato paste was famous in the Soviet Union, and we want
to refresh these memories,” he told The Messenger.
The company produces a broad range of canned products including
tomatoes, pickles, and jams and has already exported several containers
of its products for the Georgian market. It hopes to export more in
the future.
Polish company DGS, which produces various types of seals for
the food and pharmaceutical industries, is also interested in the
Georgian market. “We thought it’s an excellent chance for us to
present our products to the right market here in Georgia. You are
a very well-known producer of wine, so we are here ready to work,”
the company’s technical sales support manager Anna Napiorkowska told
the paper.
Italian company Zanetti Spa can offer Georgian customers the many
different types of cheese it produces. “We export to 50 countries,
why not to Georgia?” the company representative said.
Georgian companies at the exhibition included drinks manufacturers
Natakhtari, Bagrationi 1882 and Kazbegi.
The exhibition will last until November 18, on display are food
products, alcohol and soft drinks, ingredients and food supplements,
packaging equipment, restaurant and bar equipment.

ARMENIAN REPORTER
PO Box 129
Paramus, New Jersey 07652
Tel: 1-201-226-1995
Fax: 1-201-226-1660
Web:
Email: [email protected]
November 18, 2006
1. EU signs “Neighborhood Action Plan” agreements with Armenia,
Azerbaijan , Georgia
2. Heirs of Armenian Genocide victims to receive almost $8 million
from New York Life settlement
3. Armenian soldier wounded in Iraq; Defense Minister Sargsyan in
Baghdad
4. Vimpel set to buy ArmenTel from Greeks; promises to relinquish
ArmenTel’s controversial monopolies
5. “Armenian Reporter” opens D.C. bureau; Emil Sanamyan is Washington
Editor
6. Editorial: Thankfully
************************************** *************************************
1. EU signs “Neighborhood Action Plan” agreements with Armenia,
Azerbaijan , Georgia
Yerevan–On November 14 in Brussels, the European Union and Armenia
signed a European Neighborhood Policy Action Plan. Under the plan,
the EU will provide Armenia with aid, better trade relations, and
greater political cooperation; Armenia, in turn, will adopt political
and economic reforms. Similar plans were signed with Azerbaijan and
Georgia on the same day.
The EU is expected to spend an average of 25 million Euros ($32
million) on the Armenia program each year for the first five years of
the agreement.
The EU high commissioner for foreign and security policy, Javier
Solana, told RFE/RL that the EU’s contribution increases if the
recipient government “does things properly.” Otherwise, “cooperation
with the government will diminish.”
Mr. Solana added, “This is the same political technology that was
applied to countries that later became EU members, sector by sector,
chapter by chapter in a very well-organized fashion that we have
tremendous experience in.”
Signing the accord on behalf of Armenia was Foreign Minister Vartan
Oskanian. Welcoming the plan’s insistence on political and economic
reforms, Mr. Oskanian noted that Armenia’s “development depends not
on natural resources but human resources; and therefore, we have to
provide the necessary conditions to develop that resource.”
The Foreign Ministry announced that in the process of implementation
of the plan, ” Armenia’s social, political and economic systems will
begin to resemble European systems.” Further, the plan allows for
Armenia–and the two neighboring republics–to penetrate EU’s
internal markets.
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2. Heirs of Armenian Genocide victims to receive almost $8 million
from New York Life settlement
Los Angeles–Settlement checks totaling $7,954,362 will be
distributed this week to more than 2,500 descendents of those killed
during the Armenian Genocide of 1915. These checks resulted from the
multi-million-dollar settlement reached in a class action lawsuit
brought against New York Life Insurance Company.
The lawsuit, originally filed in November 1999, stemmed from New York
Life’s nonpayment of life insurance benefits for those who died in
the Armenian Genocide. These payments, together with the $3 million
dollars already distributed to various Armenian charitable
organizations, puts an end to an historic and groundbreaking case
which was able to right a 90-year-old injustice.
“Ten years ago, compensating these Armenians was a mere dream,” said
Vartkes Yeghiayan, one of the lead attorneys who represented the
Armenian heirs and who originally conceived of this case 20 years
ago. “This settlement was a small measure of justice for the
Armenians.”
The Settlement Board, the body created by the Federal District Court
to handle the distribution of the settlement, reviewed 5,692 claims
and found that 2,515 of them could be traced to Armenians who had
purchased life insurance policies from New York Life prior to 1915.
Letters will be mailed to all claimants, with checks included for all
claimants that were awarded compensation. Of the nearly $8 million in
checks, Armenians in Armenia will receive the most, roughly $3.7
million, followed by Armenians in the United States who will receive
almost $2.7 million. Armenians in France occupy the third place and
will receive a total of $656,413. In all, Armenians in 26 countries
will receive compensation.
For questions about the settlement, contact the Settlement Board at
(213) 327-0740.
*************************************** ************************************
3. Armenian soldier wounded in Iraq; Defense Minister Sargsyan in
Baghdad
Yerevan-Senior Lieutenant Georgi Nalbandian, 25, a member of the
Armenian regiment in Iraq, was seriously wounded in an attack on
November 11. He was transported to a U.S. military hospital in
Germany for treatment. Two other soldiers, one from Poland, the other
from Slovakia, were killed in the attack. Mr. Nalbandian’s right leg
was amputated.
In a news release, the U.S. embassy in Yerevan expressed “its deepest
concern” for the soldier and thanked him and his Armenian colleagues
“for their vital role in the international coalition fighting the
global war on terror.”
The attack occurred while the soldiers were returning from a mission
to defuse mines, the Armenian Defense Ministry announced. The bomb
exploded near the town of Al Kut in Wasit province as a multinational
convoy was returning to base.
Armenian troops, now in their fourth rotation, have been deployed to
Iraq since January 2005. The contingent of 46 soldiers includes truck
drivers, bomb detonation experts, physicians, and officers. They
carry out only humanitarian operations.
Meanwhile, Armenia’s defense minister Serge Sargsyan began a
previously scheduled trip to Iraq to visit the Armenian soldiers and
meet his Iraqi counterpart. Mr. Sargsyan has asked the National
Assembly to prolong the service commitment of the Armenian detachment
in Iraq. “Armenia cannot only be a security consumer. It ought to
have its modest but consistent contribution to the world security
processes,” Mr. Sargsyan told reporters. “As time shows, our officers
and soldiers are on an important and difficult mission, but it is
first of all Armenia that needs this mission, and by their duty our
soldiers once again confirm that Armenia is a full-fledged state.”
A sixth rotation of Armenian troops left for Kosovo this week.
After recovering, Mr. Nalbandian, the wounded soldier, is expected to
return to Armenia to continue his military service.
**************************************** ***********************************
4. Vimpel set to buy ArmenTel from Greeks; promises to relinquish
ArmenTel’s controversial monopolies
YEREVAN–In what may be the largest business transaction in Armenia’s
history, the Russian mobile operator Vimpel Communications is buying
a 90 percent stake in Armenia Telephone Company (ArmenTel) from the
Hellenic Telecommunications Organization for 341.9 million Euros
($436.3 million) plus about 40 million Euros in debt.
The Armenian government’s Public Services Regulatory Commission
approved the sale on November 14.
ArmenTel holds a monopoly on landlines in Armenia, for which it has
about 600,000 subscribers. It holds about 40 percent of the mobile
market with about 400,000 mobile subscribers. It also holds a
monopoly on Internet data transmission.
Vimpel says it will relinquish the monopolies ArmenTel holds within a
year. It says it will compete by increasing the quality and variety
of ArmenTel’s services. It is expected to make a $100 million
investment in Armenia in 2007.
Vahe Yacoubian, a Los Angeles attorney representing the Armenian
government in its dealings with ArmenTel, says that Vimpel has
offered to give up the Internet data transmission monopoly
immediately.
“Both sides are interested in completing this process as soon as
possible as VimpelCom itself states that they think that an open
market is better for their company’s business and profits,” Yaghubian
said, according to RFE/RL.
Vimpel operates phone services in Russia and Kazakhstan. It has
recently acquired cellular operators in Ukraine, Tajikistan,
Uzbekistan, and Georgia.
Whereas the main Russian investors in Armenia have in the past been
state companies, Vimpel is publicly traded. The largest shareholder,
at 33 percent, is Altimo, part of Mikail Fridman’s Alfa holding
company, which is publicly traded in the U.S. A Norwegian company,
Telenor, is the second-largest shareholder at 27 percent.
Another Russian company that took part in the tender and for months
claimed to have won it has closer ties to the Russian state.
****************************************** *********************************
5. “Armenian Reporter” opens D.C. bureau; Emil Sanamyan is Washington
Editor
Yerevan–The “Armenian Reporter” has established a bureau in the
nation’s capital, announced Vincent Lima, the newsweekly’s editor.
Emil Sanamyan has been appointed Washington editor of the “Armenian
Reporter” and will lead the bureau.
“Our community recognizes that what goes on in Washington is
important for Armenia, Artsakh, and Armenian-Americans,” Mr. Lima
said. “True to our calling as an independent newspaper, we are doing
what we must in order to bring our readers first-hand accounts of
these goings on.”
The “Reporter”‘s Washington Bureau will follow developments of
interest in the administration and Congress, at the Armenian Embassy
and Nagorno-Karabakh office, and in Washington think tanks. It will
also report on the activities of Armenian lobbying and advocacy
groups and on Armenians in Washington–officials, staffers, visitors,
and interns.
“I am truly delighted to join the Reporter staff,” Mr. Sanamyan said.
“This is a unique and exciting opportunity to contribute to the
understanding of the United States’ policymaking, particularly as it
relates to Armenian concerns.”
“Emil Sanamyan is a great resource for our readers. He is not afraid
to pick up the phone, call a source, and get to the bottom of
things,” said Chris Zakian, managing editor of the “Reporter.” “And
he knows whom to call. As a researcher and analyst, he has been
following news, attending talks, reading reports, and networking in
Washington for years.”
A graduate of the University of Arizona, Mr. Sanamyan has studied,
worked, and lived in Washington since 1998. While attending the
George Washington University’s Elliott School of International
Affairs, he served as assistant to the Representative of the
Nagorno-Karabakh Republic in the United States. Since 2000 and until
recently, he was Research and Information Associate at the Armenian
Assembly of America.
Mr. Sanamyan and his wife Oksana make their home in Rosslyn, VA.
********************************************* ******************************
6. Editorial: Thankfully
It is the week before Thanksgiving, and we are counting our
blessings.
Armenia celebrated the fifteenth anniversary of its independence this
year, a joyous milestone. And it is the fifteenth anniversary too of
the overwhelming vote of the people of Karabagh in favor of
independence.
Armenia has a long way to go, of course. But we can be grateful for
the progress that has been made over the past year. The economy has
attracted increased investments; there are thousands of new jobs.
This progress is reflected in double-digit growth in the gross
domestic product, coupled with low inflation.
The progress will continue–in the economy as well as in the
political and
social arenas.
Only this week Armenia and the European Union signed a European
Neighborhood Policy Action Plan. The plan helps Armenia implement
political and economic reforms, while lifting trade barriers and
investing perhaps 125 million euros ($160 million) in the country
over the next five years.
This April Armenia and the United States signed the Millennium
Challenge Compact, which invests a much-needed $237 million in
Armenia’s rural infrastructure.
Both programs come with strings attached: Armenia must fulfill
commitments to political, economic, and social reforms. But these
strings are not encumbrances; they insist simply on the
implementation of commitments Armenia has chosen to make. These
commitments are in line with our collective desire to see a more
democratic, more transparent, more prosperous, and peaceful country.
* * *
Meanwhile, we have seen Armenian issues take an ever-higher
international profile over the past year. In April, PBS broadcast a
documentary on the Armenian Genocide. The broadcast got the attention
of major newspapers thanks to our collective response to an
ill-advised decision of the network brass. The decision was to
balance out the well-balanced documentary with a panel discussion
that gave legitimacy to falsifiers of the historical record.
The Genocide stayed in the news, grabbing headlines again in late
September when President Jacques Chirac announced that France
considered recognition of the Genocide a precondition for Turkey’s
accession to the European Union. EU officials who were trying to get
Turkey to meet other agreed-upon preconditions condemned the
announcement. But the French opposition agreed with the president on
this one–making the precondition very real.
Armenians and the Armenian Genocide grabbed headlines again in
October when Orhan Pamuk–one of the growing circle of Turkish
intellectuals at odd with the national chauvinism of his country’s
old elite–won the Nobel Prize for Literature. The same day, the
French National Assembly voted in favor of a bill that would
criminalize denial of the Genocide.
The publication with much fanfare this week of Taner Akcam’s book, A
Shameful Act, is a further step in the right direction.
* * *
The year has also been replete with cultural happenings: concerts,
dance performances, plays, photo exhibits, films, novels, radio
shows, and so much more have made it a joy to be part of the Armenian
community.
Our gratitude is not simply for the events, but for the people who
make them possible. The events reflect an enormous investment of
time, energy, talent, and money by activists, by scholars, by
artists, by engaged philanthropists, by government officials and
pressure groups alike.
We say, “Thank you,” and we say, “Let’s carry on.”
* * *
If it’s Thanksgiving, it’s time for the Armenia Fund Telethon. It’s
time for an extravaganza of live entertainment from some of the most
popular Armenian talent around. It’s time for engaging hosts. It’s
time to see the work your donations last year have made possible.
It’s time to watch online ( ) or tune in. And it’s
definitely time to call in.
********************************************* ******************************
Direct your inquiries to [email protected]
(c) 2006 CS Media Enterprises LLC. All Rights Reserved

CYPRUS DHKO LEADER MEETS GREEK LEADERSHIP
Athens News Agency, Greece
Nov 15 2006
The new leader of Cyprus ruling Democratic Party (DHKO) Marios Karoyian
held talks with Greece’s state and political leadership during a
lightning visit to Athens on Wednesday, before he returns to Cyprus
on Thursday for local government elections taking place there.
The round of meetings began with talks held with Foreign Minister Dora
Bakoyannis, while he was later received by President of the Republic
Karolos Papoulias.
Papoulias congratulated Karoyian on his recent election as head of
Diko and asked him to convey his regards to Cyprus President Tassos
Papadopoulos and Cypriot Foreign Minister George Lillikas on his
return to Cyprus.
In his meeting with Bakoyannis, they discussed Turkey’s European
prospects, the Cyprus issue and the Finnish EU presidency’s proposal
for ending problems caused by Turkey’s refusal to fully implement the
EU-Turkey customs union protocol and open its ports and airports to
Cyprus ships and planes.
Karoyian said his talks with Bakoyannis had been “warm, friendly and
substantive” and that the two sides shared “common assessments and
objectives and common synergies in terms of carrying out the plans
of the two governments [Greek and Cypriot]”.
In comments on the anniversary since the illegal Turkish occupation
regime in northern Cyprus was first established, Karoyian said that his
party condemned the “illegal formation in the occupied territories,
which was an entity subject to Turkey” and noted that its existence
was a “provocation for the international community”.
The new leader of the Diko party also met Parliament President Anna
Psarouda-Benaki, who again expressed her congratulations on his
election and her best wishes for his term as party leader.
This was followed by a meeting with ruling New Democracy’s Central
Committee Secretary Lefteris Zagoritis to discuss cooperation between
the two parties and exchange views on the Cyprus issue and the European
Commission’s progress report on Turkey issued a week earlier.
In a New Democracy party announcement after the meeting, Zagoritis
stressed the party’s support for Turkey’s European orientation
while noting that Turkey had an obligation to respect the values and
principles of the European Union and to fully adopt and implement
the criteria and terms it had been set for accession.
After meeting main opposition PASOK party leader George Papandreou,
Karoyian said they had the same views and positions with regard to
the Cyprus government’s objectives and handling of issues and that
Papandreou had undertaken to intensify general efforts to influence
decision-making centres that also determine assessment of Turkey’s
accession course, so that Turkey would finally realise that it must
behave like a modern, European country and be able to fulfill its
obligations.
Papandreou said they had discussed the EU progress report on Turkey,
and stressed that Turkey had to comply with the terms and its
obligations toward the EU, including EU member-state Cyprus.
“This is necessary and I believe that there will be the required
assessment of this course at the Summit meeting in December,”
Papandreou added.
PASOK’s leader also commented on the anniversary of the pseudo-state,
recognised only by Turkey, stressing that the day was a reminder that
the Cyprus problem was one of occupation and of occupation forces,
which should not exist in Europe today.
He called on Karoyian to “wage our battle together with the Cypriot
people, with you, for a just solution to the Cyprus issue”.
Karoyian was elected as party leader on October 24 with the
backing of the party’s old guard, who had set up Diko three decades
earlier. At 45, he became the third and youngest party leader from
an extraordinary conference where he was challenged only by deputy
leader Nicos Cleanthous. Cyprus President Tassos Papadopoulos had
stepped down as party chief in August.
Karoyian, an Armenian Cypriot who rose up the ranks of the party
founded by the late Spyros Kyprianou, father of European Health and
Consumer Affairs Commissioner Markos Kyprianou, won by a surprisingly
wide margin of 62.6 per cent of the party’s voters over 37.4 per cent
for Cleanthous.

SOUTH OSSETIA: RUSSIAN, GEORGIAN…INDEPENDENT?
Shaun Walker
Open Democracy, UK
Nov 15 2006
A decisive referendum result has done nothing to resolve the small
north Caucasian statelet’s future, reports Shaun Walker.
On Sunday 12 November 2006, South Ossetians went to the polls to vote
in a referendum confirming the region’s independence from Georgia. The
result was an overwhelming “yes” to independence, with a turnout
above 95% from those among the territory’s 70,000 people who were
eligible to vote. There was a similar vote in favour of a new term
for South Ossetia’s president, Eduard Kokoity. Neither outcome came
as a surprise, but the chances are that nobody in the international
community will take the slightest bit of notice of the results.
South Ossetia is a bite-sized chunk of land on the southern slopes of
the Caucasus mountains, one of four “breakaway states” that – along
with fifteen recognised nation-states – emerged from the collapse
of the Soviet Union (the other three are Abkhazia, Transdniestria,
and Nagorno-Karabakh). The Ossetians are a largely Christian people,
whose language is related to Farsi, and the majority of whom live on
the northern side of the Caucasus in North Ossetia, which is part
of Russia. South Ossetia was part of the Georgian republic within
the Soviet Union, but in the early 1990s tried to gain autonomy from
Tbilisi, which led to violent clashes in which many died and thousands
were made refugees, both Georgian and Ossetian.
Since then, South Ossetia, with the exception of a few villages
controlled by the Georgian government in Tbilisi, has been run as a de
facto independent state, although its proclamations of independence
have been ignored by the international community. The territory
is heavily reliant on Russian support. As in Abkhazia, Moscow has
infuriated the Georgians by granting passports to the majority of the
South Ossetian population, and providing significant economic backing.
Shaun Walker is a journalist based in Moscow, where he writes for
RussiaProfile.org
Also by Shaun Walker in openDemocracy:
“Anna Politkovskaya: death of a professional” (9 October 2006)
A state of limbo
The United States, the European Union, the Organisation of Security
and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and Nato all issued statements before
the 12 November vote that branded the referendum meaningless and
unhelpful. Georgia repeatedly derided it as illegitimate, though it
had no problems with backing an “alternative” election and referendum
that took place in the villages that Tbilisi controls.
Even Russia’s quiet endorsement of the result has stopped short of
official recognition.
The authorities in South Ossetia’s capital, Tskhinvali, managed to
gather some “international monitors” to oversee the voting, largely
from members of other breakaway states but including Russians,
Venezuelans, and a few renegade European communists. Few foreign
correspondents turned up to cover the events, and the chances are that
the results will be forgotten as quickly as those of the referendum
held in Transdniestria, Moldova’s breakaway statelet, on 17 September.
When the dust has settled on the ballot-boxes, everyone will be back
to square one. Russia is highly unlikely to recognise South Ossetian
independence or initiate procedures to facilitate the accession of
the region to the Russian Federation. But equally, it is likely to
continue antagonising Georgia through informal support for South
Ossetia, an approach evidenced once more days before the referendum
when Moscow followed its announcement of sharp increases in gas prices
for Georgia proper by declaring that a gas pipeline would be built
directly across the Caucasus mountains to South Ossetia.
President Putin has hinted that he sees no reason why South Ossetians
and Abkhaz shouldn’t be granted independence if Kosovo and Montenegro
can be.
There is certainly an element of cynical politicking behind Russia’s
South Ossetia policy. Georgia is public-enemy-number-one in Moscow
right now, and meddling in the breakaway zones is a sure-fire
way to annoy Tbilisi. But aside from the Russians installed into
high positions in the South Ossetian leadership, and the giant
“our president” posters featuring a grinning Putin dotted around
Tskhinvali, any visitor to South Ossetia will notice significant
ground-level pro-Russian sentiment, or at least an appreciation of
the possibilities that being close to Russia offers them.
A Russian passport is akin to a lifeline for South Ossetians – a
way to get an education or a job in North Ossetia or Moscow. There
are very few jobs in the region, so most families have at least one
person working in Russia and sending money home. It becomes obvious
when talking to people that reintegration into the Georgian state will
not be an easy process – to start with, only the eldest generation
even speaks the language. People would not be able to get jobs or
study in Tbilisi – Russia provides them with their only chance to
make something of their lives.
Moreover, aggressive statements from Tbilisi setting deadlines for
the recovery of the territory, and military construction of a base in
Gori (just twenty-five kilometres from the South Ossetian capital),
do nothing to reassure the South Ossetians. With a highly militarised
population, and a lack of crisis-management mechanisms, there is always
the chance that localised incidents or skirmishes could escalate into
something that quickly gets out of control.
A landlocked predicament
There is some irony in the fact that the South Ossetian and Georgian
outlooks share similarites. Both see a much larger and aggressive
neighbour (Russia for Georgia, Georgia for South Ossetia), and thus
feel forced to seek comfort in third countries in ways that might
not serve their interests best in the long run (the United States for
Georgia, Russia for South Ossetia). Just looking at the map makes it
obvious that it would be in Georgia’s best interests to find a way
to coexist peacefully with Russia, and in South Ossetia’s to do the
same with Georgia.
The South Ossetian leadership, despite having legitimate grievances
against the Georgians, is mired in suspicion and introspection,
making endless statements about “provocations” and “conspiracies”
from the Georgian side, but reluctant to let in people (such as
foreign journalists, regional analysts and constitutional experts)
to whom they could put their side of the story.
The Georgians have their public relations a little better organised.
When Mikheil Saakashvili’s young, western-educated government came
to power in Tbilisi in the “rose revolution” of 2003-o4, it quickly
understood that the best way to get the west onside would be to
speak to it in a language it understands; there followed copious
worthy pronouncements about freedom, human rights, and the path of
the courageous Georgian people to be free from the jealous paws of
the post-imperial Russian bear. Amid the rhetoric, Tbilisi made it
abundantly clear that one of the key markers of its success would be
the restoration of Georgia’s territorial integrity.
But “territorial integrity”, when examined closely, is as
nebulous a concept as “fighting terror”: open to many convenient
interpretations. The breakaway states are ready to claim Kosovo as
a precedent if that territory is recognised as an independent state.
Montenegro’s independence from Serbia, sanctioned by the referendum
on 21 May 2006, was agreed by the Serbian government in Belgrade, and
Kosovo’s claim to independence – over strenuous Serbia objections, and
whether or not it is legally watertight – still seems likely to follow.
At the same time, the arbitrary borderlines of some of the constituent
republics within the Soviet Union (which its successor states
inherited) often do not translate easily into a basis for modern
statehood. Indeed, in many cases the communist elite explicitly
drew frontiers for “divide and rule” reasons. In sum, the idea
of territorial integrity is so contested and imprecise that it is
capable of working either in favour or against South Ossetia’s and
Georgia’s claims.
In the case of Abkhazia, many experts and even some western diplomats
privately admit that it may never be part of Georgia again. But South
Ossetia is a different story. Abkhazia has a strategic coastline
providing an outlet to the world beyond Russia and Georgia, as well
as vast tourism potential. Even sliver-thin Transdniestria has a
Soviet-era industrial complex that provides jobs and revenues. South
Ossetia has nothing. It combines a small population with no industrial
infrastructure, no sea access and only one road that leads anywhere
except Georgia. It also has a number of ethnic Georgian villages
scattered across its territory that are under the control of the
Georgian government in Tbilisi.
In short, South Ossetia is unviable as a fully independent state.
This makes South Ossetia a zero-sum game between Georgia and Russia.
in turn, it means that South Ossetian separation from Georgia is a
much more worrying prospect for western policymakers than Abkhazian.
Between north and south
The removal on 10 November of bellicose Georgian defence minister
Irakli Okruashvili (who was born in South Ossetia and has frequently
implied that South Ossetia could be won back by force) may be a
sign that Georgia intends to adopt a more tactful approach to the
conflict. The timing is symbolic on more than one count; perhaps
the Georgians had one eye on Washington, where a far more powerful
defence secretary had left office two days earlier.
The recent crisis between Georgia and Russia has proved what should
have been obvious to them all along – that while Tbilisi can rely
on kind words and lobbying from the United States when it comes up
against Russia, they can’t rely on anything more. And with the US
election on 7 November delivering a crushing blow to the George W Bush
administration, perhaps Saakashvili has also started to wonder if the
next occupant of the White House will buy his freedom-and-democracy
lines as much as Bush has.
Indeed, this might signal the start of a more sensible South Ossetia
policy from the Georgian side. It is clear that mutual suspicion runs
high, and the reintegration into Georgia of a people who have lost
linguistic and cultural ties with that country will not be an easy
process. Without war, wholesale destruction and ethnic cleansing,
Tbilisi won’t win control of South Ossetia any time soon.
At present, no attempts are being made to engage the people of
South Ossetia or suggest that Georgia has anything to offer. The
Georgians should focus on rebuilding Georgia proper and ensuring
continued economic growth, and to reach past the obstructive South
Ossetian leadership to prove to the Ossetian people that a newly
prosperous and tolerant Georgia is a better option than Russia’s
troubled north Caucasus. It won’t happen quickly. But even though 99%
of South Ossetians have just voted for independence, a Tbilisi that
plays down the aggressive precondition that South Ossetia must be
part of Georgia might just – in a very Caucasian paradox – become
the catalyst for its eventual reintegration into that country.
aucasus/south_ossetia_4100.jsp

RUSSIAN-GEORGIAN TENSION RAISE CONCERNS IN ARMENIA, BUT NO REAL IMPACT YET
Haroutiun Khachatrian
Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst, DC
Nov 15 2006
Armenia, a vulnerable country in both the geopolitical and geographical
senses, stands to suffer serious damage due to the increasing tensions
in the crisis in Russian-Georgian relations. The danger has several
aspects. First, Armenia is a military ally to Russia, and risks to
become separated from it by a potential member of NATO, which Georgia
seeks to adhere to.
Second, the Russian-Georgian conflict, not to mention any instability
in Armenia’s northern neighbor, would cut the most important
communication link between Armenia and the outer world. As the land
borders of Armenia with two of its neighbors – Azerbaijan and Turkey
– are closed due to political reasons, Armenia can trade goods with
the outer world only through Iran and Georgia, the latter serving
more than half of Armenia’s foreign cargo turnover. Third, worsening
Georgian-Russian relations could hinder vital supplies from Russia from
reaching Armenia, first of all natural gas, which flows to Armenia
through a pipeline crossing the territory of Georgia. Fourth, the
large Armenian community of Georgia may be involved in the conflict,
especially the Armenians living in the Samtskhe-Javakheti region
of southern Georgia, whose living standards are poor and who are
traditionally pro-Russian. The latter danger becomes more acute given
the perspective of construction of the Kars-Akhalkalaki-Tbilisi
railroad, which is to traverse the region, bringing fears among
local Armenians that the region would fall into the sphere of Turkish
influence. Finally, of vital importance for Armenia are not only its
good relations with the immediate parties of the conflict, Georgia
and Russia, but also with the western countries and in particular
the United States. These relations might suffer should Washington
protect Georgia more actively in its conflict with Russia.
Not surprisingly, the tension among Russia and Georgia provoked vivid
discussions in the Armenian political elite. For the second time in
less than a year, politicians – even those belonging to the parties
of the ruling coalition – raised the issue of the necessity of a
revision, or at least clarification, of the terms of the “Strategic
alliance” with Russia. The first instance was in January, when Armenian
politicians were surprised to learn that the “strategic partnership”
with Russia did not protect Armenia from a sudden doubling of the price
of the Russian natural gas. There is a consensus in Yerevan that in
its actions, Russia does not always take into account the interests
of its only ally in the Caucasus. The criticism was especially high
after Konstantin Zatulin, a member of the Russian State Duma, said in
an interview with a local newspaper that Armenia “does not support
its strategic partner [Russia]” in its conflict with Georgia. If
Armenian-Georgian relations are an obstacle for Russia’s relations
with Armenia, we [the Russians] have the right to call on Armenia
to choose: either you have normal relations with Russia or you have
normal relations with Georgia,” Zatulin said.
The Armenian leadership has managed to escape such a pitfall, at least
for the time being. The transport blockade of Georgian territory did
not harm Armenian cargoes, as formally Russia banned only contacts
with the Georgian transport operators, and Armenian businessmen never
used their services. Ironically, Russia’s earlier actions had indeed
hurt the interests of Armenian business, but this did not attract
significant attention. It was the closure of the Verkhnii Lars
(Upper Lars) checkpoint on the Russian-Georgian border last June,
the only land link between Russia and Armenia. By closing it under the
pretext of “repairs”, Russia sought to activate an alternative route
through the territory of pro-Russian South Ossetia, not controlled by
Georgian authorities. However, Tbilisi prohibited foreigners from using
this route (and there were no other foreigners except Armenians which
needed it), whereas the citizens of Georgia were free to use it. Thus,
Armenian carriers were forced to switch to other existing options,
namely, through the Black Sea ports of Georgia to Russia or Ukraine,
causing another wave of grumble in Armenia. In any case, these latter
routes were not affected by the Russian October sanctions against
Georgia, and the Armenian businessmen did not suffer anew.
Armenia’s gas supplies are also unlikely to suffer, even if Georgia
and Russia fail to reach a purchase agreement for the next year,
similar to what happened last winter in the Ukraine. First, Georgia
is unlikely to take gas set for Armenia, as this would be seen as an
obvious hostile action in Yerevan. Second, in December, Armenia will
inaugurate an alternative gas supply pipeline, from Iran, which can
in principle fully cover the needs of Armenia, enabling Russia simply
to cut its supplies through Georgia.
As for the Samtskhe-Javakheti issue, the surprise October arrest
in Yerevan of Vahan Chakhalian, a radical leader of the Javakheti
Armenians, was interpreted by most of experts as a gesture aimed
to show the Georgian leadership that Yerevan would not support any
actions capable to destabilize that sensitive region.
Yerevan has managed to keep stable relations with both conflicting
parties, which was demonstrated in a series of recent contacts,
including the Russian-Armenian summit meeting in Moscow in late
October and a meeting between the foreign ministers of Armenia and
Georgia, also in Moscow. The relations with Washington have not
suffered either, as evident from the recent statements of American
officials that the Millennium Challenge program of Armenia will not
be interrupted despite the calls of human rights watchdogs.
e.php?articleid=4566

CREATIVITY FLOWS FROM FRESNO STATE
Fresno State News, CA
Nov 15 2006
Faculty members and students – past and present – at California State
University, Fresno continue to win awards and critical praise for
their literary and visual arts achievements.
Fresno State alumnus Brian Turner is the most recent honoree. He
received a literary fellowship from the Santa Fe, N.M.-based Lannan
Foundation, which recognizes authors “of distinctive literary merit
who demonstrate potential for continued outstanding work.”
The fellowship provides the resources for an individual to focus for
a year on writing. Turner works part-time as an instructor at Fresno
City College.
Turner, who earned a bachelor’s degree in English in 1994 from Fresno
State and master’s of fine arts at the University of Oregon, wrote
“Here, Bullet,” a collection of poems published in 2005 about his
Army infantry service in Iraq.
Since publication, “Here, Bullet” (Alice James; $14.95) has won a
Beatrice Hawley Award, the Northern California Award for Poetry,
the Maine Literary Award for Poetry and the PEN Center USA Literary
Award in Poetry.
Other recent creative arts accomplishments with links to Fresno State:
Favorable reviews greeted publication in October of Dr. Lillian
Faderman’s “Gay L.A.: A History of Sexual Outlaws, Power Politics,
and Lipstick Lesbians” (Basic Books; $27.50) co-authored with Stuart
Timmons. Faderman, an English professor, has written several other
books on lesbian/gay history. This book was named New York Times
Notable Books of the Year. Her previous book, “Naked in the Promised
Land,” received the Judy Grahn Award for nonfiction, and a Lambda
Literary Award for memoir.
Steven Church, an assistant professor of English, won the Colorado
Book Award in Creative Nonfiction for “The Guinness Book of Me”
(Simon & Schuster; $23). Church is at work on two books: one based
on the legacy of the 1983 TV drama “The Day After” and what he calls
“a sort of travel and work memoir” chronicling his journeys and time
spent as a tour guide at Arizona’s Meteor Crater and a Rocky Mountain
gold mine. He recently had a short story accepted for publication by
the new literary magazine, Avery.
Dr. Lisa Weston, an English professor, won first and second place
in the Creative Photography competition at the Big Fresno Fair for
what she describes as “found collages” (material from all over that
changes as things happen to it). and changes every day as torn down,
posted or painted over, and weathered by exposure to the elements).
“She took the photographs in London while on sabbatical earlier
this year.
Fresno State graphic design student Mario Garza is the author of
“Stuff on My Cat” (Chronicle Books, $9.95), a book of photos from
his Web site that features patient or lazy cats with things piled
on top of them. The Web site originated with photos of Garza’s plump
feline and soon was attracting submissions from other cat owners with
similar pictures. Garza operates his own graphic design studio/screen
printing shop.
The Canadian Historical Association awarded a Certificate of Merit
in Regional History to Dr. Isabel Kaprielian for her book, “Like
Our Mountains: A History of Armenians in Canada” (McGill-Queen’s
University Press; $59.95). Kaprielian is a professor of history who
specializes in Armenian and immigration history. The citation says
Kaprielian’s “research base is formidable, drawing upon a strong
collection of primary documents, extensive interviews and a wide
range of secondary sources.” The book has won praise for both its
scholarship and general-audience appeal.
Former English faculty member Howard Hendrix’s sixth novel, “Spears
of God” (Del Rey/Random House; $14.95) is scheduled to be published
Nov. 28. The new book is a thriller about trying to control meteorites
that may hold secrets about human evolution. Hendrix has scheduled
readings and signings in several California bookstores, including
the Barnes & Noble in Fresno from 2 to 4 p.m. Jan. 27.

GEORGIA ON MY MIND
By Steve Koppelman
Broward New Times, FL
Nov 15 2006
>From the Caucasus to the shore, it’s time for some post-Soviet soup.
Ah, beach food. Corn on the cob, hot dogs, freshly shucked clams.
Pizza, burgers, and ice cream. There’s nothing better after bobbing
in the ocean waves and baking in the sun for hours, is there? Along
Hollywood’s Broadwalk, beach food also means tacos al carbon, Turkish
falafel, empanadas, and French-Canadian fare, reflecting the diversity
of Broward’s most democratic beach. Since early this year, it also
means khachapuri, lobio, kharcho, and lyulya kebab with tkemali sauce.
Hollywood Grill bills itself on its sign in English as an Armenian
restaurant and in Russian more broadly as a restaurant of the
Caucasus. Owners Zina and Hovick Grigoryan, hailing from Georgia and
Armenia by way of Brighton Beach, bring a bit of Eastern Black Sea
resort to South Florida.
At first glance, you might wonder what would bring such unusual fare to
a beach cafe here, but it makes perfect sense to South Broward’s and
Northeast Dade’s growing community of emigres from in and around the
former Soviet Union. You’ll usually also find some of it on the menus
at upscale “Russian” restaurants from Los Angeles and Brooklyn to Club
Pearl in Hallandale Beach and a half-dozen others around Sunny Isles,
where it provides the same sort of accessible exoticism Italian food
adds to many “all-American” menus these days. But most relevantly,
Armenian, Georgian, and Azeri food long ago became standard fare for
cookouts, vacations, and wine- and garlic-fueled nights throughout
that region.
An ideal introduction to what the food of the Caucasus is about
comes in a bowl. One of several soups, the kharcho ($6) stands out,
the best version I’ve had in years. Much more than a lamb-and-rice
soup as most menus and cookbooks translate it, a good kharcho is
a mildly spicy soup redolent with walnuts, garlic, perhaps dried
cherries, and most importantly a blend of herbs and spices called
khmeli-suneli, which includes coriander, marjoram, fenugreek, mint,
and dill, lending it a flavor like nothing else except perhaps other
Armenian and Georgian food. Another lamb soup, piti, was enjoyable but
less dramatically seasoned, built around larger, milder-tasting pieces
of meat and chickpeas in place of the rice and bits of vegetable.
As you might expect from a beachside cafe specializing in the foods
of a region that borders on Turkey and Iran, kebabs abound. Lamb
kebab ($10) and kofta-like ground-meat lyulya kebabs ($8) were fine,
particularly the lamb, reddened by a spice mixture, perhaps adzhika,
a fenugreek-spiked pepper paste with origins in Georgia. They come
accompanied by a choice of fries, lightly buttered rice, or our
favorite, olive-oil-infused roasted potatoes dusted with garlic and
herbs. The kebabs were best enjoyed wrapped in a strip of (alas, not
locally made) lavash with some raw onion and a dab of the included
satsabeli sauce, a distinctly Georgian/Armenian sour-plum-based
condiment tasting of dill, garlic, and coriander.
An order of chicken satsivi, a cold, mild dip made of shreds of
boiled chicken in a pale-yellow ground-walnut sauce, however, was
more pedestrian. Something seemed missing, maybe the bit of peppery
zing I’ve encountered before. Belhoor ($8), a kasha variant of cooked
cracked wheat topped with sauteed mushrooms and a bit of broth, could
have used a bit more flavor – and gravy – for my taste as an entree,
but as a side dish for the table, it would do just fine.
On another visit, we stumbled early. A handwritten sign in Russian
taped to a window read “KHASH season has begun.” I ordered a bowl,
though the waitress did her best to try to talk me out of it. “Some
people really like it…” Wrinkled nose. “Others… don’t.” An austere,
virtually unseasoned bowl of khash – pork broth; fatty, cartilaginous
bones; and chewy pork skin – landed with accompaniments. Following
instructions, I stirred in a couple of tablespoons of freshly
grated garlic, bits of toasted lavash, and some granulated white
powder from a small bowl that the waitress said was salt, even
though there was already a shaker on the table. I tasted a dab,
and it was salty, but I hesitated. I went ahead and added some. Then
more. Then some pepper. Then more of both, until finally it was sort
of OK in an exotic, adventure-travel kind of way but not actually
enjoyable. Definitely an acquired taste. The waitress did get a
bit misty-eyed talking about how her mom would make it when she got
sick. Among other things, it’s a folk remedy, especially for broken
bones. My companion and I gave it our best. We each had a few more
spoonfuls before giving up, the broth slick with what we decided on
the way home, guzzling bottled water, was actually MSG, a seasoning
I’m fine with in moderation. Let’s just say I’m glad I didn’t finish
off the bowl.
The rest of that meal had enough highs to make it more than worthwhile,
though. The lobio appetizer, which also makes a fine side, was a
scrumptious, extremely refreshing kidney-bean salad, strewn with
crushed walnuts, minced garlic, parsley, dill, and an Armenian staple,
pomegranate seeds, all lightly dressed in oil and vinegar. Sorry,
Mom, but the fiancee liked it even more than your terrific three-bean
salad. Their khachapuri (kha-cha-POO-ree), a Georgian word that
translates as “cheese bread,” is represented here as an airy,
flaky filo-dough pie filled with firm, buttery cheese. It was good,
but I’d been hoping for a stuffed-bread version with warmer melted
cheese inside. Hinkali – meat dumplings – offered another geography
lesson. The tennis-ball-sized pouches of thick dough with a massive
ball of oniony meat filling looked and tasted like something from
Northern China or a dim sum cart, and leftovers the next day were
right at home with a splash of soy sauce, a reminder that the Silk
Road carried more than just fabrics and spices.

EX-COMMANDERS CALL FOR CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE
By Ruzanna Stepanian
Radio Liberty, Czech Rep.
Nov 15 2006
A group of Karabakh war veterans have called on the nation to show
civil disobedience and achieve a power change in the country.
In a written statement spread on Wednesday several dozen ex-commanders
urged all war veterans to unite “to save Armenia and Armenians and
restore justice in all spheres”.
“The lands that we liberated are in danger today. We urge all our
compatriots, all parties and individuals to put aside ideological
differences and stop our homeland from falling into an abyss,”
they said.
For this purpose the “Brotherhood of Liberation Struggle” Council of
Commanders urges everyone to join the movement of civil disobedience.
Commander of Karabakh self-defense forces and head of Yerkrapah’s
Karabakh structure Arkady Karapetian says this disobedience will mean
that people no longer want the authorities to govern the country and
it will eventually result in a power change. “If you don’t accept that
this person is your president, then you are ready for everything,”
Karapetian said.
The Karabakh war veterans say they will consider anyone who attempts
to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh problem at the expense of territories
as their enemy. “Terrible things will happen if such an attempt is
made,” Karapetian warned.