This morning, searches were conducted in all offices of the “Strong Armenia” party in Artashat, some people were detained.

The sources of the law enforcement system “Hraparak” say that they were arrested for making promises of alleged “election bribes” and distributing election bribes.

Hasmik Amirzadyan is among those arrested. All are in the anti-corruption committee.

Updated
As part of the criminal proceedings under investigation by the Anti-Corruption Committee of Armenia, 14 persons were arrested on charges of giving and receiving election bribes. This was reported by the department.

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In the National Assembly, in the context of the Armenian-Azerbaijani negotiation process and discussions on the peace treaty, Nikol Pashinyan referred to the idea of ​​”renegotiation” voiced by the opposition, presenting it as a risky and uncertain step. “Who can prove that the document will become better as a result of renegotiation?” he declared, at the same time describing the opposition forces as a “three-headed war party”.

This questioning is based on obvious manipulation. The problem is not the idea of ​​renegotiation, but the fact that Pashinyan deliberately avoids discussing the content and risks of the process he is conducting. When “renegotiation” is presented as a threat, but the actual process is not held to the same critical standards, a one-sided agenda is formed, the goal of which is to limit public discussion.

The wording “three-headed war party” is a continuation of the same logic. This is a label that tends to present any alternative approach as dangerous and illegitimate. In this way, the government tries to close any meaningful discussion.

Against this background, it is important to clarify the position of the “Prosperous Armenia” party. PAP has repeatedly stated that Armenia will not abandon its international obligations if it comes to power. Therefore, Pashinyan’s “renegotiation = waiver of obligations” thesis is not only unfounded, but also a deliberate distortion.

The “Guaranteed Peace” model promoted by the “Offer to Armenia” program offers a qualitatively different approach. It is based on international mediation, established legal guarantees and effective control mechanisms. This approach implies that peace cannot be built on political statements alone. it should have institutional support and international guarantees.

Today there is an obvious power imbalance between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Under these conditions, the “peace” process without guarantees turns into a chain of one-sided concessions. This is where the main contradiction of the current policy is revealed. խաղաղության անվան տակ իրականացվում է գործընթաց, որը չի ապահովում այդ նույն խաղաղության կայունությունն ու անվտանգությունը։

Pashinyan tries to present “peace” as an unconditional value, ignoring its content. However, peace cannot be an end in itself if it does not guarantee the sovereignty, security and long-term stability of the state.

Therefore, the real dilemma is not the false dilemma “peace or war”. The real dilemma is:
an unsecured, vulnerable “peace”
or guaranteed, controllable and sustainable peace.

If this distinction is not placed in the center of the political agenda, the process will continue to develop according to the same logic, towards a creeping capitulation, the political responsibility of which is borne by the current government.

Political scientist Suren Surenyants

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The second president of RA, Robert Kocharyan, spoke about the unclear future of TRIPP during another podcast.

“Iran has felt its strength, its opportunity, and has shown that, yes, it is ready to fight for its statehood. Therefore, TRIPP is under a very big question mark and this war raised many, many more questions about that project,” said the former president.

To the observation that the propagandistic nail of Pashinyan’s government is exactly that project, Robert Kocharyan countered: that nail does not exist, it is bent.

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Today, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan participated in the solemn session of the collegium dedicated to the 108th anniversary of the Police at the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Before the session, Nikol Pashinyan and Minister of Internal Affairs Arpine Sargsyan laid flowers on the plaque placed in the courtyard of the Police building and paid tribute to the memory of the policemen who sacrificed their lives for the sake of the motherland.

At the session of the collegium, the Prime Minister delivered a speech, congratulated all the police officers on their anniversary, and thanked them for their service. Nikol Pashinyan noted that the police in our country has gone through various stages of establishment and development. “The police is the backbone of the state and that backbone should always be strong, it is in the interests of all citizens.”

Speaking about the stages of the establishment of the police system since independence, the head of the country emphasized that they were a turning point for maintaining and strengthening law and order. In this context, Nikol Pashinyan highlighted the importance of having a dynamically developing police system. “Basically, with our reforms, we are going that way, but when we started the reforms of the police sector, at that time it seemed from the realm of fantasy, when we thought that there would be a patrol police, completely equipped with new techniques, equipment, cars and so on.” Here, the Prime Minister emphasized that the reforms will be continuous, because life and perceptions are changing disproportionately fast and daily work should contain an element of reform. Nikol Pashinyan noted that this applies to equipment, legislation, uniforms, weapons, and regulations.

According to the Prime Minister, every official, every person has the scope of his responsibility and authority and it is extremely important that everyone feels personal responsibility within the scope of his functions. “But here is the next problem that we face and realize: the work of the police should be socially guaranteeing, because the work of the police is a very complex work, related to the life and safety of both the police officer and others. And we have to take all these factors into account. We are going in this direction and with this logic. I think that we have police in Armenia such traditions of activity that, based on these traditions, we can constantly ensure this change and strengthen, transform and constantly adapt the identity of the Police of the Republic of Armenia to modern requirements. In my opinion, we are moving in this direction,” the head of the country emphasized.

Continuing to talk about the importance of individual responsibility and leadership of a police officer, Nikol Pashinyan added: “All police officers must take leadership, because if a police officer is a rank-and-file, it does not mean that he is not a leader, because wearing a policeman’s uniform is a sign of leadership in his area of ​​responsibility, to his extent, and he should never think that others are exercising that leadership. Others, of course, implement it, but each to his own extent.” The Prime Minister emphasized that what he says for the police applies to all systems of state administration, because leadership is conceptually important from the point of view of reforms.

Summarizing the speech, the head of the country once again congratulated everyone on the occasion of Police Day, thanked for the services rendered to the Republic of Armenia. “I believe in you, I believe in your commitment, I believe in your professionalism, I believe in your potential, that you will be able to solve these problems and we will be able to make it so that not only the police in general, but every police officer is more professional, more responsible, more efficient than yesterday.”

On the occasion of Police Day, a group of employees of the RA Ministry of Internal Affairs were awarded a commemorative medal and a letter of thanks for their contribution to the protection of legality and public order, as well as for their dedication and high professional training while performing their official duties.

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The public dissatisfied with the authorities in Armenia is not homogeneous. Therefore, it is quite natural that the opposition field is also multi-layered. it allows you to work with voters with different views and avoid the primitive formula of “black and white” imposed by the government. About this VERELQin a conversation with the political commentator Hakob Badalyan, analyzing the current tactics of the Armenian opposition and the real chances of success in the upcoming elections.

It is discussed in the interview Սամվել Կարապետյանի to the factor as a new and influential player who, according to the analyst, significantly complicates the work of government propaganda with his socio-economic emphasis. Hakob Badalyan with conviction, despite a certain public apathy, the authorities’ noticeable anxiety and harsh rhetoric testify to a certain effectiveness of the opposition’s actions. The conversation about these and other issues of the opposition field’s tactics is below.

 Hakob Badalyan is in the photo, the source is 168.am

VERELQ. Mr. Badalyan, let’s talk about the latest developments and opportunities in the opposition field. Recently, some activity has been noticeable, especially after the rally initiated by businessman Samvel Karapetyan on April 11. In your opinion, what are the current processes in the opposition camp, what are the main directions, and do you see real chances that the opposition can win the upcoming elections?

Hakob Badalyan. From the point of view of the processes, the opposition seems to continue to work in several directions. Two or three main formats of guiding frameworks have been developed. It’s hard to say whether this was a pre-arranged tactic or it just happened that way, but given public sentiment, this is perhaps the most optimal option. The government’s response also testifies to that. For example: (Prime Minister of RA) Nikol Pashinyan tries to present all these forces as one common unit, force acting with one purpose and one package. This shows that the multi-branch format worries the government. From the government’s actions, it can be assumed that there is a certain effectiveness in the actions of the opposition, therefore, the opposition certainly has chances of success.

Another question is how that opportunity will be used. There are about two months left until the elections, and the government, in its turn, will try to neutralize the trump cards of the opposition.

VERELQ. Sociological polls also show that the protestant electorate is quite large, although at the moment some people are apathetic. Is it really possible for different echelons of the opposition to issue separate messages (Samvel Karapetyan, Robert Kocharyan, Gagik Tsarukyan) to activate people and satisfy their various expectations?

If the government switches to harsh methods, the use of legal mechanisms, or blackmail rhetoric (for example, the thesis that if they are not there, there will be a war), it means that they see the result of the widespread work of the opposition with the public. It is difficult to assess how effective it is. There are two means of measurement: the results of the elections, which are still two months away, and public opinion polls. However, I am skeptical about public opinion polls published in Armenia for the simple reason that the society itself does not trust them, and it is very relative whether the respondents answer honestly. The effectiveness is visible, but whether its dynamics and volume are sufficient for a high probability of success is still uncertain.

VERELQ. There are two main approaches to the tactics of the opposition’s struggle today. Some circles, in particular, the third Serzh Sargsyan’s political wing, suggest to everyone, especially the second president Robert Kocharyan, to withdraw from the election and create a polarized, “black and white” electoral environment, where the fight will be exclusively between Samvel Karapetyan and Nikol Pashinyan. They believe that in this way the people will make a clear choice in favor of the opposition. To what extent is this the right tactic, and does such extreme polarization actually increase the opposition’s chances?

Hakob Badalyan. I think that the image of our society is not at all “black and white”, and the opposition electorate is not homogeneous in its assessments. I don’t know what that suggestion is based on, maybe there are some in-depth studies, but I repeat, I am skeptical about this.

For example, a significant number of opposition-minded people may vote Samvel Karapetyan, but under no circumstances vote if he cooperates Robert Kocharyan with. Or on the contrary, there are people who trust Robert Kocharyan and will not vote for any other oppositionist if the latter withdraws his candidacy. The issue here is not only Karapetyan or Kocharyan. Today, in my opinion, the opposition electorate constitutes an overwhelming majority, but this majority differs in its attitude towards individual political forces. That is why artificial “black and white” is a non-working model. On the contrary, it is much more effective to provide a broad front in different formats to bring voters to polling stations.

It is no coincidence that it is Nikol Pashinyan who strives to get that “black and white” image. In that case, he will be able to use the still somewhat viable formula of “past-present”. If everyone unites and supports Samvel Karapetyan, a green way will be opened for Pashinyan to present him as the ambassador of the “formers”. Now Pashinyan cannot do this, because Karapetyan is not a “former” in the classical sense. although he worked with the previous authorities, he also worked with Nikol Pashinyan with the same success until the last years, when the politics of Armenia changed radically.

In addition, it is not possible to involve Karapetyan in the thesis of “looting”. The authorities are trying to make propaganda manipulations using the topic of Armenia’s electric grids, but it doesn’t work, because it is clear that he has accumulated his wealth in Russia. For any sane person, presenting him as a “robber of Armenia” cannot be convincing. But if the opposition unites around him with a single front, Pashinyan will get fertile ground to label him as a representative of “looters”.

VERELQ. Summarizing our conversation, I would like to ask you to highlight what are the main weaknesses and strengths of the opposition at this time, in the current election cycle.

Hakob Badalyan. The downside, in general, is the missed time. The conversation with the public with the logic and content, which is carried out only in recent months, should have started much earlier. For example, the parliamentary opposition wasted too much time on acting according to the logic of “black and white” confrontation, when it was obvious that it would have no other effect than to support Pashinyan’s positions. The loss of time is conventionally a weakness, because through consistent work it is possible to fill the gap, but it still makes itself felt.

As for the strengths, today the greatest advantage of the opposition in the collective sense is the involvement of a new player, Samvel Karapetyan. As I mentioned, this has created serious problems for Pashinyan in playing out his traditional formulas. This does not mean that the opposition will achieve guaranteed success thanks to this strong point, but it has indeed strengthened the positions of the opposition. It is especially important that Karapetyan does not touch on traditional, worn-out topics in his work with society, but emphasizes the socio-economic potential of the country, public solidarity and the logic of changing Armenia’s internal qualities. This, in my estimation, strengthens the opposition field in a collective sense, although naturally there are also many other factors that affect the general picture.

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