Month: June 2005

Zaman, Turkey
June 25 2005
Rays of Hope for Solving Upper Karabag Conflict
By Emre Demir
Published: Saturday 25, 2005
zaman.com
Rays of hopes to solve the Upper Karabag (Karabakh) Conflict, which
Turkey placed as a precondition to Armenia in order to establish
relations, shine through.
Officials from the two countries came together Friday at a general
council meeting for Parliamentarians Assembly of Council of Europe
(PACE) for the firs time in order to discuss the Karabakh conflict.
The meeting’s atmosphere was reported as positive and a road map was
determined. According to PACE’s Azeri deputy Asim Mollazade, a second
meeting will be held in Paris on September 12 with a more detailed
agenda.
The EC’s definition of Armenia as the “attacker state” and Karabakh
as a “separatist regime” in January accelerated the process of a
solution for the Karabakh conflict. The Organization of Security and
Cooperation for Europe (OSCE) Minsk Group will conduct negotiations
with political representatives of both parties in the region next
July. Established in 1992 to solve the problems between the two
countries, the Group is expected to focus on a withdrawal plan of
Armenia from the Upper Karabakh. Turkey, which places a solution of
the Upper Karabakh conflict as a precondition in order to begin
diplomatic relations with Armenia, has also played important role in
the negotiations. Both Turkish and Azeri deputies cooperated in the
negotiations at PACE. The Upper Karabakh conflict will most likely be
discussed during Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s
Azerbaijan visit on June 29.
The last Armenian attempt for recognition of the Upper Karabakh as a
free state was inconclusive. France and Russia announced that they do
not recognize the elections in Karabakh scheduled for June 19 and the
Upper Karabakh is within Azerbaijan’s boarders. Baku wants Armenia to
withdraw from all sections of Karabakh at the same time. Armenia has
agreed to withdraw from five regions immediately but does not want to
withdraw from the Lacin and Kelbecer regions at present since many
Armenians live in the region.

Christian Post, CA
June 25 2005
Armenian Churches Host Bible Conference in Tehran

A committee in Iran representing the Armenian Church, the Chaldean
Church, the Armenian Evangelical Church and the Armenian Catholic
Church recently held a three-day conference on the Bible.
Saturday, Jun. 25, 2005 Posted: 10:18:54AM EST
A committee in Iran representing the Armenian Church, the Chaldean
Church, the Armenian Evangelical Church and the Armenian Catholic
Church recently held a three-day conference on the Bible `to give
help to Iran’s Armenian Christian minority in their spiritual and
community life as Christians.’
The conference, entitled `The Bible and the Youth of the 21st
Century’, was the first public function of the Inter-Church
Publication Committee. Participants included teachers, Sunday School
teachers and church youth workers.
According to Alik, a Tehran-based Armenian newspaper which reported
on the conference, throughout the three days the Scriptural focus was
on the Second Letter of Timothy. The main speakers consisted of the
Rev Henrik Shahnazarian of the Armenian Evangelical Church, who led a
study on 2 Tim. 2:14-26; and the special guest, Dr H Hovhannisian, a
well-known psychologist based in France who led a study on 2 Tim.
3:10-12. During the conference, participants also had an opportunity
to reflect on these passages in groups.
Over two days, Hovhannisian presented his topic, outlining the
challenges of the 21st century to a life of faith as well as the
challenges of the faith to 21st century youth. There were extended
sessions for questions and discussion.
Other speakers included Bishop Nshan Karakehyayan, who spoke on `The
Inspiration and Authority of the Holy Scriptures’, and Archbishop
Sebouh Sarkissian who gave `An Introduction to the Old and New
Testaments’.
After the conference, Hovhannisian visited a number of churches in
Tehran where he led studies on `The Bible and Youth’ and `The Bible
and the Family’.
The newspaper noted that there had been great interest in the
conference locally and that `there are plans in the future to involve
not only target groups but the faithful at large.’

Common Dreams, ME
June 25 2005
No Apologies, Senator Durbin
by Sheldon Drobny

Senator Durbin is the Senior Senator from Illinois, my home state. I
am also a first generation Jewish American whose parents narrowly
escaped the Holocaust. I have lost aunts, uncles and cousins as a
result of that travesty. However, that fact does not give me the
license to own the experience or the so-called `franchise.’ The
devastation caused by World War II was a human tragedy causing the
deaths of about 50,000,000 people worldwide. Yesterday, June 22nd was
the 64th anniversary of the German attack upon the Soviet Union
commonly called Operation Barbarosa. Most Americans are unaware that
the Soviet Union lost approximately 25,000,000 people in what they
call The Great Patriotic War. By comparison, the United States lost
approximately 300,000 military deaths in both the European and
Pacific wars. Millions of Chinese, Germans and Japanese also died.
American bombing of Japanese cities caused the death of over
1,000,000 civilians including the questionable dropping of 2 atomic
bombs.
The brutalities of that war occurred on both sides because that is
what happens in a wartime environment. I have always said that the
other combatants in World War II were lucky that there was a
Hitler/Nazi regime otherwise Japan especially would have been the
prime focus of the Nuremberg type trials. Japan committed horrible
genocidal atrocities against the Chinese. As a matter of fact,
civilian bombing was excluded as an indictable war crime otherwise
the United States and Great Britain would have been subject to such
offenses. The Turkish genocide against the Armenians in 1915 is
unknown to many people today. The Turks killed over 1,000,000
Armenians and Hitler used that to convince his cronies that the
genocide of the Jews would not be remembered by the world. I would
suggest that the movie Ararat is worthy of viewing. The movie gives
one a better perspective of the Armenian genocide.
Inhumanity, torture, genocide, and intolerance are the major
casualties of any war including the war in Iraq. The most common
metaphor for that kind of cruelty is the word Nazi. It is a commonly
used word by many politicians on all sides to reflect the kinds of
cruelties that come from armed conflict. The use of the word Nazi or
the name Hitler has never been any more than a metaphor for that kind
of cruelty and torture. It is as generic as any other description of
intolerance and cruelty.
Senator Durbin would never accuse our soldiers of being Nazis nor
would he have ever defamed the 6,000,000 Jews that died in the
Holocaust. Just as holocaust is a generic word, it is now capitalized
to reflect the World War II phenomenon. But could we not describe the
Armenian massacre as a holocaust without disparaging the memory of
the 6,000,000 Jews that died in the Nazi genocide? Yet, Christian
fundamentalists who constantly exploit the Jewish Holocaust for their
advantage soundly criticized Durbin. The hypocrisy of Christian
extreme fundamentalism is that it is the very teachings of the
Passion stories of the New Testament that created 2,000 years of
Christian anti-Judaism which culminated in the Nazi version of
pseudo-Darwinian anti-Semitism. Many on the extreme Right claim that
the Third Reich was not a theocracy. The fact is that the
constitution of the Third Reich did have only one legal religion
named in it. It was called The National Reich Church and it exploited
the inherent anti-Judaism of the Passion stories. The actual word
hypocrite is defined in The New Testament in Matthew 7: `Thou
hypocrite, cast out first the beam out of thine own eyes.’ `The man
who finds fault with another for sin, while he is more guilty, is a
hypocrite.’
Seventy to eighty percent of American Jews vote Democratic. I believe
that most of that percentage had no problem with the quotes used by
Senator Durbin. I would bet that the Jews that were offended by his
remarks came from the highly political minority of Jews who stand
beside these Christian fundamentalists. They make the same mistake
that the German Jews made in the 1930s when they believed that their
native country would not turn against them. That is a lesson in
history that these American Jews may have forgotten.
Sheldon Drobny is Co-founder Air America Radio.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Left Hook
June 25 2005
Turkey: In the Light of the Final EU Decision
H. Yener Ekrose
On 6th of October 2004 the EU Commission has finally announced ‘the
good news’ and turned the green light on, suggesting within its
report the commencement of membership talks with Turkey. 1 Long
before that, the Turkish media had already been carrying out
discussions on the European Union, even more intensively since Turkey
signed the Customs Union Agreement in 1996. What awaits the Turkish
society, the peculiar conditions for Turkey’s accession, and the
requirements that Turkey should further fulfill, figured prominently
in media coverage after October. The Turkish media has not been alone
in presenting such discussions, however. The same is true for the
European media and also for some Arabic-language newspapers.
Debates in the European media focus mainly on whether it is a ‘sane’
decision to expand the EU to the Euphrates and Tigris, and thus
become neighbors with countries like Iraq, Iran, and Syria.
Problematic for the EU is how to cope with a ‘Muslim’ country in a
culturally ‘Judeo-Christian’ setting, though Turkey is a long time
loyal Western ally, not only in NATO, and though there are millions
of Muslims living in every European country and taking part in the
post-Cold war socialization processes. Moreover, reports of human
rights violations from Turkey along with the lingering limitations to
freedom of thought are mind-boggling for the European public and
contribute to the European hesitations in letting Turkey in. No less
unbelievable is the striking difference, both culturally and
economically, in Turkey between the western and the eastern regions,
and between the city and the countryside.
For Turkey, the choice of becoming an EU member stands as a political
and cultural preference, albeit at times with staggering doubts. This
preference comes as a part of the Europeanization process started
during the Ottoman Empire and later defined by Atatürk as an ultimate
aim. Turkey has become increasingly decisive about its orientation
toward the Europe over the years. This is especially explicit under
the new ‘liberal Islamist’ AKP (Justice and Development Party)
government, which won the majority of seats in the Parliament as a
result of the elections in November 2002. 2
For the EU, the possibility of letting Turkey in creates a pendulum
that swings between two ‘extreme’ feelings: almost an ‘ontological
fear’ from accepting an American ‘Trojan horse’ that would be
detrimental for the political unification of the EU and thus
hindering its emergence as a global actor that could eventually
prefer to play a balancing role against the US; and a joy of
realizing the European power as Turkey is a militarily powerful
‘democratic Muslim’ country close to strategic regions and resources,
which would give Europe an extra friendly outlook as to its relations
with the Islamic world.
Security, Baku-Ceyhan oil pipeline, free trade and investment in and
through Turkey, and military-defense industry projects are some
dimensions of this joy. Yet, to be realistic, Turkey, as a
social-cultural bridge to the Muslim Middle East, has for the time
being little to offer. Despite its Sunni Muslim majority, Turkey’s
secular state and elite control the ‘church’ in various ways and do
not accept the role of being a ‘model Muslim-democratic country’ for
other Muslim societies.3
Nevertheless, Islam draws a special attention as part of the European
fears and concerns. Many analysts point to the uneasy relationship
between “Western values” and Islam, and the rift that Turkey’s Muslim
majority would add to this once Turkey becomes a member. Arguably,
the fear of an ‘Islamic Europe’ in the near future underlies these
evaluations and Turkey appears as a double-edged sword in this
regard. Moreover, many young people in Turkey might prefer to live in
Western Europe once the boundaries are opened, increasing the
cultural and economic stress in the EU.
>From the Middle Eastern perspective, although democracy and reform
are welcome in principle for decades, Western/European cultural and
political domination is frowned upon. Particularly, secular
orientation of Europe, and also of Turkey, stands for some popular
Islamist circles in the region as a mental abyss between the
cultures. This perspective views Turkey as a ‘Trojan horse,’ though
not from the US into the EU, but from the West (through Turkey) into
the Middle East.
Nonetheless, Turkey under a ‘liberal Islamist’ government achieving
reforms, preparing itself for the EU, and standing for ‘justice’ has
received praise from the Middle Eastern people. Turkish Parliament’s
rejection of the bill in March 2003 to allow the U.S. troops to open
a northern front at the beginning of the Iraq War has earned the
sympathy and respect of the people in the region. Moreover, the AKP
and the Parliament managed to resist the U.S. demands of fetching
Turkish troops to Iraq, and thereby also curbing the political
presence of the Turkish military in the domestic politics.
The socio-politically ubiquitous military has been compelled to
“abdicate its regency over the state” 4 as a part of the political
reform, required accession into the EU. Indeed, this is one of the
toughest challenges that Turkey and its ‘liberal Islamist’ government
face, bringing the military under total civilian control. As the last
couple of weeks made explicit, the military will resist a full and
long-term withdrawal of its control on the political and social
spheres. The military justifies this with its being the guardian of
the republican values and democracy in Turkey, which it perceives to
be under continuing threat.
Despite the debates on Turkey’s EU prospects in the media, it is
clear that within the ‘new’ international context and ‘strategic
thinking,’ which appears as a function of re-dividing the world
regions and consolidating control over the most precious resources in
the post-cold war power game, Turkey is assigned to play the game in
a position that is either very close to or as a part of the Western
world. One should take into account the fact that the Turkish
military has a defining role in this game. Thus the country is
‘gently’ pushed towards the EU with a combination of carrots and
sticks. The EU was ‘advised’ to pull Turkey toward the union in spite
of strong the arguments in contrary. On 8th October columnist and
media analyst Haluk Sahin writing in the Turkish daily Radikal has
quoted a successful Turkish-German businessman Vural Öger, who is
also a member of the European Parliament from the SPD party in the
ruling Red-Green coalition, saying: “There are many obstacles. There
emerge new obstacles and difficulties. Yet, it is as if a hidden
power is pushing Turkey and the EU towards each other.” 5
The decision of the EU on 17th of December, 2004, has demonstrated
that the advice has been well taken and ‘the hidden power’ made the
first step. It was reported that the EU will start talks with Turkey
in October 2005, tough the initial warning to Turkey lingered. The
talks will start, but they will be open-ended, meaning that they
could be suspended grave failures or reneging on part of Turkey to
carry out further reforms as to human rights, freedom of thought,
education, economical restructuring, and, the last but not the least,
minority-rights guarantees especially related to the long neglected
Kurdish culture and language. As amelioration on this latter track,
the former Kurdish deputies were released in June 2004 and a Kurdish
language program ‘Our Cultural Riches,’ though not satisfying the
demand for the Kurdish language thoroughly, on the state-run TRT
began broadcasting. 6
Although the membership talks and the eventual membership have not
been conditioned upon Turkey’s ‘contribution’ toward solution of the
Cyprus problem and the public discussion of ‘the Armenian question’
toward a solution, it would be strongly expected from the European
side that these tracks are not ignored from a democratic future
European member. Probably due to pressure for further solutions these
two questions will be presented behind the curtains. The Armenian
question should be further consulted, but the difference from the
past is that the people in Turkey are willing to discuss it, and in
the press more views are expressed challenging the official stance.7
The Cyprus problem needs a whole-hearted engagement from all sides
for a solution, especially with the humanitarian focus of bringing
the communities culturally-politically together and ameliorating the
poor situation of the Northern Cypriots.
Turkey has a long course of 40 years in its rearview mirror since the
country’s application for the EU membership. Yet, there is still a
qualitatively and quantitatively long way to proceed, which is
fraught with ups and downs, low and high points, mutual understanding
and mutual anger, dangers of losing the path and full-hearted
grasping of the European project. What is hoped anyway is that the
desired membership will be reached at the end.
Accordingly, what has been observed until now was the ever increasing
optimism and embracing of the EU ideals, especially after the AKP
took office and continued the reform program, which was launched
under the former Bulent Ecevit government, at a faster pace on the
European path. This has helped widen the political space and helped
enable a diversification of voices in the public sphere, until the EU
decision on the 17th December. What followed after December 2004 was
a contrast picture to the preceding two years. Turkey has suddenly
lost faith in the EU and ultra-national hysteria has risen.
Ultra-nationalists were mobilized against ‘normalization’ in the
country, especially on the Kurdish question. Moreover, political
relations with the U.S. have soured. Opinions pointing to the
possibility of a coup from the military have taken public attention
and created fear among the public.
Turkey is a ‘mosaic’ of contradictions, where intentions, laws and
applications of those laws appear often not to match. On the one hand
there is a relative opening on various themes, as suggested above,
that have long been taboos and ‘red-lines’ for Turkey. On the other
hand, an ‘unripe’ discussion culture, which is vulnerable to
manipulation from the ‘inner state,’ paralyzes the political public
space opened after so many long struggles and pains. These
contradictions can be choking at times. Having abolished the infamous
State Security Courts (DGM), a great step forward, the new penal code
comes as a big blow to efforts for further freedom. The journalists,
intellectuals and the other civil society organs complain rightly
that despite having a government dedicated to freedom and despite the
reform process at hand with popular support, the parliament has voted
in favor of the new penal code, which includes laws that limit
freedom of thought, freedom of press, limit rights to organization. 8
Similarly, the praise the new civic code has received has been washed
away by the heavy-handed reaction of the police forces against female
demonstrators in Istanbul on Women’s Day this year.
If a better education project is one side of the coin in making out
of Turkey a democracy, which demands more financial and intellectual
resources than what has been procured until now, the other side is
the solidarity between the leaders, the people and public bodies.
This can heal the wounds through the provision of calm and rational
discussions, while keeping the interaction with the outside world
live.
What all these contradiction show is that it would be destructive for
Turkey to tie the entire democratization process and the process of
grasping of the value of human life and freedom of thought to the
‘European dream’ alone. The understanding of those values cannot be
imposed from outside, but should grow from inside, naturally through
the interaction with the outside. The ‘European dream’ has given a
substantial initial kick that no one should neither ignore nor
devalue, but that dream remains short of providing all the answers
that the socio-political reality awaits in Turkey. The dream could
turn out to be first a sluggish waiting, and later becoming an
intellectual and organizational indolence, leading altogether to the
destructive social apathy and political quiescence.
——————————————————————————–
H. Yener Ekrose, 28, is a Ph.D student of Political
Science/International Relations in Germany.
Notes:
1. For various aspects of the Turkey-EU relation see Mehmet Ugur
(ed.), Turkey and European Integration, London: Routledge, 2004.
2.On AKP and Political Islam in Turkey see R. Quinn Mecham, “From the
Ashes of Virtue, a Promise of Light: the Transformation of Political
Islam in Turkey,” Third World Quarterly, vol. 25, no. 2, (2004).
3. For an argument in contrary see Graham Fuller, “Turkey’s Strategic
Model: Myths and Realities,” The Washington Quarterly, vol. 27, no. 3
(Summer 2004).
4. Caglar Keyder, “The Turkish Bell Jar,” New Left Review, vol. 28
(July-August 2004), p. 80.
5. Haluk Sahin, Raporun Ardindaki Gizli Gücler (The Secret Powers
Behind the Report), Radikal Gazetesi, 8 October 2004., Turkish.
6. Keyder, op.cit., p. 81. 7. Among others see Ayhan Aktar, Artik
Seçim Yapma Vakti (The Time to Decide), Radikal Gazetesi, 4 May 2005,
Turkish at
haber.php?haberno=151602&tarih=04/05/2005. 8. Among others see Fehmi
Koru, Mrifet Soruda Degil-Cevapta (Hidden in the Answer), Yeni
Safak, 10 May 2005, Turkish.

Joan Allen Talks About Working with Sally Potter on “Yes”
>From Rebecca Murray,Your Guide to Hollywood Movies.
Friday, June 24, 2005
Allen on “Yes,” Simon Abkarian and Sally Potter, and Her Career Joan
Allen on Her Attraction to _`Yes:’_ ()
`When I saw Sally Potter’s name on the script I went, `Okay, I’m
probably going to do this no matter what,’ because I love he work so
much. Then I read the script and thought it was very rich and a great
character to work on with Sally. And it was. It was an incredible
experience making it.’ Joan Allen on Working with Simon Abkarian: `It
was a really wonderful, joyful experience. I don’t speak French and
was embarrassed becauseSally speaks French very well. It was a global
cast and crew and Simon speaks Arabic, French, Armenian, English…
This was [Simon’s] first English-language film. He knows English and
working on our relationship was wonderful. I think a lot of that was
because we have both had extensive theater backgrounds. He has his own
theater company in Paris and I was part of the theater company for
many years and there’s that sense of the most important thing, which
is the story. And I think we both approached our work in a similar
way, so interesting things happen.’
Freedom to Play with the Rhythm of `Yes:’ Sally Potter’s background as
lyricist contributed to her decision to write the movie as if the
dialogue were part of a song. Potter explains it by saying she chose
verse `because its deep rhythms and its long tradition (from medieval
sonnets to Icelandic sagas to rap) enable ideas to be expressed in
lyrical ways that might otherwise be indigestible, abstract or
depersonalized.’
Allen said Potter allowed the cast a little play when it came to the
dialogue. `There was a fair amount actually. Some of it has its
ownrhythm. Within the structure of the rhythm there’s a lot of
freedom and Sally just wanted it to be emotionally true more than
anything. Then the words would come out as emotional content. We had
three weeks of rehearsal and Sally would tweak some things. She’d be
counting the number of syllables and that was really cool to watch her
do that.
It was our objective to make it accessible conversational. Most people
who see it who aren’t aware…like half way through they go, `Oh, this
is rhyme,’ and I love that that’s what is does. It would be horrible
to turn people off thinking it’s all verse.’
On Taking Her Career a New Direction: After making a name for herself
in Hollywood playing Pat Nixon in `Nixon,’ a repressed housewife in
`Pleasantville, ‘ and Elizabeth Proctor in `The Crucible,’ Allen’s
last few roles have featured a whole different side of the
multi-talented actress. Joan Allen was gardening in the nude in “Off
the Map” and she’s involved in a few hot, sexy scenes in `Yes.’ Does
she view her most recent choices as indicative of a change in the
direction of her career? `I hope so – I loveit,’ laughed Allen,
adding, `Working in the garden in the nude, that took some decision
[time]. I didn’t decide to do that right away, but I finally did.
I had said I would never really do that [and] they had a body double
ready. But I started getting superstitious that if I didn’t do it, I
wouldbe cheating the character somehow. I said, `I think I won’t
understand this film unless I do it.’ And the way Campbell Scott
handled it, and the fact that it wasn’ t a sex scene, made a bit of
different to me. I characterize it as my ` National Geographic’ shot
because she’s naked in the garden and mesmerized by a coyote. I think
it’s innocent in that sort of way.’
Joan Allen on Taking Risks: `This business is tough, and Sally
familiarized me with a term the other day when we were talking about
what is the hardest part of this business. She said, `The financing.’
It’s difficult and she struggled, ultimately making it for a million
dollars. She said it’s a very risk-averse atmosphere we live in. As an
actor I like to do different things, and if no one is willing to take
that chance to take their risks financially, you get put in a place
that maybe you don’t want to necessary stay in.
I did `Nixon,’ `Ice Storm’ and `TheCrucible’ within a year and a half,
and `Pleasantville’ shortly thereafter. So all those happened very
quickly and, to me, at the time they were vastly diffident
characters. It’s only in retrospect after some journalists have
pointed it out to me, they all havea strong moral center. I’ve done
the best in those roles and am proud of all of those films. They were
interesting characters, but I don’t want todo that anymore. The vein
has collapsed for the junkie; it’s not going to give anymore. So
fortunately I had Campbell Scott come along who so wanted me to do
that film and for many years was trying to get it financed.’
What She’d Like to Do Next: `I’d like to do more comedy. I had a great
time on `Upside of Anger.’ Many parts of it were great fun. I think
it’s cool when there’s actors who are couples that is somewhat
authentic, andthere was a mini version of that with me and Kevin
[Costner]. We were of similar age, trying to have an adult
relationship with all the baggage that goes along with it.’

Armenia to close only nuclear plant by 2016: deputy minister
.c The Associated Press
YEREVAN, Armenia (AP) – Armenia plans to close its only nuclear power
plant, which supplies nearly 40 percent of the country’s power, by
2016, Deputy Energy Minister Areg Galstyan said on Friday.
By this date, the impoverished Caucasus state aims to have developed
alternative electricity sources, he told reporters. However, the
deputy minister said that Armenia wanted to preserve its nuclear power
industry as it had experts in the sector and infrastructure.
The former Soviet republic has been under international pressure from
the European Union and others to shut the plant down due to safety
concerns; it was taken out of operation after a devastating 1988
earthquake.
In 1995, it returned to service amid a severe energy shortage. Armenia
has since resisted shutting down the plant, which has one working
Soviet-made reactor, fearing that alternative sources of power may be
hard to come by.
Armenian officials say the European Union is ready to provide up to
euro100 million (US$120 million) for Yerevan to close the plant.
However, building a new nuclear power plant could cost up to US$1
billion (euro1.2 billion), Armenian officials say.
06/24/05 15:09 EDT
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

TRANSPORT MINISTER: NEW ROAD IRAN-ARMENIA WILL NOT AFFECT SHIKAHOGH
FOREST RESERVE
YEREVAN, JUNE 25. ARMINFO. Robert Kocharyan has approved project of
construction of a new road to Iran passing by Shikahogh forest
preserve, Minister of Transport and Communication of Armenia Andranik
Manukyan told journalists today.
He says the length of the road will total 96 km. Which is by 7 km
longer, with the maximum height to be 2,160 meters as against 2,005
meters of the project via the reserve. However, comparing the new
project with the operative road to Iran, the minister pointed out the
preferential differences of the new one. In particular, the slope of
the new road will be an average of 5.8% against 8% of the operative
road with the maximum tilt being 8% against present 14%. The smaller
tilting will save $1.6 mln on fuel and $70,000 on exploitation. The
new road will have no serpentines and its width will be 6.6
meters. Its maximum load will be 80 tons against present 36
tons. Manukyan says that the construction has already been started and
the second road connecting Iran and Armenia – Kapan-
Tsap-Shvanidzor-Shishkert-Meghri will be put into exploitation in
2006. The cost of the project is 9.3 bln AMD will not be changed
seriously.
743 cars including 276 trucks pass via the Iran-Armenia road a
day. The new road will allow to enhance the traffic. “We have already
informed the Iranian Transport Ministry and they have welcomed the
news,” says Manukyan.
Commenting on alternative projects Manukyan says that 4 km of the
project p roposed by the Ecology Ministry and ecological NGOs ran via
the Shikahogh preserve. “Our project did not affect the preserve and
its approval is not anybody’s victory or defeat. Simply we found a
scenario considering strategic, economic, technical and ecological
interests at one and the same time,” says Manukyan. Nevertheless the
project running via Shikahogh was the best in technical-economic
terms. This project was approved as early as 1990 by 12 departments of
Armenian SSR.
To remind, 16 km of the Armenia-Iran road were to run via the
Shikahogh preserve – a circumstance causing protest of ecologists who
said that the project would destroy the preserve’s unique bio
diversity.

A1plus
| 17:07:59 | 24-06-2005 | Sports |
ONLY THE FIFTH
The European Chess Championship of women has just finished. In the
last round Elina Danielyan played draw with Katerina Lahno and took
the 5th place with 8.5 points.
Lilit Lazarian took the 9th place with 8 points. The winner was
Katerina Lahno from Ukraine.

NKR PRESIDENT RECEIVES PROGRAM DIRECTOR OF TUFEBKIAN BENEVOLENT FUND
(USA) ANDRANIK GASPARYAN
STEPANAKERT, June 24. /ARKA/. The President of Nagorno-Karabakh
Republic Arkady Ghukasyan received Andranik Gasparyan, the Director of
“Tufenkian Benevolent Fund” (USA) projects in Nagorno Karabakh.
According to the Chief Information Department adjunct to NKR
President, the interlocutors discussed issues of implementation of
benevolent programs funded by the Fund in NKR, as well as a number of
promising investment projects.
In his turn, Arkady Ghukasyan expressed appreciation to “Tufenkian
Benevolent Fund” of the rendered assistance and expressed readiness to
promote expansion of cooperation. L.V.-0–

BEATEN ARFD PARLIAETNARY CANDDIATE GIVES DETAILS OF HIS BEATING
STEPANAKERT, JUNE 24. ARMINFO. The ARFD parliamentary candidate Pavel
Manukyan beaten June 21 in the office of NKR DM Seyran Ohanyan has
been brought from the Stepanakert military hospital to Yerevan.
Giving the details of his beating Manukyan says that June 21 afternoon
he went home and received a phone call from some unknown person. 15
minutes later a young man knocked at his door and told him that NKR
Deputy Defence Minister Samvel Karapetyan was waiting for him. He got
into a black VAZ-2108. Karapetyan and Vardan Balayan joined him at the
corner. Karapetyan asked Manukyan what he meant by saying that “the
Karabakh generals smell of clay.” Manukyan said that he meant what
really was. Then the generals asked him to specify who smelled of
clay. Manukyan called Balayan and Movses Hakopyan because they did not
care for the blood shed for Karabakh and were speaking of concessions.
Then Manukyan was taken to the headquarters of the Defence Army to the
office of NKR DM Seyran Ohanyan. Hakobyan was also there. When
Manukyan said that the power no longer belonged to the people
Karapetyan hit him in the jaw and then in the belly. He sent him to
the ground and began hitting him with legs yelling: “Tell Grisha to
give me the mill and the bakery and I will give my uniform and the
whole army!” Then Ohanyan rushed on Manukyan with swearings against
him and his party.
Ohanyan and Karapetyan beat Manukyan till he began bleeding. Then
Ohanyan ordered the others to take him out of the office saying “you
smell of shit and you are telling us something?” Seeing that Manukyan
was in a critical state Ohanyan instructed to take him to the
hospital, bring to senses and then to bring back for “further
beating.”
Manukyan asked for water. Balayan brought one but spit into the glass
before giving it to Manukyan.
“I am not going to forgive this. One can no longer forgive such
things,” says Manukyan.