“Hraparak” newspaper writes:

“Although the new parliament has not been formed yet, they have started dividing positions within the CP. The first 30-35 numbers of the pre-election list will definitely be sent to the parliament, a hot battle is going on especially for the position of the president of the National Assembly.

CP believes that he is the “most worthy” candidate Hayk Konjoryan is Alen Simonyan should leave the post office. Although Ruben Rubinyan he also aspires to that position and has not “served” much, but in CP they believe that he has a conflicting temperament and cannot stay within the limits of correctness and communicate with everyone. Lilit Makuntsi the version has not come out completely, but they consider it unlikely.”

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These elections were really very important for the preservation of the Republic of Armenia as a national state.

In my opinion, Nikol Pashinyan resorted to many falsifications, pressures, used undisguised administrative resources, not to mention the support of geopolitical centers, and as a result, he did not lose, although he himself saw that he had serious problems with legitimacy. This person does not have a majority vote, especially with a high turnout. Even if we remove about 500 votes of the forces that obviously support him, it turns out that he is not able to get the majority vote in the atmosphere of actual fear and threat. The purpose of Nikol Pashinyan’s hatred, threats, disgusting words, immoral wording throughout his campaign was, on the one hand, to mobilize his electorate (which is around 20-25%) and on the other hand, to create a feeling of disgust for elections and politics among the majority of citizens, which would keep them away from the processes.

Nevertheless, the active public consolidation on the issue of participation confused Pashinyan’s plans, he realized by the end of the election day that the number of mandates between him and the opposition could be very close, so the process of bringing in soldiers started in the last hours, but not only.

Anyway, I want to say that long live all those people who went to the elections, they are not visible today, but they opened the way to remove Pashinyan, they showed the possibility of change. Pashinyan himself saw that the number of those who did not accept him, that is, the votes of the collective opposition, was much more, so he was rejected by the majority of voters. The fact that the existing system is designed for the rejected is another topic of conversation.

Now about the opposition. I am not a voter of the opposition that entered the parliament, I did not vote for them, I am not their ideological supporter, so it is dishonest for me to express an opinion whether it is worth taking a mandate or not. Let their voters say that. I have something else to say to the force I voted for. In fact, Arman Tatoyan, Hayk Marutyan, and to some extent, “I’m against everyone” sent very similar messages to the public, I personally know families where one voted for Tatoyan, another for Marutyan, and the third for BD.
Dear friends, you received 75,225 votes together, this is not a small number, if you had presented a united front, you would be in the parliament now, and many voters like me would have MPs expressing their vote. For example, the stated goals of “I’m against everyone” were reflected in Tatoyan’s program. Tatoyan also had Hayk Marutyan’s rejection of the false dilemma of Baku or Moscow. In other words, you, being very respected and understandable people from my side, could not sit at the same table and come to a compromise, while the policies and ideas you adopted have many like-minded people.

My public demand is from these forces, more specifically from Tatoyan, who gathered the most votes among them. try to ensure consolidation among those circles that are in favor of deepening relations with the West, not at the expense of confrontation with the Russian Federation, that are in favor of strengthening the army, that are not looking for masters abroad, but only supporters, that do not want to live under the dictates of Azerbaijan, that are intolerant of the fact that there may be an Armenian in prison in Baku, and many other issues. There is a place for that compromise and conversation, because it was not done before the elections, it should be done after the elections, because the extra-parliamentary opposition will play a very important role in the upcoming processes, and in the near future, Aliyev will continue to use Pashinyan to the maximum against the Armenian state and the Armenian people.

That fight continues, so it is necessary to learn from mistakes, accept them, correct them and move on. As Chief of Staff Vazgen Sargsyan would say: “You come and go, yours is to keep the heart of this country, the heart.” And the heart is kept by joint love and joint effort.

Azerbaijanologist Tatev Hayrapetyan

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The head of the Armed Forces General Staff announced in the National Assembly that he got emotional during the May 28 military parade.

I wonder if Asryan was moved during the Azeriization of Artsakh, when his boss declared Artsakh Azerbaijan, or did he think that Armenia was freed from the “leash”?

Is the Head of the General Staff excited about the military equipment and weapons handed over to Azerbaijan as spoils of the 44-day war and the September 2023 attack?

Does Asryan get excited when his political leader targets his subordinates with his statements, disrespects the memory of our martyrs, drags their parents?

Does Asryan roll his eyes when Pashinyan uses rude language towards his compatriots?

Does the head of the General Staff get excited when people remind him in his presence that Artsakh is Azerbaijan, and his service to Artsakh is not defense of the motherland, but service to the interests of another country?

The questions are many and the answers are predictable.

Tigran Abrahamyan, secretary of “I have an honor” faction

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Armenia and Azerbaijan have not yet completed the construction of the border fence in the territory of Nerkin Voskepar village of Tavush marz, RA. This was confirmed to Sputnik Armenia by the RA National Security Service.

“Corresponding works are being carried out in order to build barbed wire barriers in the border area of ​​Inner Voskepar with the coordinates mentioned in the survey,” the NSS informed.

On the map, the fence built as a result of demarcation near the villages of Baghanis and Voskepar is marked with a red line, and the section of several hundred meters where the fence has not yet been built is marked with orange. 

Dark brown marks the area that was controlled by the RA armed forces and which they ceded to Azerbaijan. The “neutral zone” or the section between the positions of the RA Armed Forces and the State Border Guard Service of Azerbaijan is marked in light brown, which also completely passed to Azerbaijan after demarcation.

The NSS has not clarified why the border fence has not been completed after the demarcation and demarcation that started in 2024 and until today.

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On June 7, a fight took place in Syunik region. 42-year-old Mher T., a resident of Syunik marz, contacted the police and reported that his neighbor Sako had beaten him.

As photojournalist Gagik Shamshyan reports, Mher T. informed the officers of the Goris police department that at around 03:30 a fellow villager, Sargis B., 30, met him in the area adjacent to the supermarket in Khndzoresk settlement and asked him why he had reported the previous incident to the police.

On the facts of the incident, documents were prepared in the Goris department of the police, which were transferred to the Goris investigative department of the Syunik Marz Investigation Department of the RA Investigative Committee.

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On June 9, at 12:00 p.m., the CECs will hold meetings with the agenda of applications for recounts, as well as drawing lots by the CECs for the purpose of recounting. The sessions will be broadcast on the CEC website in the CEC Sessions section.

According to the provisions of the Electoral Code, the recount work should start at 14:00 on June 9. Recounting works are carried out in CECs, with live broadcast on the CEC website. The sessions are open to those who can attend the CEC sessions. You must have with you the certificate certifying the right to attend the session, as well as an identity document.

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Thoughts out loud.

I have never considered myself to be the only correct opinion. But I want politics to really become a place for open conversation.

As an opposition voter, I think I have the right to ask these questions to the opposition. I think that no one can dispute that right.

It is natural that the first addressee of the questions is the “Strong Armenia” alliance, because they formed the highest expectations of victory, almost without discussing any other scenario. There was no open conversation with voters about what will happen in case of defeat (in case of a real defeat or a fake one), what steps are planned in case of various developments, and what political decisions can be made in this or that circumstance.

Contrary to many predictions, political comments, calculations and expectations, the “Armenia” bloc did its best to consolidate its electorate. The core of their political campaign was the mobilization of their own electorate, and they solved that problem in the most comprehensive way possible.

Regardless of everything, I think that all of us, as opposition voters, deserve to receive answers to a number of important questions. Moreover, for me at this moment it is even secondary what those answers will be. I am ready to respect any political decision if it is justified, logical and honestly presented to the voter.

Therefore, I would like to hear clear answers to the following questions.

1. If you claim that the election results were falsified, are you going to challenge those results in the Constitutional Court?

If so, what volume and nature of violations are we talking about? Are we talking about violations recorded in individual precincts, or violations that, in your opinion, affected the final result of the elections?

2. If you are going to appeal to the Constitutional Court, do you trust that court?

Let me remind you that for years the opposition itself claimed that the Constitutional Court was formed during the reign of the current authorities as a result of political interventions and controversial processes.

Therefore, the question is clear.

do you trust that court or not?

3. If you trust the Constitutional Court so much that you move the key stage of your political struggle there, are you ready to accept the decision of that court as well?

In particular, if the Constitutional Court decides that the results of the elections should remain valid and there are no sufficient grounds to declare them invalid, will you accept that decision?

Or is the decision of the Constitutional Court acceptable to you only if it meets your expectations?

4. If the Constitutional Court does not meet your demands and the election results remain valid, then what will the opposition do?

Are you going to the parliament?

5. If you decide to go to the parliament, why?

What is the political goal that can be achieved in the parliament and cannot be achieved outside the parliament?

6. If you decide not to go to the parliament, then why?

What is the plan for further action?

What political result do you expect to get from that decision?

7. If the parliament is the platform of the struggle, what tools are you going to use?

What are the mechanisms that, in your opinion, can provide a real political result?

8. What do you consider to be the most effective result of the opposition parliamentary activity of the last five years?

What is the specific political, legislative or public influence that shows that the parliamentary mandate can be an effective political tool?

It is often hinted that “this will go on until the end of the year” or else, that the current government will not stay in power for long, that the political situation may change dramatically within a year or two.

Is there such a calculation in the logic of keeping the mandates and staying in the parliament?

If there is, tell me.

If there is not, then why are these hints continuously circulating in the political field?

10. Are you sure of the political reliability and homogeneity of your lists? To be honest, I am not sure, I know there is a problem. But say this too. Let those who want to take the mandate speak.

These are not accusations. These are questions that you must answer. Not in the form of slogans, not in the form of emotions, not in the form of another “soon everything will change” formulation, but with a simple, understandable and justified political explanation. You say your reasoning, your idea. Don’t tell what Nicole will do or say. Or even if that is your argument, say it directly.

Because the voter not only votes, but also has the right to understand what they are going to do with the political mandate obtained by his vote.

P.S. I am ready to accept any point of view different from my personal opinion, just justify it normally. And it is enough to say the Constitution one way or another. First, I am not the author of this, secondly, this topic has nothing to do with the Constitution.

Former Minister of Justice, former Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly Arpine Hovhannisyan

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