‘Hint of discontent’: Armenia’s foreign minister skips Antalya diplomatic for

JAM News
April 17 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Armenia is represented at the diplomatic forum in Antalya, held on 17–19 April, by Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan. Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan did not travel to Turkey.

For the first time since the Armenia–Turkey normalisation process began in 2022, Mirzoyan is not attending the forum. Armenia’s special envoy for normalisation with Turkey and Deputy Speaker of parliament Ruben Rubinyan, who attended in 2024 and 2025, also did not go to Antalya.

“I will not go to Antalya. I am not going to travel there every time,” Rubinyan told journalists.

Officials in Yerevan have not commented on the lower level of representation. However, experts say the Armenian side is signalling discontent. They link this to Turkey’s failure to implement agreements reached between the two countries. This includes opening the Armenia–Turkey border to third-country nationals and holders of diplomatic passports.

“If Turkey does not take this small step, what is there for the foreign minister to do there?” said Turkologist Nelli Minasyan.

She also says that Turkey’s president will not attend the European Political Community summit in Yerevan in May. Leaders from dozens of countries are expected to take part.

“They say [Foreign Minister Hakan] Fidan may come. But this is not a meeting of that level. The president’s participation is what matters,” Minasyan said.

Turkey officially recognised the Republic of Armenia in 1991. However, the two countries still have not established diplomatic relations. In 1993, Turkey closed its air and land borders with Armenia. The air border reopened in 1995, according to Armenia’s foreign ministry, “under pressure from the international community”.

Talks on normalising relations gained momentum after the second Nagorno-Karabakh war. The process continues in a bilateral format. Turkey also makes no secret of coordinating its position with Azerbaijan.

At the start of 2026, Armenian media reported that the border would open on 1 February to third-country nationals and diplomatic passport holders. Armenia and Turkey’s special envoys agreed on this step in July 2022. The agreement still has not been implemented.


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“The ball is not on our side”

Armenia’s special envoy Ruben Rubinyan recently commented on the normalisation process with Turkey. He said he sees some progress. He also stressed that the key agreement concerns opening the border to third-country nationals and holders of diplomatic passports.

“We have done everything we could. I mean the reconstruction of the Margara checkpoint on the Armenian side. The good news is that the Turkish side has started work this year to restore the Alican checkpoint. We are now waiting for the agreement to be implemented. In this respect, the ball is not on our side,” he said.

Context: what Armenia and Turkey’s envoys have agreed so far

In December 2021, Yerevan and Ankara announced their readiness to take steps towards normalising relations. They appointed Ruben Rubinyan and Serdar Kilic as special envoys to coordinate the process. Since 2022, the two have held six meetings. Four took place abroad, one at the Armenia–Turkey border, and the latest in Yerevan. After each meeting, both sides said they would continue dialogue without preconditions.

At a meeting in Yerevan in September 2025, the sides agreed to speed up implementation of an earlier deal reached in July 2022. This concerned opening the Armenia–Turkey border to third-country nationals and holders of diplomatic passports.

During their latest meetings, Rubinyan and Kilic also agreed to:

  • conduct technical studies to restore and relaunch the Gyumri–Kars railway and a power transmission line,
  • assess technical needs and ensure the operation of the Akhurik/Akyaka railway border crossing,
  • mutually simplify visa procedures for holders of diplomatic and service passports.

So far, only the agreement on simplifying visa procedures has been implemented.

Turkologist Nelli Minasyan welcomed Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan’s decision not to attend the forum in Antalya.

“The two countries reached agreements that the Turkish side has simply not implemented. There is no point for our foreign minister to travel there again,” she said.

In her view, Yerevan is using this move to signal its dissatisfaction.

Minasyan also argues that Ankara prioritises broader regional developments in its foreign policy. Issues related to the border with Armenia do not rank high on its agenda.

At the same time, she says unblocking infrastructure matters for Turkey as well. She does not rule out a shift in Ankara’s priorities once “the United States makes a final decision on TRIPP, and work and investment begin.”

The “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity” (TRIPP) is a transport corridor that will connect mainland Azerbaijan with its exclave of Nakhchivan. Armenia and Azerbaijan have agreed to unblock the route with the involvement of an Armenian–American consortium.

Nelli Minasyan suggests that the failure to implement the agreements stems from a lack of political will on Turkey’s part, as well as the Azerbaijani factor, meaning coordination of decisions on Armenia with Azerbaijan.

“In Azerbaijan, there are concerns that Armenia–Turkey relations could normalise more quickly, and that they could develop more naturally and positively across various issues,” the expert says.

In any case, she считает more realistic the prospect of normalisation with Yerevan after Armenia and Azerbaijan sign a peace treaty. According to her, Baku expects no progress in Armenia–Turkey normalisation before such an agreement is reached.

“Several months ago, Hakan Fidan set out Ankara’s official position: once the agreement is signed, the Armenia–Azerbaijan and Armenia–Turkey borders will open simultaneously. In my view, this is a realistic approach.”

Jerusalem and Armenian Patriarchates stress unity for the protection of Christ

Orthodox Times
April 17 2026

On April 16, 2026, during Bright Week, the Brotherhood of the Holy Sepulchre, led by Patriarch Theophilos III of Jerusalem, visited the Armenian Brotherhood at the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem on the occasion of their Paschal celebrations.

During the visit, Patriarch Theophilos III and Nourhan Manougian exchanged official greetings, emphasizing the importance of continued cooperation between the Churches.

In their remarks, both leaders highlighted the need for unity in addressing ongoing challenges, particularly in safeguarding the pilgrimage status of the Holy Places and ensuring the protection of Christians in the region. They stressed that collaboration among Christian communities remains essential for preserving their presence and rights in the Holy Land.

Special reference was made to the recent difficulties caused by war, which has temporarily subsided following a ceasefire. The Churches, they noted, continue to pray for the preservation of peace, drawing strength and hope from the light of the Risen Christ.

The meeting reaffirmed the shared commitment of the Christian Churches in Jerusalem to stand together in defense of their faithful and their sacred heritage.

Source: Patriarchate of Jerusalem

https://orthodoxtimes.com/jerusalem-and-armenian-patriarchates-stress-unity-for-the-protection-of-christians-in-the-holy-land/

Yerevan says release of Armenian prisoners key to ‘genuine reconciliation’ wit

OC Media
April 17 2026

Armenian Parliamentary Speaker Alen Simonyan has said that the release of Armenian detainees held in Azerbaijan and clarification of the fate of missing people should be achieved in order to ‘achieve genuine reconciliation’.

The remark was made at the Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) in Istanbul, Turkey.

Azerbaijan has officially acknowledged holding 19 Armenian detainees, including former political and military leaders of Nagorno-Karabakh, who are serving sentences on various charges.

Azerbaijan sentences most former Nagorno-Karabakh leaders to life in prison

In January, Azerbaijan handed over four Armenian prisoners. Following the release, Azerbaijani government sources communicated to pro-government media that there was ‘no possibility’ that former Nagorno-Karabakh leaders and ‘individuals who committed crimes against the Azerbaijani people’ would be released.

As for missing persons, Armenia has around 1,000 people unaccounted for since the conflict with Azerbaijan began in the late 1980s,, while Azerbaijan reports approximately 4,000 missing. In June 2025, Armenia and Azerbaijan’s commissions on missing persons held a meeting.

Simonyan’s Thursday speech focused heavily on the peace process, stating that ‘after decades of suspicion and ill will, a new era of confidence-building has dawned’ on Armenia and Azerbaijan.

He highlighted progress on regional connectivity, particularly the Trump Route (TRIPP), describing it as a ‘milestone’ with the ‘potential to promote stability, economic cooperation, and prosperity across the South Caucasus and beyond’.

Simonyan also pointed to the start of limited trade between Armenia and Azerbaijan in late 2025 — the first since the early 1990s — calling it an ‘encouraging sign of normalisation’.

Azerbaijan exports to Armenia reach $5.8 million as its Armenian imports barely hit $1,000

Referring to the Washington summit in August 2025, where a peace treaty was initialled and an agreement on the Trump Route was reached, Simonyan said that ‘peace has prevailed in our region, marking a truly monumental achievement’.

He added that Armenia’s vision ‘is grander’ and included inviting Turkey to take part in regional peace efforts.

‘To this end, we are eager to deepen our relationship with Türkiye’, Simonyan said.

Armenia and Turkey have been engaged in a renewed normalisation process since 2022, including meetings of special envoys on normalisation at their shared border and in their respective capitals. However, diplomatic relations have not yet been established, and the land border remains closed.

In 2022, the sides agreed to allow third-country nationals and diplomats to cross the land border, but Turkey has since stated progress in the Armenia–Azerbaijan peace process is a precondition for further achievements in the normalisation process with Armenia. Turkey originally closed the border in 1993 during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War.

Bloomberg: Turkey considering opening border with Armenia in ‘next six months’

This year, Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan and Special Envoy Ruben Rubinyan will sit out the Antalya Diplomacy Forum taking place 17-19 April, in which they have participated since 2022. Instead, Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan is expected to represent Armenia.

The Foreign Ministry has declined to comment on the decision in response to media inquiries. While Rubinyan, attending the forum in 2025, met his Turkish counterpart Serdar Kilic during the event.

On the sidelines of the IPU assembly, Simonyan also met with Azerbaijani Parliamentary Speaker Sahiba Gafarova. According to the Armenian readout, the sides ‘stressed the importance of continuing constructive parliamentary dialogue to further strengthen trust between the two societies’.

Turkish Press: Armenia says it is ready to open border with Türkiye, awaits An

Turkey Today
April 17 2026

Armenia says it is ready to open border with Türkiye, awaits Ankara’s move

Armenia is politically and technically ready to open its border with Türkiye at any time, Armenian Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan said, but added that the next step now depends on the Turkish side.

The normalization process between the two countries remains stalled on the ground despite recent diplomatic momentum.

Speaking to CNN TURK during the Antalya Diplomacy Forum, Kostanyan said the current focus is on the Alican border gate, while technical work also continues on reopening railway links between the two neighbors.

“We are politically and technically ready to open the border at any moment,” Kostanyan said. “However, I think this question should be directed to the Turkish side.”

Kostanyan said Armenia and Türkiye had already agreed since 2022 to open the border for diplomatic passport holders and third-country nationals, and that both sides had repeatedly reaffirmed that understanding.

He said Armenia now expects those agreements to be implemented in practice.

Armenia says normalization progress hasn’t yet changed ground reality

Kostanyan said Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s official visit to Türkiye on June 20 gave new momentum to the relationship.

He described it as a historic visit and said it was the first official prime minister-level visit from Armenia to Türkiye with a bilateral agenda since Armenia’s independence.

But he said that despite that political progress, the situation on the ground in Armenia-Türkiye relations remains unchanged.

“Unfortunately, Armenia-Türkiye relations on the ground are still in the same condition as one, two, three years ago,” he said.

He said Türkiye’s completion of infrastructure work had been important, but added that Armenia is now waiting for implementation in the field.

Alican border gate prioritized as railway work continues

Asked whether Alican and Akyaka could open at the same time, Kostanyan said the current discussion is focused on Alican.

He added that technical experts from both sides met last year to discuss the possibility of reopening railway links, and that expert groups are continuing their work and are expected to meet again in the near future.

Kostanyan said the worsening regional security environment should serve as an added motivation for Armenia and Türkiye to open the border.

“This should strengthen stability in the region,” he said.

He also noted that the border, closed since 1993, has occasionally opened for humanitarian purposes, including after the earthquake, when it was used for search and rescue teams and aid deliveries to Türkiye and Syria.

He said the border has too often opened only in times of crisis and argued that it should be fully open in times of prosperity as well.

Iran war and Hormuz crisis raise urgency of border opening

Kostanyan linked the importance of the Armenia-Türkiye border directly to the regional fallout from the war involving Iran.

He said Armenia has not yet faced major immediate difficulties because of the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz and the U.S. blockade, despite its large trade volume with Iran.

But he warned that over the longer term, the consequences could affect the whole region, including both Armenia and Türkiye.

“For this reason, in this context, the opening of the border between Armenia and Türkiye is very important,” he said. “This could be an important gain for both countries and a very important factor for stability not only in the South Caucasus but in the wider region.”

Asked about Iran’s warning that it could halt maritime trade in the Gulf and Red Sea if the blockade continues, Kostanyan said such developments would create turbulence not only for the region but on a global scale.

He said Armenia hopes negotiations between the parties will produce positive results.

Armenia says diplomacy is only way forward

Addressing the broader regional crisis, Kostanyan emphasized that stability remains critical for Armenia’s national interests.

He characterized the United States as a strategic partner while identifying Iran as another vital collaborator for the nation. Regarding ongoing regional tensions, Kostanyan expressed Armenia’s hope that all parties can reach a final agreement, maintaining that diplomacy is the sole path forward.

“We believe that the only way to overcome differences is through a diplomatic solution,” he affirmed. He further noted that Armenia appreciates international efforts to bring opposing sides together to seek resolutions for long-standing and complex issues.

Border opening seen as economic and logistics opportunity

Kostanyan said direct trade, tourism and connectivity could create major opportunities for the region.

He said new economic and logistical networks stretching between Europe, Central Asia and China could be important for regional development.

He also referred to the project he called TRIPP, or “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity,” saying that agreed terminology should be preserved.

According to Kostanyan, the agreements reached in Washington on Aug. 8 are important and backed by the U.S., and all sides need to remain committed to that peace declaration.

He said the two key elements of that declaration are inclusiveness and preserving the agreed terminology.

Armenia says no legal obstacle to peace deal with Azerbaijan

Turning to Armenia-Azerbaijan relations, Kostanyan said he sees no legal obstacle to signing the agreed peace treaty between the two countries.

He said constitutional questions are an internal Armenian matter.

“Since 2018, discussions on a new constitution have continued, and the government plans to publish the draft text soon,” he said.

He also said the upcoming June 7 parliamentary election in Armenia will be the first election held in a period of peace with Azerbaijan, and described that as notable given the deterioration in the wider regional security environment.

Kostanyan said relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan are moving in a positive direction and that the calm border carries symbolic and practical importance.

He also said it was meaningful that the foreign ministers of the two countries reaffirmed their commitment to peace when the developments around Iran began.

Armenia says transport opening already agreed

On the issue of the Zangezur corridor, which he referred to by its new name, the “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity,” Kostanyan said he does not view it as a demand because an agreement had already been reached on Aug. 8.

He said both Armenia and Azerbaijan attach great importance to reopening communication lines and that the process is drawing interest from Türkiye, the broader region and global actors.

He added that Armenia is working with the United States on implementation and said a joint Armenian-American initiative is planned.

According to Kostanyan, the implementation framework was adopted on Jan. 13, feasibility studies are underway, a U.S. company has taken on the process, financing work is continuing, and presentations for international investors are expected soon.

Armenia says it is ready for diplomatic ties and ambassadors

Asked when diplomatic relations with Türkiye would be formally established and when ambassadors might be appointed, Kostanyan said Armenia is ready.

He said if the matter depended only on Armenia, the process could have been completed even yesterday.

“If it depended only on Armenia, this process could have been completed even yesterday,” he said.

He added that Armenia is determined to achieve full normalization with Türkiye and said that many names would be ready to seek an ambassadorial role once diplomatic relations are established.

For now, he said, normalization must move forward as a two-sided process.

https://www.turkiyetoday.com/region/armenia-says-it-is-ready-to-open-border-with-turkiye-awaits-ankaras-move-3218272

Russian Nuclear Staff From Iran’s Bushehr Plant Return Home Via Armenia

Eurasia Review
April 17 2026

By PanARMENIAN

A group of employees from Iran’s Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant returned to Russia via Armenia as part of an ongoing evacuation effort, according to the Russian Embassy in Armenia.

On April 15, another 94 Russian citizens were evacuated through Armenian territory.

They arrived in Armenia from Iran via the Norduz–Agarak border crossing and then departed for their homeland, the embassy said.

Along with the Russian citizens, Belarusian nationals were also evacuated and flew from Yerevan to Moscow on a special flight.

“We thank the authorities of the Republic of Armenia for their prompt response and assistance in organizing the comfortable transit of Rosatom State Corporation employees,” the statement said.

Earlier, 175 Russian employees of the Bushehr nuclear power plant had already been evacuated through Armenia.

Armenian Prime Minister Talks Up Relations With Russia


RUSSIA’S PIVOT TO ASIA
April 17 2026

Published on April 17, 2026

Armenia and Russia have reached strategic agreements to develop cooperation in various fields, the Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has stated, saying “My last visit to Moscow (April 1) was very successful. We had very lengthy and detailed discussions and reached strategic agreements to develop cooperation in very different areas, whose results all of us will see soon.” He was addressing the Armenian Parliament on Wednesday (April 15).

He stated that relations between Armenia and Russia are at the highest level, as they have never been before, adding “Look at the dynamics of the meetings between the leaders of Armenia and Russia and compare them to previous periods. I am in full-scale working contact with both the Russian president and prime minister, which imparts a special meaning to these contacts. Armenia has not argued, is not arguing, and will not argue with Russia. Any attempts to entangle us in a confrontation with Russia, whether economic or political, will fail. We are guided by our country’s interests, and it is in our country’s interests to maintain good relations with Russia.”

Armenia is looking for Russian investment to boost its nuclear energy sector, while bilateral trade has been somewhat erratic, mainly due to the threat of secondary sanctions on Yerevan. However, Moscow remains Yerevan’s principal trading and investment partner, accounting for over 37% of Armenia’s exports in 2025, with cooperation concentrated in consumer goods, food production, and key industrial sectors. Bilateral trade reached US$6.4 billion last year.

Türkiye-Armenia Border Reopening: A Turning Point For The South Caucasus

EurasiaNet
April 17 2026

A partner post from the Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst.

Alpaslan Özerdem Apr 17, 2026

After more than three decades of closure, the Türkiye-Armenia border may soon reopen. A string of recent developments, including the launch of Turkish Airlines flights to Yerevan, agreements to simplify visa procedures, and moves toward direct land trade, suggest that normalization is shifting from cautious diplomacy toward practical implementation. If it does, it would mark one of the most consequential geopolitical shifts in the South Caucasus since the end of the Cold War. Yet reopening the border will require careful political management. Without it, renewed contact could generate friction rather than stability.

BACKGROUND:

The land border between Türkiye and Armenia has been closed since 1993. Ankara shut the crossing in solidarity with Azerbaijan during the first war over Nagorno-Karabakh. Since then, the border has symbolized one of the most enduring geopolitical divides in the region. For communities on both sides, the closure produced long-term economic and social consequences. Armenia’s access to regional markets has remained constrained, while eastern Turkish border regions have also faced limited cross-border economic opportunities.

Regional dynamics began shifting after the 2020 war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which altered the political balance in the South Caucasus and created new incentives for diplomatic engagement. In the aftermath of the war, Ankara and Yerevan appointed special envoys in 2021 to explore the possibility of restoring diplomatic relations and reopening the border.

Since then, negotiations have progressed slowly but steadily. Several confidence-building measures have been agreed and some already implemented. These include agreements allowing third-country citizens to cross the border, the resumption of direct flights between Istanbul and Yerevan, and discussions on facilitating trade and travel. In early 2026, the pace of normalization accelerated visibly. In March, Turkish Airlines launched regular scheduled flights on the Istanbul-Yerevan route. The two governments agreed to simplify visa procedures, and reports emerged that direct land trade between Türkiye and Armenia would begin as part of a broader US-led Caucasus peace push. Last December Bloomberg reported that Ankara was weighing a full reopening of the border within six months, while senior Turkish officials publicly expressed optimism, stating that they hoped “everything develops quickly.”

Physical preparations also indicate growing readiness. Armenia has renovated the Margara checkpoint on its side of the border, declaring the facility technically ready for operation. Türkiye has likewise upgraded infrastructure at the Alican crossing. These preparations suggest that the technical conditions for reopening could be met relatively quickly if political decisions align.

Still, reopening the border remains politically sensitive. For Türkiye, the process remains closely linked to the broader relationship between Armenia and Azerbaijan, particularly negotiations over a comprehensive peace agreement following the collapse of the self-declared Nagorno-Karabakh authorities in 2023. Since last August, when the two countries signed several accords at the White House, Baku and Yerevan have taken a number of steps forward, including facilitating transit trade to Armenia through Azerbaijan and Armenia’s recent agreement with the United States on the TRIPP transit route, which will facilitate the operation of a transit route between Azerbaijan and its enclave of Nakhchivan in southern Armenia. These are promising steps, but a final peace agreement is still pending, which Türkiye must take into consideration.

Ankara has long coordinated its approach toward Armenia with Baku. Turkish policymakers have repeatedly emphasized that normalization should not undermine Azerbaijan’s strategic interests, and progress in Türkiye-Armenia relations has often moved in parallel with developments in Armenia-Azerbaijan negotiations. How close are the parties to a final agreement on the border? The string of practical steps in early 2026 suggests the process has crossed a threshold from symbolic confidence-building to operational preparation. Yet the absence of a finalized Armenia-Azerbaijan peace deal means that Ankara retains a political brake on the timeline. A stall or deterioration in those talks could slow or freeze the border track; conversely, a breakthrough could accelerate it rapidly.

Domestic political considerations also matter. In Armenia, normalization with Türkiye remains controversial for segments of society deeply affected by historical grievances, and the issue will feature in the country’s upcoming June parliamentary elections. In Türkiye, policymakers must balance diplomatic engagement with Armenia against their longstanding strategic partnership with Azerbaijan.

IMPLICATIONS:

If and when the border reopens, the effects will extend well beyond bilateral relations. Armenia has long depended on limited transit routes through Georgia and Iran to access external markets. Opening the Turkish border would provide an alternative corridor, linking Armenia more directly to European and Middle Eastern trade networks. It would also reinforce Türkiye’s role as a regional connector between the South Caucasus and broader Eurasian markets. In this context, reopening the border aligns with wider connectivity initiatives such as the Middle Corridor, which aims to strengthen east-west trade routes across the region.

Russia’s influence in the South Caucasus has weakened since the start of the war in Ukraine and the collapse of its peacekeeping mission in Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023. As Moscow’s role recedes, regional actors are increasingly seeking alternative economic and diplomatic partnerships. In parallel, instability in the Middle East, including conflict involving Iran, has heightened uncertainty along key transit routes. For Armenia, which has relied on access through Iranian territory, reopening the Turkish border would reduce dependence on a single corridor and provide greater strategic flexibility.

On the other hand, the expansion of trade and transit routes associated with reopening the Türkiye-Armenia border could deepen regional interdependence and, in turn, support longer-term peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Durable reconciliation rarely rests on diplomatic agreements alone; it often emerges when economic cooperation and shared interests make renewed conflict increasingly costly. Expanded trade, transportation links, and cross-border mobility can help create these incentives by encouraging regional actors to view cooperation not as a concession but as mutual gain.

At the local level, decades of closure have left many towns near the frontier economically stagnant. Renewed cross-border access could stimulate transportation links, tourism, and commercial exchange. Armenian producers would gain easier access to Turkish markets, while Turkish businesses could expand trade with Armenia and potentially beyond. However, regions that have been economically isolated for decades may struggle to adjust quickly to new competitive pressures, and if cross-border trade develops unevenly, local communities could perceive the reopening as disruptive rather than beneficial.

The practical challenges of reopening should not be underestimated. Local authorities, customs agencies, border police, and regulatory bodies on both sides have never previously operated together. Communities along the frontier have lived in close geographical proximity but political separation for decades. In the Armenian village of Margara, residents have long lived within sight of the Turkish side of the river without direct contact. Renewed engagement may generate economic and cultural exchange, but it could also expose differences in administrative practices, expectations, and social attitudes that will require careful management on both sides.

CONCLUSIONS:

The reopening of the Türkiye-Armenia border represents more than a bilateral diplomatic milestone. It reflects a broader transformation in the political landscape of the South Caucasus. The rapid accumulation of practical steps in early 2026, from flights to visa agreements to land trade, indicates that the process has moved beyond the realm of aspirational diplomacy. Yet the outcome is not guaranteed. The process remains closely linked to developments in Armenia-Azerbaijan relations, domestic political considerations in both countries, and evolving regional geopolitics. Whether Ankara ultimately opens the border before or after a finalized Armenia-Azerbaijan peace deal will be a critical signal of how much Türkiye is willing to decouple the two tracks. Whether the border ultimately becomes a bridge between the two societies or simply another contested frontier will depend on how effectively these challenges are addressed not only in the coming months, but in the longer term.

 

This article was originally published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst and is reprinted under a partner post arrangement with Eurasianet.

Alpaslan Özerdem is Dean of the Carter School for Peace and Conflict Resolution at George Mason University. Olesya Vartanyan is a conflict analyst specializing in South Caucasus security and peace processes and a PhD student at George Mason University.

How Russia Is Meddling in Armenia’s Upcoming Elections

The National Interest
April 17 2026
How Russia Is Meddling in Armenia’s Upcoming Elections
By: Joseph Epstein

Moscow is looking to block US progress in creating a Caucasian trade corridor.

The war with Iran has consumed Washington’s bandwidth for the last month and a half. But the conflict has distracted from more than Ukraine. In the South Caucasus, Russian President Vladimir Putin is waging a quiet campaign to reverse one of the Trump administration’s signature foreign policy achievements—the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace deal—and doing so on the cheap.

The centerpiece of that deal is the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP). This transit corridor would link Azerbaijan to its exclave, Nakhchivan, through Armenian territory and open a land bridge from Central Asia to global markets, bypassing both Russia and Iran. TRIPP is more than infrastructure. It is America’s foothold in the South Caucasus and the key to unlocking Central Asia’s vast rare-earth reserves—resources essential for smartphones, electric vehicles, and advanced weapons systems—at a moment when the United States relies on China for roughly 70 percent of those critical imports.

Armenia holds parliamentary elections on June 7. The vote is a referendum not just on Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s government but on the country’s geopolitical orientation—West or Russia, peace or managed conflict. If TRIPP becomes reality, Russia loses its chokehold on Caucasus trade routes and its leverage over two former colonies.

The campaign is brazen. At an April 1 meeting in Moscow, Putin personally lobbied Pashinyan to allow dual Russian-Armenian citizens to run in the election—a pointed reference to Samvel Karapetyan, the Russia-based billionaire funding the opposition “Strong Armenia” party, under house arrest on money laundering charges and allegations of plotting a coup. Putin added, with undisguised menace, that Russia has “many friends in Armenia—many.” 

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov subsequently declared that Moscow “reserves the right” to discuss Armenia’s elections, as though the internal affairs of a sovereign nation were a matter for Russian approval. Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Overchuk warned that Armenia is approaching a “point of no return” and threatened to restructure economic relations—bureaucratic language for punishment.

The threats are already being carried out. Moscow has reportedly banned enterprises and cultural organizations linked to the Pashinyan government from operating in Russia. Armenian agricultural exports face escalating restrictions—dairy bans, broader import curbs, and a devastating blow to the flower trade. Russia withheld millions in prepaid arms deliveries. Karapetyan—from house arrest—warns Armenians that electing Pashinyan means “poverty and enmity with Russia,” while promising that his party will “befriend all countries.”

One detail has gone largely unnoticed. As one Armenian parliamentarian recently observed, Armenians in Russia are now the only group in the entire country permitted to hold public demonstrations—and only when Armenian officials visit, and only against them. That Moscow organizes and permits these protests while crushing all other forms of public dissent tells you everything.

But the most dangerous weapon in Moscow’s arsenal is information warfare. Russian-aligned disinformation targeting Armenia has surged since late 2025, according to local fact-checkers. The playbook is familiar from Moldova, Romania, and the United States itself: cloned websites mimicking legitimate media, coordinated social media amplification, and anonymous Telegram channels pumping out fabricated stories.

The narratives exploit sensitive domestic issues: allegations of secret territorial concessions, claims that Western countries are conducting experiments on Armenian citizens, and friction between the government and the Armenian Apostolic Church. Church leaders accused by dissidents of maintaining ties to Russian intelligence have turned against the government, providing the Kremlin with an institutional lever that mirrors the role of the Moscow-aligned Orthodox Church in pre-war Ukraine.

Karapetyan, for his part, has retained the lobbyist Robert Amsterdam, whose previous client was Vadim Novinsky—the pro-Kremlin Ukrainian oligarch. That the same operative who championed Russian interests in Kyiv is now working on behalf of Putin’s preferred candidate in Yerevan ought to raise alarms. Meanwhile, Tucker Carlson—who has a well-documented record of amplifying Kremlin narratives—has lent his platform to anti-Pashinyan voices whose messaging dovetails neatly with Moscow’s line on Armenia. The effect is a pincer that squeezes the Armenian government from every direction.

As Pashinyan himself has warned, if a Kremlin-backed candidate wins in June, the peace process with Azerbaijan collapses. A pro-Russian government in Yerevan would revive the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict as a tool of leverage—exactly as Moscow did for three decades, playing both sides to keep them dependent and divided. TRIPP dies. And with it dies American access to the Middle Corridor.

The Iran conflict provides the opening. With Tehran weakened and the broader Middle East in flux, the South Caucasus matters more, not less.

First, Washington should publicly reaffirm support for Pashinyan. Visible diplomatic backing raises the cost of Russian interference. When the EU’s enlargement commissioner visited Yerevan, pledged €140 million, and affirmed support for Armenia’s integration into the Trans-Caspian transport corridor, it sent a signal. The United States should send a louder one.

Second, invest now. Armenia’s budding AI sector and its educated, English-speaking workforce make it a natural candidate for American technology partnerships. Investment announcements before the election would show Armenian voters that the Western path delivers tangible benefits, not just promises.

Third, accelerate TRIPP. Moving the corridor from the conceptual phase to the construction phase demonstrates that the peace dividend is real. Every month of delay is a month Moscow can use to convince Armenians that the West offers nothing but words.

Russia’s hybrid warfare against Armenia is not a sideshow. It is a direct assault on an American-brokered peace deal, on a transit corridor vital to US supply chains, and on the sovereignty of a nation trying to chart its own course. If the administration looks away from the South Caucasus for two more months, it may find that Putin has already won.

Joseph Epstein is the director of the Turan Research Center, a senior fellow at the Yorktown Institute, an expert at the N7 Foundation, and a research fellow at the Begin Sadat Center for Strategic Studies at Bar Ilan University. He also sits on the advisory board of the Alekain Foundation, a nonprofit dedicated to providing education to women and girls in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. He specializes in Eurasia and the Middle East, and his work has been featured in various outlets such as NewsweekThe Wall Street JournalThe Hill, the Atlantic Council, Novaya GazetaRFE/RLForeign Policy, and others.


How Armenian heritage shaped Sev Ohanian’s path to Hollywood

KTLA5, Los Angeles
April 16 2026

How Armenian heritage shaped Sev Ohanian’s path to Hollywood

by: Jacqueline Sarkissian, Marc Sternfield

During Armenian Heritage Month, KTLA is spotlighting local voices making a global impact. That includes Sev Ohanian, the award-winning producer behind Sinners, the four-time Oscar-winning film with deep roots right here in Southern California.

For Sev Ohanian, storytelling started at home.

“My mom would take me to the library every week, and my dad would take me to Blockbuster Video every week, and that really instilled in me the love of storytelling,” Ohanian told KTLA.

But growing up Armenian American, Ohanian wasn’t always sure Hollywood was a realistic path. He says there weren’t many role models he could point to, and for a long time, he thought about pursuing an entirely different career.

“I generally wasn’t sure if I could do it growing up just as an Armenian American immigrant,” he said. “There wasn’t a lot of examples, at least that I knew of, of other Armenians doing this kind of thing. So, for a long time, I thought of pursuing another career path, which was journalism, believe it or not.”

That uncertainty shifted in college, when a few homemade videos about his family found an audience online.

“I started making YouTube videos poking fun of my Armenian parents and culture out of love,” Ohanian said. “And when those videos started getting a big following, it really empowered me to start making films for real.”

From the very beginning, Ohanian says his community was part of the journey, from casting friends to using local spaces, to premiering his first film for Armenian audiences.

“Those two identities of mine, filmmaker and Armenian American, are 100 percent linked and one in the same for me,” he said.

When asked about his biggest influence, Ohanian didn’t hesitate.

“I would say my father, Suren Ohanian,” he said. “He immigrated to this country in his 30s. Classic American dream story, coming with very little and over the course of the past few decades, building a lot. In addition to my mom, who happened to do the exact same thing right by his side.”

When Ohanian screened his first film, his parents were right there helping make it happen.

“My mom sewed the screen herself,” he said. “My dad built the scaffolding. To me, that was a very physical representation of how much of themselves they were investing in me and my dreams. Like so many Armenians, I owe everything to them.”

Now more than a decade into his career, Ohanian is a well-established screenwriter and producer, and the founder of Proximity Media. He works closely with director Ryan Coogler and Coogler’s wife, producer Zinzi Coogler.

Together, they brought the Oscar-winning film Sinners to life, a project that exceeded every expectation.

“I’d be lying if I said that I did, or any of us did,” Ohanian said, when asked if they anticipated the film’s success. “At no point did we ever think about awards. At no point did we think about box office success. And then when the awards happened, I don’t know if I’ve ever processed it fully. It’s beyond anything we ever imagined.”

Ohanian says when he first read the script for Sinners, he connected deeply to his Armenian heritage, seeing joy and strength in the face of hardship.

“What makes me feel most proud to be Armenian right now,” he said, “is the resilience of Armenians. Not just Armenian Americans, but Armenians everywhere. We’ve had a challenging couple years, and beyond the obstacles we’ve faced as a people, you cannot deny there’s a real resilience.”

“So, to me, the power of our small people is exactly what this is,” he added. “Finding ways to support each other in what we do.”

Ohanian says success doesn’t come from Hollywood connections alone, but from community. When one person succeeds, everyone succeeds. And now, he’s focused on bringing even more Armenian stories to the screen, on an even larger scale.

Armenia named Destination of the Year 2026 at Nicosia ceremony

Cyprus Mail
April 16 2026

Armenia was formally named “Destination of the Year 2026” during an award ceremony in Nicosia, with officials highlighting its cultural heritage and growing appeal among Cypriot travellers.

The event, held at the Pharos Arts Foundation on Ermou Street, was organised in cooperation with the Cyprus Travel Writers and Journalists Society and brought together diplomats, tourism professionals, media representatives and industry stakeholders.

Announcing the award, society president Phivos Nicolaides said “we proudly name Armenia as the travel destination of the year”, citing its “rich cultural heritage and beautiful landscape that leaves a lasting impression on any traveller”.

He described the country as “the first Christian nation, with thousands of years of civilisation”, and pointed to its “exceptional food and deeply rooted traditions”.

Armenia’s ambassador to Cyprus, Inna Torgomyan, accepted the distinction, describing it as “a joy and a privilege” and an opportunity to further promote the country internationally.

She said that while there is “a large Armenian diaspora in Cyprus”, Armenia itself “remains somewhat under the radar as a holiday destination”, adding that the initiative aims to raise its profile.

Torgomyan also pointed to improving accessibility, noting that “direct flights between Larnaca and Yerevan at very affordable rates” are now available.

“We hope to promote Armenia more actively to Cypriot travellers,” she said, highlighting its “vibrant cities, rich history and a unique cultural heritage”.

She added that “relations between Armenia and Cyprus are exceptional”, linking increased tourism interest to broader cultural and historical ties.

“There is a clear and increasing interest from Cyprus to visit Armenia,” she said.

The event included presentations showcasing Armenia’s historical landmarks, tourism offerings and travel experiences through visual material, alongside remarks emphasising the importance of strengthening bilateral cooperation in tourism.

A cultural programme featured a musical performance by Cypriot Armenian artist Hovig, followed by a reception where guests sampled traditional Armenian cuisine, wines and spirits.

A presentation by Maze Trade introduced a selection of Armenian beverages available in Cyprus.

Organisers said the award forms part of ongoing efforts to promote destinations of cultural significance while encouraging informed travel.

The selection of Armenia was presented as recognition of both its heritage and its increasing visibility within the regional tourism market.