Armenian Central Electoral Commission chief meets IFES President

Politics16:59, 27 April 2026
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International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) President Anthony Banbury and representatives of the organization’s Armenian office met on April 27 with Vahagn Hovakimyan, Chairman of the Central Electoral Commission (CEC).

The Armenian CEC said in a press release that Banbury and Hovakimyan discussed cooperation between the two bodies and highlighted the continuity of ongoing joint projects.

Attention was also given to preparations for the upcoming general and local self-government elections.

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Armenia’s ‘Generation AI’ school programme graduates first cohort

Education19:38, 27 April 2026
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The first cohort of students has graduated from Armenia’s “Generation AI” school programme, marking the completion of its initial phase.

Armenpress reports that the initiative is implemented jointly by the Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sport and the Foundation for Armenian Science and Technology (FAST). It is considered one of the first programmes globally to provide advanced artificial intelligence education within the general school system.

The graduation ceremony was held in Yerevan.

Deputy Education Minister Araksia Svajyan said the programme is particularly significant given the challenges facing modern education and the rapid development of artificial intelligence.

“This is an innovative programme that has received recognition on international platforms,” she said, noting that it recently won a second-place prize at a competition in the United States. She added that the initiative helps public school graduates become more competitive.

Svajyan said the programme will continue, with the pilot phase now completed. The ministry has already expanded the number of participating schools, aiming to increase them to 45 and broaden geographical coverage. She added that students from senior schools in major communities who are interested in studying artificial intelligence in depth will be able to join the programme.

FAST Chief Executive Officer Suzanna Shamakhyan said the organisation has worked with the ministry for years on various educational initiatives before launching this joint programme.

“At a certain point, we decided to implement a joint project in general education, because many issues stem from unequal access to quality education, particularly in regional schools where students often lack strong mathematics training,” she said. 

“We are a key partner in implementing this programme, developing its core content together with the ministry. In essence, this is part of a broader educational reform.”

Shamakhyan said one of the programme’s main strengths is that it enables specialised, advanced training to be delivered within general education schools, bringing it closer to the level of dedicated institutions and making it competitive both in Armenia and internationally. 

She added that the programme has already received awards and provides students with opportunities to participate in international competitions. 

During the event, 207 graduates from 14 high schools across seven regions received certificates after completing the full “Generation AI” course.

Published by Armenpress, original at 

Armenia sees EU membership bid as a strategic direction, says deputy foreign m

Politics20:45, 27 April 2026
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Armenia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan has addressed the state of Armenia-EU relations and the outlook for their development, speaking at a panel discussion titled “The EU as a Strategic Partner: Perspectives from Eastern Europe, South Caucasus and Central Asia” at the World Policy Conference.The panel also brought together Lasha Darsalia, Deputy Foreign Minister of Georgia; Dmytro Kuleba, former Foreign Minister of Ukraine; and Roman Vassilenko, Kazakhstan’s Ambassador to the EU, NATO, Belgium and Luxembourg.

Kostanyan opened by noting that the world has changed considerably in recent years, producing a more complex environment in which traditional approaches no longer always hold.

“Today, many things have changed. We are apparently living through extraordinary times — and while that was also true two years ago, the situation today is even more complicated, which means conventional approaches do not always work,” he said, stressing the need for unconventional solutions.

Turning to Armenia-EU relations, he highlighted the law passed by the Armenian parliament last March, formally initiating the EU membership process — describing it as one of the most significant steps on Armenia’s EU aspirations track.

“This is a clear political statement about where Armenia’s government and people see themselves in the future,” he said.

He was quick to add, however, that Yerevan holds no illusions about the timeline.

“We are not naive enough to think that Armenia will become an EU member state in 2028 or 2030. This is nonetheless a political declaration that signals the direction in which we are working,” he said.

Kostanyan described the process as setting a new and ambitious reform agenda aligned with European standards. He also noted that Armenia is currently the only country in the world with which the European Union is conducting a visa liberalisation dialogue.

He further highlighted the Armenia-EU Strategic Partnership Agenda, adopted last December, which he said establishes a clear framework and roadmap for cooperation — for the first time incorporating security and economic dimensions, going beyond the scope of the 2017 CEPA agreement.

“As our European partners like to say, Armenia-EU relations have never been closer,” Kostanyan said, adding that this is not the final destination and that further milestones lie ahead. He also announced that the first-ever Armenia-EU summit will be held in Yerevan on 5 May, immediately following the European Political Community Summit, which Armenia is also hosting.Kostanyan acknowledged a structural tension in the relationship, observing that European bureaucracy sometimes struggles to keep pace with the rapidly shifting geopolitical landscape in the region.

“Sometimes we are slowly rushing — but we must make sure we are not falling behind,” he said, echoing a point raised in conversation with Georgian Deputy Foreign Minister Darsalia.

He also argued that the concept of the “European Neighbourhood” is in need of reinterpretation. When the Eastern Partnership was established, he noted, the South Caucasus marked the eastern boundary of that neighbourhood. Today, he said, that boundary must extend further.

“A strategic European neighbourhood cannot exclude Central Asia,” Kostanyan said, adding that the three South Caucasus countries now play a vital role in connecting Central Asia with the European Union.

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Published by Armenpress, original at 

Armenpress: TRIPP not just Azerbaijan-Nakhchivan link but strategic regional p

Politics22:15, 27 April 2026
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Armenia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan has pushed back on the characterisation of the TRIPP project as simply a connectivity link between Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan, describing it as a far broader strategic undertaking – and one in which Armenia has full ownership.

Speaking at the World Policy Conference, Kostanyan said the framing of Armenia as merely “supporting” the project did not accurately reflect the agreements reached in Washington.

“Supporting the TRIPP project is perhaps not the most precise way to describe what was agreed in Washington – firstly, because TRIPP is a project of which Armenia has full ownership, and secondly, because we ourselves are deeply interested in opening communications across the region,” he said.

He outlined a vision that extends well beyond a single transit corridor.

“TRIPP is not simply about connecting mainland Azerbaijan with Nakhchivan. It is a far larger and more strategic project – one aimed at linking Central Asia with Europe, and at building a framework of reciprocal benefits,” Kostanyan said.

He stressed that the unblocking of communications would bring tangible benefits for Armenia itself, allowing the country’s southern regions to connect with its northern regions via the Nakhchivan railway. More broadly, he said, the process would open an East-West corridor and link the Gulf with the Black Sea – a development he described as a game-changer for the entire region.

Kostanyan said Armenia is actively engaged in discussions with American partners on establishing an Armenian-American joint venture to implement the project. He added that work has already moved beyond the feasibility stage.

“We have already begun not only the feasibility study, but the actual opening of communications in the region,” he said, pointing to a concrete precedent: since 8 August, Armenia has been importing grain from Kazakhstan using the Azerbaijani and Georgian rail networks. He described this as a compelling example of how regional cooperation can function in practice — and how building interdependencies can strengthen stability and peace.

Turning to Armenia-Azerbaijan relations, Kostanyan said both countries’ leaders have repeatedly affirmed that peace has already been established between them.

“What we are engaged in now, we prefer to call peace institutionalisation – taking further steps to build economic ties between our two countries,” he said.

On the economic front, he noted that direct bilateral trade is already under way, with Armenia importing fuel from Azerbaijan. He added that the two sides have identified what Armenia will export to Azerbaijan in the near future.

Kostanyan also highlighted progress on people-to-people contacts, noting that civil society representatives from both countries are meeting – not only abroad, but inside Armenia and Azerbaijan themselves.

He pointed to a new trilateral consultation format established with Georgia, involving the foreign ministries of all three South Caucasus states, in which he and his Georgian counterpart Lasha Darsalia are personally involved.

“We see enormous potential for regional cooperation – not only among Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan, but with our wider neighbourhood as well,” Kostanyan said.

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Published by Armenpress, original at 

Kim Kardashian has always spoken about her Armenian roots so why does this mom

Yahoo! Creators
April 27 2026

Kim Kardashian has always spoken about her Armenian roots so why does this moment feel different

The reaction says more about us than it does about her

Louisa | La Passion Voutee
Creator of La Passion Voutee

Kim Kardashian isn’t new to speaking about her Armenian roots.

But the way people are reacting this time feels different. Seeing Kim Kardashian honor the victims of the Armenian Genocide isn’t a shift in her narrative. She’s done this before — spoken about her heritage, reflected on her identity, and shared what it means to her.

What’s changed is the response. There’s a level of attention, seriousness, and engagement that hasn’t always been there. And that raises a bigger question. Why now?

A familiar message, a different reaction

In her post, Kim Kardashian honors the 1.5 million Armenians lost during the Armenian Genocide while reflecting on how her identity has shaped her worldview. She also looks back on a past visit to Armenia with her family, describing it as one of the most meaningful experiences of her life. None of this is out of character. If anything, it’s consistent. But the reaction feels different this time.

More people are paying attention. More people are engaging. More people are treating the moment with a level of seriousness that, if we’re being honest, hasn’t always been there.

The perception problem

Here’s the uncomfortable part. Kim Kardashian has never really been seen as someone people instinctively take seriously.

She’s been categorized, often reduced, to fashion, beauty, reality TV, and business. Even as she’s expanded into law, advocacy, and cultural conversations, there’s still a tendency to filter her through that original lens.

So when she speaks on something deeper, it doesn’t always land the way it should. Not because the message isn’t there. But because people aren’t always ready to hear it from her.

What this moment reveals

That’s why this moment stands out. Not because it’s new. But because the response to it is shifting.

There’s a growing willingness to see her beyond the image that’s been built around her for years. To recognize that she can exist in multiple spaces at once — visible, influential, and still connected to something personal and cultural.

And maybe that shift has less to do with her evolution, and more to do with ours.

Influence we didn’t expect to acknowledge

Kim Kardashian’s platform has always been massive. That’s never been the question.

The question has been how people interpret what she does with it. Moments like this challenge that interpretation. They force a pause. A reconsideration.

Because when she uses that platform to reflect on identity and history, it doesn’t fit neatly into the narrative people are used to. And that discomfort? That’s where the conversation starts.

At the core of this isn’t just a post about heritage. It’s a reminder of how selective we can be in deciding who we take seriously.

Kim Kardashian hasn’t suddenly become more reflective or more connected to her roots. She’s been doing that. The difference now is that people are finally paying attention.

Armenia arrests senior member of Karapetyan’s Strong Armenia party

OC Media
April 27 2026

A senior member of Russian–Armenian tycoon Samvel Karapetyan’s Strong Armenia Alliance of Parties, Artur Avanesyan, has been arrested. Avanesyan, who is not included in the alliance’s candidate list, is described as the head of its security team, tasked with planning the party’s security policies.

Following media reports, the Anti-Corruption Committee confirmed the arrest on Monday, but said it would not provide further details at this stage.

According to Public TV, Avanesyan was arrested on ‘suspicion of giving electoral bribes’.

According to state-run Armenpress, Avanesyan is a retired colonel in the Armenian Armed Forces and a war veteran. Hetq reported that he previously served as a commander of a special forces unit in the Nagorno-Karabakh army.

Following the arrest, Karapetyan’s nephew, Narek Karapetyan, wished the Anti-Corruption Committee a ‘peaceful interrogation’.

‘We must replace those who fulfil the dreams of Azerbaijanis with those who fulfil the dreams of Armenians’, Karapetyan wrote.

Vardanyan-linked party announces cooperation agreement with Karapetyan’s Strong Armenia

Separately, on the same day, Armenia’s Investigative Committee announced it had opened an investigation into four family members over alleged material incentives for participation in a Strong Armenia rally held on 11 April.

The authorities released only the initials of the individuals, but alleged that the family had promised ֏10,000 ($27) to ‘a group of persons, including minors’ for their participation in the rally. Aside from the financial incentives, the family reportedly also organised transport from Pokr Mantash in the Shirak Province to Yerevan and, after returning to the village, provided the promised amount.

One family member has been placed under house arrest with a travel ban, two others have been placed under administrative supervision with a travel ban, and finally a minor has been placed under educational supervision.

These cases are the latest of several investigations involving Karapetyan’s affiliates, which authorities say are related to alleged electoral bribery or inducement of participation in party rallies.

Public opinion surveys suggest Karapetyan’s alliance is expected to be the main challenger to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party in the upcoming parliamentary elections scheduled to be held on 7 June.

Choice Between War and Peace: Strategic Rhetoric Ahead of Armenia’s Parliament

Myth Detector
April 27 2026
Myth Detector

As the parliamentary election scheduled for June 7, 2026, in Armenia approaches, the campaign rhetoric of both the ruling party and opposition forces is increasingly centered on the risks of war escalation. Each side portrays the other as a direct threat to Armenia’s security, while presenting itself as the sole credible guarantor of stability.

This strategy – built on amplifying fears of war and framing the elections as an “existential referendum” – is a well-tested method of constructing an enemy image, whereby one side depicts the other as a threat and itself as the protector against that threat.

The instrumentalization of the “war vs. peace” dilemma is also familiar to the Georgian political context. Ahead of the 2024 parliamentary elections, the campaign of the Georgian Dream relied on similar rhetoric. Narrative promoted by the Georgian authorities – claiming that the West, Western institutions, and the so-called “global war party” were attempting to drag the country into military conflict and open a “second front” – took shape as a clear pre-election strategy.

Following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Viktor Orbán similarly employed a structurally identical narrative as a recurring electoral tool. The claim that the opposition intended to send Hungarian soldiers to Ukraine and that only Fidesz could keep Hungary out of the war first emerged in political discourse during the 2022 parliamentary elections.

Viktor Orbán maintained this strategy ahead of the April 2026 parliamentary elections, which Fidesz ultimately lost. Through anti-Ukrainian and anti-European rhetoric, Orbán sought to convince voters that avoiding war depended on his party remaining in power. The ruling party argued that a victory by the opposition Tisza Party, given its pro-Ukrainian stance and close alignment with the EU mainstream, would draw Hungary directly into the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

However, despite lexical similarities, the “dragging into war” narrative used by the Georgian Dream and the Fidesz differs substantially from the “threat of war” messaging observed in Armenia.

Whereas in Georgia and Hungary the “war party” rhetoric targeted Western institutions and invoked a largely hypothetical risk of involvement in the Russia-Ukraine war, Nikol Pashinyan’s rhetoric focuses on attempts by the pro-Russian opposition to discredit the peace process and, in this context, highlights the risks of renewed conflict with Azerbaijan.  

“Three-Headed War Party” – Pashinyan’s Main Target

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has turned the threat of a new war with Azerbaijan into one of the central themes of his election campaign. The message that an opposition victory in the elections would pave the way for war was voiced by Pashinyan himself during a press conference held on March 19 following a weekly government meeting. He accused his political opponents of being influenced by “external forces” and of seeking to revoke the peace agreement reached with Azerbaijan.

“All these forces are advocating a revision of peace, which means inevitable war very soon after the elections, in autumn the latest…. They are preparing a new September war with grave consequences.”

Later, Nikol Pashinyan further intensified this rhetoric, stating that preserving peace depends on the ruling party securing a constitutional majority in the elections.

The term “war party” has also been used with increasing frequency by Pashinyan. Speaking at the congress of the ruling Civil Contract party, the Prime Minister referred to leaders of the pro-Russian opposition as a “three-headed war party,” later accusing them of serving foreign interests.

In the pre-election context, the term “three-headed war party” has become increasingly common among representatives of the ruling party to describe pro-Russian opposition groups. It refers to the following political actors:

  • The “Strong Armenia” party of the pro-Russian businessman Samvel Karapetyan 
  • The “Armenia Alliance” bloc of former President Robert Kocharyan 
  • The “Prosperous Armenia” party led by Gagik Tsarukyan 

In the context of the 2026 parliamentary elections, Pashinyan first introduced the “war party” narrative on March 11 in Brussels, during his speech at the European Parliament. According to him, the “war party” in Armenia is led by several disreputable members of the clergy who, together with former leaders of the country, act in the interests of a third state. In subsequent statements, pro-Russian opposition forces and their leaders became the primary targets of this “war party” narrative.

Evolution and Targets of the “War Party” Narrative

Narrative Statement Target
The “war party” in Armenia is led by the Church “The reality is that some clergymen, who cynically violated all the rules of spiritual good conduct, thus making themselves vulnerable to foreign special services (by the way, the fact that some of them were agents of the USSR KGB is proven by documents), have assumed the leadership of the ‘war party’ in the Republic of Armenia, consolidating around them the former leaders of Armenia, some forces associated with them, some pro-Russian and pro-Belarusian oligarchs, and are trying to sacrifice Armenia’s independence to the interests of third countries.” – Nikol Pashinyan, speech at the European Parliament, March 11 Clergy
If the opposition wins, war is inevitable “I want to say this very directly, without any pretense, that if they do so [the opposition comes to power], it will be a war with the loss of not only territory but also sovereignty of the Republic of Armenia.” – Nikol Pashinyan, March 19 Pro-Russian opposition
The “three-headed war party” is pushing Armenia toward disaster “The three-headed party of war is trying to push our state and people into a destructive adventure. This is the reason why I clearly and unequivocally emphasize that the people, the citizens of the Republic of Armenia, must stand up for peace, because it is their peace, it is the peace they need, and attacking it and questioning it is tantamount to a disaster.” – Nikol Pashinyan, April 15 Pro-Russian opposition
The “three-headed war party” is pushing Armenia toward disaster “We talk so much about the three-headed party of war, but this discussion also made it obvious and revealed nuances that the three-headed party of war is in fact exactly the same as the three-headed party of the past, because what we call today the three-headed party of war, which is submitting a bid for the 2026 parliamentary elections, is precisely the coalition of the years of Robert Kocharyan’s rule.” – Nikol Pashinyan, April 17 Pro-Russian opposition; Robert Kocharyan

Moscow’s Reaction to the “War Party” Narrative

Statements by Nikol Pashinyan about the risk of a new war with Azerbaijan also drew a response from Moscow. The spokesperson of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Maria Zakharova, linked the potential threat to the “Western course” chosen by Armenia’s authorities and placed full responsibility for any escalation on Pashinyan:

“Where have the new curators from the EU, NATO, and Washington led the situation? Please note: this statement has nothing to do with Russia. This is the exclusive responsibility of the current authorities in Yerevan and the result of their consultations with the West.”

Opposition Counter-Narrative: The Real Threat Is Not War with Azerbaijan, but Breaking Ties with Russia

The Armenian Prime Minister consistently maintains that the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has ended and that, to ensure the irreversibility of the peace process and full normalization of relations with neighboring states, his team must remain in power. In response, opposition parties base their campaigns on sharply anti-government messaging and question Pashinyan’s legitimacy to speak about peace.

Pro-Russian political groups, whom Pashinyan labels the “three-headed war party,” strongly criticize the government’s foreign policy and the peace negotiation process. In their view, the current peace lacks not only a solid legal foundation but also strategic credibility.

Former Armenian President Robert Kocharyan openly appeals to Russia’s role in the process of ensuring sustainable peace and proposes, as an alternative, a peace model that would be backed not by the formally signatory parties, but by “real guarantors bearing responsibility.”

Pashinyan’s foreign policy strategy is also criticized by Samvel Karapetyan. According to this billionaire businessman and citizen of Russia, Pashinyan has turned Armenia into a battleground of geopolitical confrontation, and voting for him would bring poverty, hostility toward Russia, polarization, and economic collapse. In the same statement, Karapetyan referred to the examples of Georgia and Ukraine to illustrate the consequences of leaving Russia’s sphere of influence: “We have seen what happened to Georgia and Ukraine. We do not need new wars.”

Geopolitical Drivers Behind the War Rhetoric

Pashinyan’s narrative that Civil Contract is the party of peace, while an opposition victory would undermine the agreement with Azerbaijan and lead to renewed war, is part of a broader, well-documented shift in Armenia’s foreign policy orientation.

Following the 2020 war with Azerbaijan, strategic ties between Armenia and Moscow have gradually weakened. During the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, the passivity of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) contributed to declining trust in Russia’s security guarantees. In a 2024 interview with France 24, Pashinyan openly criticized the organization for failing to meet its security commitments to Armenia in 2021-2022. Ultimately, on December 4, 2024, Armenia decided to freeze its participation in the CSTO, an organization widely seen as part of Moscow’s geopolitical orbit. At the same time, in January 2025, Armenia signed a strategic partnership charter with the United States, and in March 2025, the Armenian parliament formally supported a bill to initiate the process of accession to the European Union.

Against this backdrop, foreign policy alignment and regional security dynamics have become central issues in the election campaign. While the ruling Civil Contract prioritizes deepening ties with the West, the opposition rejects this course. According to a risk assessment by the German Marshall Fund, opposition forces openly criticize the government for reassessing relations with Russia, with some advocating even deeper integration with Moscow.

All three opposition figures labeled by Pashinyan as the “war party” maintain close ties with Russia. The leader of “Strong Armenia,” billionaire Samvel Karapetyan, is the founder of the Tashir Group and a businessman who amassed his wealth in Russia, often described as a “Russian oligarch.” Forbes estimates his fortune at $4.1 billion.

Currently, Samvel Karapetyan is under house arrest, charged with public calls to seize state power, tax evasion, and money laundering. The businessman, whom Kremlin propagandist Vladimir Solovyov has described as a “close friend,” holds both Armenian and Russian citizenship. It was precisely to Karapetyan that Vladimir Putin appeared to allude during a meeting with Pashinyan in Moscow on April 1, when he raised the issue of dual citizenship and expressed a desire for more pro-Russian actors to be able to participate in Armenia’s domestic political processes – despite the fact that Armenia’s constitution prohibits electoral participation by foreign citizens.

Beyond these explicit ties to Russia, representatives of Karapetyan’s bloc, together with Kocharyan’s “Armenia Alliance,” reject Pashinyan’s peace agreement with Azerbaijan, oppose the U.S.-backed “Trump Route for Peace and Prosperity” (TRIPP) framework, and argue that Armenia is “not ready” for EU membership.

Notably, Robert Kocharyan himself, Armenia’s former president and a member of the board of directors of one of Russia’s largest investment companies, Sistema PJSFC, portrays TRIPP as a threat to the country. He calls for the immediate restoration of close strategic relations with Russia and proposes reopening the Abkhaz railway as an alternative transit route via Abkhazia, which, passing through Russia and Georgia, would provide reliable transit connectivity.

Noah’s ark in Armenia’s religious imagination

The Christian Century
April 27 2026

In the church of my ancestors, even the architecture pays homage to the resonance of the flood story.

Community in San Francisco gathers to commemorate Armenian genocide

NBC Bay Area
April 26 2026

It was a day of remembrance in San Francisco on Sunday, as community members gathered to honor the lives lost in the Armenian genocide.

It was a day of remembrance in San Francisco on Sunday, as community members gathered to honor the lives lost in the Armenian genocide.

The event took place at the base of the cross on top of the city’s highest peak, Mount Davidson. 38 Armenian groups came together to purchase the cross 11 years ago, and have been holding this event ever since.

Event organizers say it’s critical to remember the 1.5 million lives lost during the genocide, which took place between 1915 and 1923.

“We are here today in order to commemorate what happened and honor the survivors as well as victims. Because it’s important that we continue to talk about this moment in history for our present and the future. Because if history like this is ignored and denied, then it’s most likely to happen again to anyone anywhere,” Event Mistress of Ceremonies Ella Sogomonian said.

Today, roughly 600,000 Armenians call California home, and about 30,000 of those live in the Bay Area.

Pelosi Honors Armenian Genocide Victims, Stresses Truth Importance

Eurasia review
April 27 2026

By PanARMENIAN

Former Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives Nancy Pelosi marked the Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day, stating that she honors the memory of 1.5 million Armenians killed in the horrific genocide 111 years ago.

“I was proud to serve as Speaker when Congress officially recognized the Armenian Genocide,” Pelosi wrote, as reported by Factor.am .

She added that it was a great honor for her to lead a congressional delegation to Armenia and visit the Tsitsernakaberd Memorial to pay tribute to the memory of the men, women, and children who were killed.

Pelosi emphasized that affirming historical truth makes it possible to work toward preventing the recurrence of such tragedies.

“On Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day, we remember the 1.5 million Armenians killed in the horrific genocide 111 years ago,” Pelosi wrote.

Nancy Pelosi visited Armenia on September 17–19, 2022, as part of a U.S. congressional delegation. On September 18, she and other members of the delegation visited the Tsitsernakaberd Memorial and laid a wreath in honor of the victims of the Armenian Genocide.