WCC remembers 111th anniversary of Armenian Genocide, lifts prayers for healin

World Council of Churches
April 23 2026

World Council of Churches (WCC) general secretary Rev. Prof. Dr Jerry Pillay, on the occasion of the 111th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, joined Armenians around the world, and especially the Armenian Apostolic Church, in solemn remembrance and prayer.

“We mourn the lives lost, the communities destroyed, and the enduring pain carried across generations,” said Pillay. This commemoration is not only an act of memory, but also a call to conscience, reminding the global community of the urgent responsibility to uphold human dignity, truth, and justice.”

Pillay also recalled with deep concern the forced displacement and suffering of Armenians from Artsakh/Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023, which resulted in the mass exodus of an entire population from their ancestral homeland. The World Council of Churches stands in solidarity with all those affected, lifting prayers for healing, protection, and the restoration of rights and dignity,” said Pillay. At the same time, we welcome ongoing efforts toward dialogue and peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan.”

Pillay emphasized that a just and lasting peace must be grounded in full respect for international law, including the right of displaced people to return safely and with dignity, the protection of religious and cultural heritage, and the safeguarding of fundamental human rights. We also call for the release of all remaining prisoners held in Azerbaijan,” he said. Peace must be built on justice, truth, and accountability to be sustainable.”

Pillay reaffirmed the WCCs commitment to walk alongside the Armenian people and its member church, bearing witness to their suffering and hope. “We pray for reconciliation, for truth to prevail, and for a future where such tragedies are never repeated,” he concluded.

In remembrance and hope: WCC statement on the 111th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide

In remembrance and hope: WCC statement on the 111th anniversary of the Armenia

World Council of Churches
April 23 2026

On the occasion of the 111th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, the World Council of Churches joins Armenians around the world, and especially the Armenian Apostolic Church, in solemn remembrance and prayer.

We mourn the lives lost, the communities destroyed, and the enduring pain carried across generations. This commemoration is not only an act of memory, but also a call to conscience, reminding the global community of the urgent responsibility to uphold human dignity, truth, and justice.

In this spirit, we also recall with deep concern the forced displacement and suffering of Armenians from Artsakh/Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023, which resulted in the mass exodus of an entire population from their ancestral homeland. The World Council of Churches stands in solidarity with all those affected, lifting prayers for healing, protection, and the restoration of rights and dignity.

At the same time, we welcome ongoing efforts toward dialogue and peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan. We emphasize that a just and lasting peace must be grounded in full respect for international law, including the right of displaced people to return safely and with dignity, the protection of religious and cultural heritage, and the safeguarding of fundamental human rights. We also call for the release of all remaining prisoners held in Azerbaijan. Peace must be built on justice, truth, and accountability to be sustainable.

In this time of remembrance, the World Council of Churches reaffirms its commitment to walk alongside the Armenian people and its member church, bearing witness to their suffering and hope. We pray for reconciliation, for truth to prevail, and for a future where such tragedies are never repeated.

Prayer
“Out of the depths I cry to you, O Lord.
Lord, hear my voice;
let your ears be attentive
to the voice of my supplication.
I wait for the Lord, my soul waits,
and in his word I hope.” (cf. Psalm 130)

May God grant peace, justice, and comfort to all.

Rev. Prof. Dr Jerry Pillay
General Secretary
World Council of Churches


Satellite imagery suggests Stepanakert’s main church destroyed by Azerbaijan

OC Media
April 23 2026

Satellite imagery analysis has suggested that Azerbaijan destroyed the Holy Mother of God Cathedral, the main Armenian church in Stepanakert. The church was the largest among Armenian churches in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Armenian investigative outlet Hetq was among the first to verify reports of the church’s demolition circulating online. Images taken by the European Sentinel-2 satellite as of 2 April showed ‘the white paving stones surrounding the Mother Cathedral, but not the church itself’.

The church was still standing as of 3 March, Hetq said, publishing supporting imagery.

Construction of the church began in 2006; it was consecrated in April 2019. Located in central Stepanakert, it served as the region’s primary church, and was also used as a shelter during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020 and during subsequent escalations with Azerbaijan, providing refuge from Azerbaijani air strikes.

Earlier in April, it was reported that another church in Stepanakert, Surb Hakob, built in 2007, was also destroyed.

RFE/RL has failed to get any comment from Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry regarding the reported demolition. Instead Azerbaijani pro-government media outlet APA published a lengthy piece on Wednesday pointing at Armenia’s ‘responsibility for acts of vandalism against Azerbaijan’s religious monuments’ in Nagorno-Karabakh and beyond. APA has further claimed that Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh appropriated religious sites in the region.

The demolition of the church has been widely criticised in Armenia, with Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians and government critics blaming Armenian authorities for failing to ensure the preservation of the region’s cultural heritage.

The Artsakh Union, an non-governmental organisation focused on the protection of the rights and interests of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians, urged Yerevan to ‘reconsider its encouraging inaction and rhetoric’.

The union allegedly was referring to a remark offered by Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan during an 18 April press briefing when asked to comment on the reports of the church’s destruction.

‘My concern is the historical and cultural monuments located in the territory of Armenia’, Pashinyan said, adding that they had tripled the funding for their restoration.

On Thursday, when asked about the same issue, Pashinyan said his government was currently obtaining complete information and expressed their reluctance to make the destruction ‘a subject of international discussions at the state level’.

‘On such issues, especially at this stage, one must be prudent, because they are a double-edged sword’, Pashinyan said.

He earlier stressed the importance of stopping mutual recriminations amidst peace efforts.

Pashinyan’s calls for end to ‘mirrored’ genocide accusations appear to go unheard in Azerbaijan

Stepanakert and other areas in Nagorno-Karabakh have undergone major changes since Azerbaijan took full control over the region in September 2023 following a lightning offensive that forced the vast majority of Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenians into exile.

Azerbaijani authorities often state that some buildings were constructed ‘illegally’ and were therefore subject to demolition. However, alongside newer structures, centuries-old sites have also been affected.

The damaged and destroyed cultural heritage sites include centuries-old spiritual sites and cemeteries, residential quarters in Stepanakert dating back to the 19th and 20th centuries, former government buildings, and entire villages, in addition to property owned by Armenians before their exodus.

In 2022, Azerbaijan’s then-Culture Minister Anar Karimov, citing a fringe historical theory, threatened to destroy Armenian inscriptions on religious monuments throughout territories Azerbaijan retook in the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War.

Azerbaijan reportedly destroys Armenian church in Shusha

For ease of reading, we choose not to use qualifiers such as ‘de facto’, ‘unrecognised’, or ‘partially recognised’ when discussing institutions or political positions within Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and South Ossetia. This does not imply a position on their status.


Fwd: They justified that defeat by saying that it was necessary to save Armenia. Raff

They justified that defeat by saying that it was necessary to save Armenia

“Heritage spared no effort to have a big consolidation solution, which should have been a big alliance. That’s why we worked with different forces, also with the representatives of Mr. Karapetyan, which would be a great united force, of which “Heritage” would be a part,” Raffi Hovhannisyan, the founder of the “Heritage” party, said in a conversation with “A1”, referring to the efforts to unify the opposition.

Along with other parties, “Heritage” was also negotiating with Samvel Karapetyan’s “Strong Armenia” party to create a pre-election alliance. But that consolidation did not happen. And a few days ago, “Heritage” announced that it simply supports “Strong Armenia”, but will not participate in the elections.

According to the presentation of the founder of “Heritage”, they proposed their formula for success and victory, which had a value, program and ideological basis, but at the end of the discussions, they did not come to a common denominator. And according to his presentation, perhaps as a result of various measurements or studies, they changed their mind and decided to go with a “smaller, technical alliance”. And in his words, gathered around Samvel Karapetyan, “the movement with a national perspective became partisan.”

“And “Heritage”, coming to the harsh reality that there may be polling of votes, decided to support the movement gathered around Karapetyan. We strived for great unity, which would increase the probability of winning, of success, we did not make additional demands, that changed. But “Heritage” was not offended by that,” added Raffi Hovhannisyan.

Details in the video.


Fwd: On June 8, we will celebrate the start of our revival. Raffi Hovhannisyan

On June 8, we will celebrate the start of our revival

During the interview
Raffi Hovhannisyan spoke about the decision not to participate in the upcoming parliamentary elections.
about their probable outcome and other issues. He specifically noted: “It is also important that the policy
that will come to replace today’s politics, be Armenian-centric. regardless of
where did Mr. Karapetyan earn his wealth or where did his charity come from?
(in Armenia and Artsakh he did a huge amount of charity), regardless of the fact that he
In addition to being a citizen of the Republic of Armenia, he was also a citizen of another country (as I was an American and came to Armenia).
we should be able, as individuals, leaders, oppositionists, to be Armenian-centric
in our approaches. We should do everything so that this election does not turn into a geopolitical dilemma
question One is pro-European, the other is pro-Russian.
That “pro-Russianism”, in my opinion, should leave the vocabulary of the opposition, and “Westernism”, i.e. the European Union
becoming a member…
I can say one thing: Armenia under this government
will never become a member of the European Union or bearer of its true values. This power
can show itself closer to Russia, now it is the European direction
trying to serve the people, but here there is no connection between civilization and European
with values»:

 

Details here.


Pashinyan confirms reconciliation with long-time partner Anna Hakobyan

OC Media
April 23 2026

Nikol Pashinyan has confirmed he and his long-time partner Anna Hakobyan have reconciled, months after she publicly announced their separation.

Speaking at a press briefing, Pashinyan said he had actively worked toward the reconciliation after Hakobyan’s announcement in February 2026.

He told the reporters that when the statement was made by Hakobyan, he said that he  ‘respects that decision’, but did not say that he was ‘at peace’ with it.

‘And, naturally, with that logic, I also made efforts to ensure that the event you are referring to would take place, and I am glad that it is happening, and I am glad that I now have another chance for our family to remain together.’

The prime minister’s comments came days after the couple was seen in Gyumri, Armenia’s second-largest city, on 19 April walking and drinking coffee together, after Hakobyan took part in Pashinyan’s motorcade. The visit was tied to the opening of the Ashtrak–Gyumri section of the North-South highway, and included a pre-election concert organised by Armenia’s ruling Civil Contract party, which also saw Pashinyan playing drums.

Before Gyumri, Hakobyan was also spotted passing behind Pashinyan in one of his social media videos at the prime minister’s residence.

Hakobyan and Pashinyan had been in a common-law relationship for nearly 30 years. The couple were never legally married, though Hakobyan was widely referred to as the prime minister Pashinyan’s wife. The couple have four children.

Hakobyan had announced the end of their relationship in a video she published on Facebook in February, saying only that the matter was not open for discussion and that she would be moving out of the prime minister’s official residence. She did not give a reason for the split.

At the time, Pashinyan released a short statement saying he respected her decision, and apologised for ‘any pain’ he may have caused her over their 30 years together.

Hakobyan, who serves as editor-in-chief of the newspaper Armenian Times and as executive director of the education-focused My Step foundation, had been a prominent public figure in her own right throughout Pashinyan’s tenure in office.

When she announced the separation in February, Hakobyan acknowledged that she could face criminal prosecution over her work at My Step, amid questions about whether the foundation’s provision of free English classes during the pre-election period had violated Armenia’s campaign laws.

At the time of her announcement, some analysts suggested the split may have been a political manoeuvre ahead of elections, and that a reconciliation was possible.

Russia claims EU accession could cost Armenia ‘23% of GDP’

OC Media
April 23 2026

The Deputy Secretary of Russia’s Security Council, Aleksei Shevtsov, has warned that Armenia’s potential accession to the EU could come at a steep economic cost of  ‘approximately 23% of its GDP’. This appears to be the latest warning in a series of similar messages from Moscow to Yerevan against its EU bid.

Shevtsov elaborated that the figure was based on the ‘most conservative estimates’. He continued by outlining a bleak economic outlook, predicting a 22.6-percentage-point rise in inflation alongside a ‘significant decline in living standards’.

‘Further increases in energy prices, including natural gas, are expected’, Shevtsov said, according to TASS.

His remarks echo recent discussions about a possible rise in Russian gas prices for Armenia following talks between Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Russian President Vladimir Putin in early April.

During the talks, Putin underscored the impossibility of being in a customs union with both the EU and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), while also highlighting Armenia’s significant discount on Russian energy purchases.

‘The price of gas in Europe exceeds $600 per 1000 cubic metres, and Russia sells gas to Armenia for $177.5 per 1000 cubic metres’, Putin said.

Despite Moscow’s warnings, Yerevan has signalled it may leave Russian-led economic and security blocs in the event of a gas price increase, though officials have stated that such a scenario would be unlikely.

Yerevan threatens to leave Russia-led blocs in latest diplomatic row with Moscow

Armenia adopted a law in March 2025 calling on the government to seek EU integration. No accession bid has been submitted, however Armenia has, at the highest level, announced its readiness to be closer to the EU ‘as much as the EU considers it possible’.

During his April meeting with Putin, Pashinyan acknowledged the constraints that membership in two opposing economic blocs would bring, saying: ‘What we are doing and the agenda that we have are, at least for the moment, compatible’.

‘When the processes reach the point where it will be necessary to make a decision, I am sure that we, I mean the citizens of Armenia, will make that decision’, Pashinyan said at the time.

Putin and Pashinyan hold contentious talks in Moscow

In his recent comments, Shevtsov also warned that EU accession could lead to the introduction of visa regimes with Russia and Iran, from where Armenia gets most of its tourist flows, potentially impacting tourism in the country, which he noted ‘accounts for approximately 13.5% of Armenia’s GDP’.

These statements come as Armenia gears up for parliamentary elections in June and as Russia appears to be exerting economic pressure on Armenia following the tense meeting between Pashinyan and Putin in Moscow.

Russia has already announced ‘stricter requirements’ on the import of Armenian products and reopened a criminal case regarding the Armenian major mineral water producer Jermuk.

In turn, Russian–Armenian tycoon Samvel Karapetyan, whose Strong Armenia Alliance of Parties is expected, according to public polls, to be the main challenger to Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party in the upcoming elections and is widely viewed as a pro-Russian force, warned of an ‘economic war’ with Russia if the current government remains in power.

Pashinyan accuses Karapetyan and others of being ‘foreign agents’

During their latest meeting, Pashinyan and Putin failed to reach an agreement on the future of Armenia’s railway system, which has been under Russian management since a 30-year concession deal signed in 2008.

Armenia has argued that the current arrangement undermines its ‘competitive advantage’ as a regional transit route and has proposed transferring the concession to a third party. Shevtsov, on Wednesday, called Armenia’s proposal as ‘strange, to say the least’.

PM: Talks held on defense cooperation with Armenian minister

1TV, Georgia
April 23 2026
PM: Talks held on defense cooperation with Armenian minister

Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze has responded on the social network X regarding his meeting with Armenian Defense Minister Suren Papikyan.

According to the Prime Minister, the meeting focused on strengthening cooperation between Georgia and Armenia in the defense sector.

“Met with H.E. Suren Papikyan, Minister of Defence of the Republic of Armenia. We discussed advancing Georgia-Armenia defense cooperation and exchanged views on the evolving regional security environment,” Kobakhidze stated.

Qamishlo commemorates Armenian Genocide 111th anniversary, draws parallels wit

Kurdish Press, Syria
April 23 2026

A lecture organized by the Armenian Social Council in cooperation with the Armenian Union Party, commemorating the 111th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, highlighted the massacres and forced displacement which Armenians were exposed to at the hands of the Ottoman state, a systematic extermination that targeted their existence and identity, noting that what happened in history bears similarities to what the world is witnessing today in terms of conflicts that are planned and target other peoples.

The Armenian Social Council, in cooperation with the Armenian Union Party, organized a lecture on Thursday at al-Qira’a (The Reading) Park in Qamishlo to commemorate the 111th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, remember the victims, and highlight the historical and humanitarian dimensions of this tragedy.

The event was attended by representatives of the Autonomous Administration institutions, as well as religious, community, and cultural figures from various components; Yazidis, Muslims, and Christians.

The lecture comprised three main axes; the first of which presented by Hanna Soumi; the researcher specializing at indigenous peoples’ affairs, addressed the massacres and genocides perpetrated against Armenians at the Ottomans’ hands, reviewing the historical background and humanitarian consequences. The second axis focused on agreements related to Armenia, while the third one explored the commonalities among peoples who have suffered genocide, emphasizing the nature of the threats these peoples have faced throughout history.

In his lecture, Hanna Soumi addressed a number of historical issues related to the Armenian genocide, and recalled the genocide during the Ottoman era, saying, “The Ottomans exterminated more than a million Armenians with a Turanian mentality.” He pointed out that the Ottoman project was an Islamist political project, and the massacres began from 1877 until 1908. Then, preparations were made for another phase of genocide during the Young Turk Movement between 1908 and 1918, followed by a third phase that culminated in the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, which eliminated what remained of the Armenians’ rights. The Kurds were also affected, considering that these events are linked to Islamist political thought, which led to the fragmentation of peoples.

Soumi stated that the Russian Empire, as an Orthodox Tsarist state, sympathized with the Armenians, adding that it had managed to enter Armenian territories, particularly Western Armenia, which comprised six provinces. He noted that these regions were granted to the Armenians under the Treaty of San Stefano, signed on March 3, 1878, which granted them rights related to the six provinces. This was later amended in the Berlin Treaty on July 13, which, affirmed in Articles 16 and 61 the guarantee of Armenian rights and the implementation of reforms in the Armenian regions.

He pointed out that the Ottoman authorities under Sultan Abdel Hamid II did not accept these reforms and began neglecting these regions, arresting and killing Armenians. He noted that the Armenians responded with the Sassoun Uprising of 1894, led by Armenian political parties against the Ottoman rule, and that this uprising contributed to strengthening Armenian national identity.

He noted that during that period, the Hamidiye Brigades were formed, comprising groups of devout Sunni Kurds alongside some aghas (local leaders), where religious and nationalist factors intertwined, and they raised the banner of jihad as guardians of the Islamic empire against the Armenians.

Soumi pointed out that the Sassoun events continued until 1896, resulting, according to him, in the deaths of approximately 30,000 Armenians. He also mentioned another uprising in Sassoun in 1904, during which Armenians were subjected to further massacres in that region and other Armenian areas.

He pointed out that during that period, the “Hamidiye Brigades” were formed, comprising groups of devout Sunni Kurds alongside some aghas (local notables), as religion and nationalism intertwined in this movement, which raised the banner of jihad as guardians of the Islamic empire against the Armenians.

Soumi pointed out that the Sassoun events continued until 1896, resulting, according to him, in the killing of approximately 30,000 Armenians. He also mentioned another uprising in Sassoun in 1904, during which Armenians were subjected to further massacres in that region and other Armenian areas.

Soumi made clear that coordination later took place between the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun) and secular parties, with the aim of working to change the Ottoman system and establish a democratic system that included all peoples.

He addressed the Turanian ideology, pointing to what he described as the role of various groups during that historical period, and scattered historical events dating back to the late 19th century, including the convening of the First Zionist Congress in Basel in 1897.

He explained that preparations for the genocide took place through closed meetings to discuss mechanisms for ending the Armenian presence, which at the time numbered approximately three and a half million according to Ottoman state archives. He added that the Armenian elite in Istanbul was targeted, with hundreds arrested and subsequently executed.

He further stated that the killings directly targeted males, and that orders were issued by Ottoman leaders, including Talaat Pasha, to carry out widespread killings and deportations, including forced displacement towards areas in Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Iraq. He also spoke of the widespread violations that accompanied those operations.

He stated that “April 23, 1915, marked a turning point in these events, initiating the mass deportations and the accompanying human tragedies.” Eastern Anatolia was completely emptied of Armenians, and then, according to the narrative, a second phase began between 1916 and 1918, involving investigations and trials, as those responsible for these crimes were pursued, while some fled Turkey.

Soumi highlighted the crimes committed against the Armenians, which claimed the lives of over a million Armenians, who were brutally murdered during the Armenian Genocide. This genocide began primarily in 1915, and its repercussions, including killings and deportations, continued until 1923.

He noted that the deportations took place in convoys towards areas such as Deir ez-Zor, where Armenians endured harsh humanitarian conditions. Soumi also pointed out that the suffering of the Armenians continued in later phases, referring to the events in Nagorno-Karabakh, and asserting that “history is repeating itself” through Erdogan’s use of mercenaries; the Hamzat and Amshat in some recent conflicts.

At the end of the lecture, the researcher Hanna Soumi highlighted the stances of some peoples, noting that Kurdish and Yazidi figures and groups contributed to protecting Armenians and saving thousands of them, such as the Yazidi leader Hamo Sherro, in remarkable humanitarian acts that emerged during those bloody massacres perpetrated against the Armenians.

ANHA

https://hawarnews.com/en/qamishlo-commemorates-armenian-genocide-111th-anniversary-draws-parallels-with-present

Opinion: Is Azerbaijan to blame for the delay in normalising relations between

JAM News
April 23 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Baku

Armenia’s parliamentary speaker Alen Simonyan told journalists in Istanbul that Azerbaijan is influencing the pace of efforts to normalise relations between Turkey and Armenia.

“On the one hand, Azerbaijan is negotiating with us; on the other, it does not allow Turkey to negotiate with us. It is a strange situation. Turkey has, in a way, become a hostage to these relations,” Simonyan said.

He added that earlier there had been talk of reopening the border after resolving the Karabakh issue, followed by a focus on an Armenian-Azerbaijani peace agreement. Despite reaching consensus on 17 points, this has not translated into practical results.

The remarks drew particular attention as they came shortly after Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said at the Antalya Diplomacy Forum that Ankara is pursuing normalisation with Armenia “step by step in coordination with Azerbaijan”.

This apparent contradiction underscores the relevance of the issue: while Ankara and Yerevan have kept channels of normalisation open since 2022, Turkey’s leadership has openly linked the process to the Armenian-Azerbaijani peace agenda.

Simonyan’s statement therefore goes beyond a political remark, once again raising the question of how closely the two parallel processes — Turkey-Armenia rapprochement and the Armenian-Azerbaijani settlement — are interconnected.

Historical and political context

The historical background is clear. Turkey recognised the independence of Armenia in 1991, but diplomatic relations between the two have never been established.

According to Turkey’s foreign ministry, Ankara closed its land border with Armenia in 1993 following the occupation of Azerbaijan’s Kalbajar district.

Armenia’s foreign ministry also notes that Turkey shut both air and land borders in 1993, although air links were partially restored in 1995.

The closure of the border has therefore been shaped not only by bilateral tensions between Ankara and Yerevan, but also by the wider regional dynamics of the Karabakh conflict.

In recent years, this alignment has taken on a more institutional form. The Shusha Declaration, signed in 2021, elevated relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey to the level of an “alliance”, formalising the principle of “one nation — two states” as the political foundation of their ties.

Analytical assessments also suggest that the main obstacles to normalisation between Ankara and Yerevan over the decades have been the Karabakh conflict and the strategic coordination between Baku and Ankara. In other words, Turkey’s position is shaped less by pressure from lobbying groups and more by interests in energy, security, transport and regional influence.

From this perspective, Turkey’s solidarity with Azerbaijan is not simply an emotional slogan, but part of a broader geopolitical choice.

Assessing Simonyan’s claims

The facts suggest that Alen Simonyan’s argument contains an element of truth, but does not capture the full picture.

As part of the current normalisation process, launched in late 2021, special envoys Ruben Rubinyan and Serdar Kılıç have held six rounds of talks. On 1 July 2022, the sides agreed to open the land border to third-country nationals and diplomats.

Direct flights resumed in February 2022, and direct cargo flights have been permitted since early 2023. On 29 December 2025, an agreement was announced to simplify visa procedures for holders of diplomatic, service and special passports, which, according to the Armenian side, entered into force on 1 January 2026.

Official statements from both sides emphasise the goal of full normalisation and a willingness to engage without preconditions.

At the same time, Turkey has explicitly linked meaningful progress to the signing of a peace agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

In August 2025, Turkey’s foreign ministry welcomed progress in the Armenian-Azerbaijani peace process and voiced support for “brotherly Azerbaijan”. In November, Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan told parliament that Turkey would be ready for full normalisation with Armenia only after a final peace agreement is signed.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan reiterated this position on 17 April in Antalya, stating that normalisation is proceeding “in coordination with Azerbaijan”.

Simonyan’s reference to an “Azerbaijan factor” is therefore not without basis. However, portraying it solely as an obstacle imposed by Baku would be an oversimplification, as Turkey has consistently framed this sequencing as part of its official policy.

Moreover, although a 17-point draft agreement was initialled on 8 August 2025 in Washington, D.C., a final peace deal has yet to be signed, due to issues related to Armenia’s constitution and other unresolved questions.

Reactions in Azerbaijan

The dominant line of reaction in Azerbaijan can be summed up as follows: Ankara does not act under Baku’s dictate on the Armenian track, but rather in close strategic coordination with it.

In an article by Caliber.az, Alen Simonyan’s remarks are criticised in a polemical tone. The publication argues that Turkey sees the opening of the border not as a result of being a “hostage”, but as a step that can only follow a final settlement, based on principles of brotherhood and alliance with Azerbaijan.

The same article cites a statement by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Antalya as a key argument. This reflects a broader trend in pro-government analytical discourse in Azerbaijan: Turkey pursues an independent policy, but its regional priorities are closely aligned with Baku.

In this context, media narratives also point to the continued open coordination between the two sides.

Regional context

Alen Simonyan’s remarks are difficult to assess in isolation from the Antalya Diplomacy Forum. At the forum, held on 17–19 April, Armenia was not represented by Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan or special envoy Ruben Rubinyan, but by Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan.

This marked the first time since 2022 that Yerevan participated in the Antalya platform at a lower level.

The Armenian side has not officially explained the decision, but experts quoted by JamNews interpret it as a signal of dissatisfaction with Turkey over the lack of progress on previously agreed steps, including the opening of the border.

At the same time, Kostanyan met his Turkish counterpart Berris Ekinci in Antalya and told CNN Türk that Armenia is ready to open the border both politically and technically, while further progress now depends on Ankara. This suggests that dialogue remains open, even as rhetoric has hardened.

Domestic political timing is also a key factor. Parliamentary elections in Armenia are scheduled for 7 June 2026, and both the OSCE and regional analysts see them as critical for the country’s foreign policy trajectory.

Azerbaijani political analyst Farhad Mammadov noted in March that the election results, as well as a possible constitutional referendum in Armenia, could significantly affect the peace agenda. In this context, Simonyan’s sharper rhetoric may also be aimed at a domestic audience — signalling that the government remains committed to normalisation with Turkey, while avoiding the appearance of unilateral concessions.

Meanwhile, in Istanbul, Numan Kurtulmuş floated the idea of involving Armenia in the Turkey–Azerbaijan–Georgia format. This indicates that trilateral or broader regional frameworks remain open and could expand further if a peace agreement is reached.