U.S. School of Democracy

The Moscow Times
Thursday, Apr. 1, 2004. Page 9
U.S. School of Democracy
By Boris Kagarlitsky
A recently published report on civil liberties in 2003 by the New York-based
Freedom House organization has recognized 89 countries as “free,” 55 as
“partially free” and 48 as “not free.” The appraisal was based on a system
of half-point gradations, where 1.0 is the best score and 7.0 the worst.
Pretty much like at school, then
It’s no surprise that the worst marks went to North Korea, Cuba, Iraq,
Libya, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria and Turkmenistan. Russia fell into the
category of partially free countries along with Ukraine, Moldova,
Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia. Indonesia, Argentina, Ethiopia, Nigeria,
Turkey, Venezuela and Columbia are in the same group.
Things become more interesting when we look at the actual figures awarded.
Russia received 5.0, a very poor score. Of all of the European former Soviet
republics, only Belarus fared worse with 6 points. Even Turkey earned a
higher rating, 3.5. According to the Freedom House experts, Tajikistan (5.5)
is freer than Belarus.
But Georgia and Ukraine were rated at 4.0, Moldova 3.5 and the Baltic
republics came out near the top of the class with 1.5 each. Other results of
interest were Mongolia (3.0), Bulgaria (1.5), the Czech Republic (1.5),
Greece (1.5), Japan (1.5), France (1.0) and Germany (1.0). The United
States, of course, scored 1.0.
A real blow for Argentina. Evidently the experts didn’t think they could
classify as truly free a country where the people can kick the parliament
and the president out onto the street.
And a blow for Russia, too. You can’t call Russia a democratic state, but at
least we don’t deny a third of our citizens their rights, like Latvia.
Russian national politics holds a contradictory position, between liberal
declarations of equality and the daily discrimination practiced against the
Muslim minority. But then the Latvian government doesn’t even make these
declarations; it has nothing more important to do than destroy the schools
of national minorities.
The pressure that the authorities in Ukraine put on the opposition is no
less serious than in Russia; the only difference is that in Moscow the
authorities are better at implementing the policy than those in Kiev.
One guarantee for democracy in former Soviet countries is, apparently, an
absence of effective centralized power. Is it really true that
Shevardnadze’s Georgia was freer than Putin’s Russia?
The scores are based on 2003 data, but the “Rose Revolution” overthrew
Shevardnadze in November. Even if the new situation compelled Freedom House
to sharply increase the country’s rating, it’s still somewhat confusing.
Has the increase in freedom since Georgia’s change in leadership been so
marked? The 90 percent of votes that Mikheil Saakashvili received is
evidently considered more democratic than Putin’s official total of 71
percent.
I must confess that I am delighted for Mongolia. But all the same, a few
unpleasant thoughts still linger at the back of my mind. Why, for example,
do the Baltic republics appear in the same category of countries as others
that have a well-established history of economic development? Is it a high
mark for Latvia and Estonia, or a low mark for Greece and Japan? And what
did the Czech Republic do wrong? After all, their political institutions are
identical to those in Western Europe.
When one of my friends saw the results, he reminded me that the teacher’s
marks take account not only of progress, but also of the behavior and
enthusiasm of the students. For example, while Tajikistan has allowed the
building of a U.S. military base, Lukashenko’s Belarus has not. Neither
country has a democracy to be proud of, but now everyone should be aware:
authoritarianism with U.S. bases is not the same as authoritarianism without
them.
If we are all students, then we are learning from the ideologies of Freedom
House, our teacher. But their approach is clear as day. It all comes down to
the principle that U.S. leadership in international affairs is essential to
the cause of human rights and freedom.
With a perfect 1.0 score, the United States is a straight-A student. There
may be irregularities in Florida’s vote count, an extravagant system of
voter registration and an 18th-century electoral system, but none of these
factors matter.
This noble desire of U.S. conservatives to teach the world democracy is most
laudable. Just don’t be surprised when the results are less than successful.
After all, we students are just doing as our teacher tells us.
Boris Kagarlitsky is director of the Institute of Globalization Studies.

New Dawn for Armenian Cinema?

© Institute for War & Peace Reporting
Lancaster House, 33 Islington High Street, London N1 9LH, UK
Tel: +44 (0)20 7713 7130 Fax: +44 (0)20 7713 7140
New Dawn for Armenian Cinema?
Privatisation of state film studio could herald revival of a once-thriving
industry.
By Naira Melkumian in Yerevan (CRS No. 224, 27-Mar-04)
Armenia’s crumbling movie industry looks set to be revived after years of
neglect as wealthy businessmen vie for the right to buy the state film
studio.
Two ethnic Armenian millionaire businessmen – Ara Abramian and Jerald
Kafesdzhan, based in Russia and America respectively – are bidding for the
Armenfilm studio and the right to continue the country’s long tradition of
filmmaking.
Abramian, who chairs the Union of Armenians in Russia, is believed to have
the upper hand at the moment, having offered a seven million US dollar
package – one million for the studio, with a further six million investment
in digital technology.
The privatisation of the studio has prompted a new debate on the state of
the Armenian film and television industry.
Rudolf Vatinian, chairman of the State Theatre and Cinema Institute’s cinema
department and a member of the Armenian Film-makers Union, told IWPR that
Abramian’s bid was especially interesting.
“I think that establishing new links with Russia and the introduction of
digital technology – especially in television production – will revive
viewers’ interest in Armenian cinema,” he said.
The 80-year-old industry has been in steady decline for a number of years,
having reached its peak in the Seventies and early Eighties, when around ten
films a year were produced alongside countless documentaries and made-for TV
productions.
In recent years, however, the output has dwindled dramatically. A social
crisis in the early Nineties, which followed the collapse of the Soviet
Union, led to state assistance drying up almost completely. When funds
stopped arriving from Moscow, Armenia’s fledgling government was unable to
spare any money.
“This lack of finance led to a breakdown in the industry – specialists left
and the technology became badly outdated,” said Vatinian. “This is a shame,
as cinema is the ideal democratic language to represent the Armenian people
abroad.”
For 2004, 600,000 dollars has been earmarked for the state cinema budget – a
tenth of the amount given to the television industry. As a result, the
quality of films produced is low.
Susanna Arutiunian, president of the Armenian Cinema Specialists and
Journalists Association, said, “The state cannot provide for the national
film industry – it does not even have a cinema department, and only one
person is available to dealing with everything.”
Moreover, there is no legal framework to regulate the industry in Armenia –
deliberations on a cinema law have been ongoing for several years.
The low funding has led to a marked deterioration in the technical equipment
used. According to Arutiunian, the Armenfilm studio only has one serviceable
film camera – and there is a long queue to use it.
Filmmaker and director of the Yerevan studio Tigran Khzmalian said, “When
you try to produce a film under such conditions, where you lack the money
for a decent sound recording, the result will be nothing of quality.”
Granush Akopian, chairman of the parliamentary commission for science,
education and culture, admitted, “Armenian film production is in a miserable
state, as it has received very little investment in the last ten to fifteen
years.”
At the moment, only three cinemas operate in the country – all of them in
the capital, Yerevan – and have no difficulty attracting customers.
Tamara Movsisian, spokesperson for one of them, the Moskva cinema, told IWPR
that new and classic movies are in great demand. “In forty years we have
acquired a loyal audience, which takes a real interest in Armenian cinema,”
she said.
Analysts say that the revitalisation of the film industry is especially
important to prevent the next generation from rejecting Armenian history and
culture in favour of formulaic Hollywood films.
“We have rich history, and yet I don’t know of any historical films being
made in Armenia. Instead, the younger generation is growing up watching
foreign films,” said moviegoer Stepan Avakian from Yerevan.
In spite of the continuing economic problems, the sale of the state studio
could herald the beginning of a cinematic revival, and there are talented
young people on hand to take advantage of that.
“Once upon a time, our national cinema had a place in international
filmmaking. Our main objective today is to regain that position,” filmmaker
Mikael Dovlatian, one of the most exciting young directors in the country,
told IWPR.
Naira Melkumian is a freelance journalist based in Yerevan.

Fighting illiteracy and ‘aliteracy’

The Daily Star, Lebanon
March 31 2004
Fighting illiteracy and ‘aliteracy’
Author aims to make standard Arabic fun for children
By Linda Dahdah
In the late 1980s, Margo Malatjalian, a Jordanian-Armenian author,
came across a report issued by UNESCO showing surprisingly high rates
of illiteracy.
When she read the information, Malatjalian, who lived in Jordan, had
already established cultural centers for children in cooperation with
the Amman municipality and had her own publishing company, Child
World Promotions.
As she had always been active in this field through education
programs, teaching theater and drama, as well as working on Jordanian
childrens’ TV programs, she decided to take some immediate action.
With the help of David Doake, a professor in reading and literacy
development, she embarked on a study that found reading was not part
of tradition in the Arab world.
“There is lots of story telling but reading is not part of our
growth,” said Malatjalian.
Strong willed, Malatjalian decided to go to the root of the problem
by making literacy development her main concern. She started
traveling around the region, praising the importance of early reading
and defending literacy through workshops which targeted children,
teachers and parents.
She comes to Lebanon regularly to lead a series of workshops in
private schools across the country. The main topics? Creating and
using supplementary material from the standard Arabic language
curriculum from kindergarten to the third or fourth grade.
The whole point is “to support the Arabic language by making it more
interesting through the use of new poetry, new and more attractive
stories and literature … by using arts and integrating drama in
education, songs and music,” Malatjalian said.
Rita Nakhle, a third grade Arabic teacher at International College in
Ain Aar, said that Malatjalian’s books were interesting because they
used standard Arabic that was easy to understand. “Plus it is real
poetry, accompanied by nice pictures,” she said.
According to Malatjalian, Arabic becomes difficult when people don’t
read Arabic books regularly.
“There are prerequisites for reading that are hardly met when
cultures are not only faced with illiteracy but also a huge scourge
that lies in the aliteracy of educated people. (aliteracy applies to
people who are able to read but are not interested in reading.)
Nowadays one of the most popular books might be Chef Ramzi’s, and I
don’t think this has anything to do with literature,” Malatjalian
said.
If books are ever bought, what usually sells are detective stories,
cooking, fiction and sex, the author said.
Besides, naturally, children imitate their parents, so when there is
no reading environment inside the house, children will not read.
Moreover, according to Malatjalian, it has been shown that children
who come from a reading household do much better at school.
A whole reading environment should therefore be created – a prime
responsibility of the parents, she said. When the state is not
helping at all, the public should react.
“During my discussions with parents, they said that there’s no help
as there is no public library in Lebanon or perhaps there’s one, but
they don’t even know where it is and how to get there. What prevents
them from organizing reading sessions? We cannot count on the state’s
help so it’s up to each mother and father or others to play his or
her part and act,” said Malatjalian.
Despite a public perception that there is an absence of public
libraries, several were opened in Lebanon over the past few years.
Malatjalian started writing books only in the late 1980s. She took
the initiative after teachers asked her what kinds of books to buy
and read. Encouraged by her own experience with children, Malatjalian
took up her pen to remedy what she believes to be a complete lack of
good Arabic childrens’ literature.
In fact, the author believes that Arabic books are rarely good and
not well adapted. Indeed, most of the time books are translated and
thus promote a foreign culture. When children need to identify with
the hero of the story, this can easily generate cultural conflicts.
Without a doubt Malatjalian’s stories are set up in an environment
that is much closer to the local culture than in any “Martine at the
Beach” or “The Story of Ferdinand.”
Malatjalian’s aim is clear.
It is to create literature, not just books.
“A literature that reflects social, mental and cultural needs.
Besides I want standard Arabic to become a functional language that
people use and that would help them communicate fully in their daily
needs,” she said.
Another obstacle to Arabic reading lies in the differences between
written and colloquial Arabic.
“Colloquial hinders written, standard Arabic, and everybody thinks it
is difficult. It wouldn’t be so if heard right from birth (when
parents read babies stories in standard Arabic),” Malatjalian said.
Focusing on writing what she calls “meaningful” stories, the author
deals with mainstream social issues, such as commitment to the
nation, cooperation, conflict resolution, responsibility and, last
but not least, tolerance. Several books that have not been released
yet also tackle critical issues such as child abuse.
“Several years ago, we tried to talk with parents and religious
figures, but no one admitted to even hearing about it. It is changing
a little. Now at least we are managing to get listened to,”
Malatjalian said.
In this case, her books would serve parents as well as teachers.
“Literature is safe,” she said. “Without it, well-trained teachers
might introduce sensitive issues badly. With such books, they will be
able to take poems as a base to their programs and their discussions.
The subject will even be tackled in a funny way and bit-by-bit they
will be able to tackle even bigger issues,” she added.
In her approach, Malatjalian also points her finger at a major social
issue in our culture: The place of the child in society.
According to her, children are over-protected and this affects their
growth in a very negative way. At the same time, they are not given
enough freedom and opportunity to express themselves.
“They are not even given time to think, as if adults did not have
confidence in them. They are simply not given the chance for venture
and adventure,” said Malatjalian.
Believing in the capabilities of children, Malatjalian attempts to
correct this situation by giving children their own roles in her
books. As such, her stories always aim at empowering them.
Using childrens’ literature and developing their “socio-emotional”
skills will help them learn how to express their feelings of fear,
anger, sadness, happiness and jealousy. “Their natural feelings will
come out,” said Malatjalian. This is also aimed at helping teachers
and parents let children express themselves through art.
Above all else, Malatjalian hopes to change rigid educational trends
by helping to create a healthier environment in which children can
grow.
Nonetheless, one can easily see that even in Europe things started
changing only a few years ago. As Malatjalian said, there is a new
trend in children’s literature: “When writers used to write for the
child inside of them, now the child himself is the one who is
telling the story.”
Returning to the problem of illiteracy and aliteracy, Malatjalian
reminds us that, “we cannot endlessly play the ostrich. When Beirut
is supposed to be the cultural capital of the Arab world with only
one public library, there is definitely something to do. As no Arab
organization will ever take notice of the subject, it is the duty of
the public to act,” she said.
As children are the adults of tomorrow, let’s hope that Malatjalian’s
work will be fruitful and widely received.

Armenians find new way to commemerate WW1 slaughter

The Montreal Gazette
March 29 2004
Armenians find new way to commemerate WW1 slaughter

A life-affirming quality is at the heart of this year’s commemoration
in Montreal of the mass killings of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire
during World War I.
For the first time in Canada, says Deacon Hagop Arslanian, the accent
will be on helping others in need through a blood drive, and
collections of food and toys.
“These events are all new in concept for the Armenian community in
Canada,”Arslanian, assistant to the spiritual leader of the Armenian
Holy Apostolic Church in Outremont, said Monday.
“We said to ourselves, `we lost our forefathers, now we give blood to
the others, we assist the others.
“It’s a way of being with our forefathers.”
These acts of giving are also planned in an ecumenical spirit,
underlining the humanitarian and spiritual nature of this year’s 89th
commemoration.
Successive Turkish governments have refused to accept the term
“genocide” for the fate of up to 1.5 million Armenians during World
War I.
At that time, fearing Armenian nationalist activity, the
disintegrating Ottoman Empire organized mass deportations of
Armenians from its eastern regions.
Men, women and children were sent into the desert to starve, herded
into barns and churches that were set afire, tortured to death or
drowned.
The Gazette is following this story. Please read Tuesday’s paper for
more details.

Parliament ratifies agreement on legal status of NATO armed forces

RosBusiness Consulting, Russia
March 31 2004
Armenian parliament ratifies agreement on legal status of NATO armed
forces
RBC, 31.03.2004, Yerevan 13:43:05.The Armenian parliament has
ratified the agreement on legal status of the armed forces of NATO
and of the members of the Partnership for Peace Program. This
legislation is aimed at defining the legal status of the armed forces
acting under the Partnership for Peace Program, Armenian Deputy
Defense Minister Artur Agabekian reported. Increasing cooperation
with NATO urged Armenian lawmakers to ratify the agreement. This
agreement is “an important political component of bilateral
cooperation,” Agabekian stressed.

Armenian journalists condemn assault on right activist

Armenian journalists condemn assault on right activist
A1+ web site
30 Mar 04

A number of journalist organizations, the Yerevan Press Club, the
Union of Armenian Journalists, Internews and the Fund for the
Protection of Freedom of Speech issued a statement today, condemning
the assault on the head of the Armenian Helsinki Association, Mikael
Daniyelyan.
“We assess it as a consequence of the atmosphere of intolerance in the
republic,” the statement said.
The organizations hope that the law-enforcement bodies will break the
mould and track down the criminals.

Armenian parliament adopts bill on rallies in its first reading

Armenian parliament adopts bill on rallies in its first reading
Mediamax news agency
31 Mar 04

YEREVAN
The Armenian National Assembly adopted a draft law “On the procedure
of staging meetings, rallies, marches and demonstrations” in its first
reading today.
Armenian Justice Minister David Arutyunyan who had submitted the
document announced this week that the draft law will be sent to the
Venice Commission of the Council of Europe for examination. He said
that the proposals of European experts will be examined during the
discussion of the draft law in its second reading.
David Arutyunyan stressed that the document had earlier been submitted
to the Armenian National Assembly by the government and its discussion
was not connected to the opposition’s plans to organize an action in
the near future and demand the resignation of the country’s
leadership.

Armenian NA ratifies NATO agreement on status of armed forces

Armenian parliament ratifies NATO agreement on status of armed forces
Mediamax news agency
31 Mar 04

YEREVAN
The Armenian National Assembly has ratified a multilateral agreement
“On the status of the armed forces” within the framework of NATO’s
Partnership for Peace programme (PfP Status of Forces Agreement-PfP
SOFA).
Mediamax news agency recalls that Armenia joined the agreement “On the
status of the armed forces” last year. The Armenian ambassador to the
USA, Arman Kirakosyan, signed the agreement in Washington on 28
October 2003.
The Constitutional Court of Armenia recognized this agreement on 10
February this year as it meets the requirements of the country’s basic
law. Armenian Defence Minister Serzh Sarkisyan who had submitted the
document to the Constitutional Court noted that Armenia’s signing of
the agreement “On the status of the armed forces” will simplify the
participation of Armenian servicemen in multinational exercises under
the aegis of NATO.
The multilateral agreement “On the status of the armed forces” within
the framework of NATO’s Partnership for Peace programme will regulate
issues of the presence of the armed forces of the allies and their
partners on the territory of the Partnership for Peace member states.

Armenia’s opposition announces plans to overthrow president

Channel News Asia, Singapore
March 31 2004
Armenia’s opposition announces plans to overthrow president
YEREVAN : Armenian opposition deputies, who had boycotted parliament
since February to protest against the rule of President Robert
Kocharyan, returned there to announce that they intended to
peacefully overthrow the head of state.
“A few days ago, the leaders of the Justice opposition bloc and the
National Unity party, Stepan Demirchyan and Artashes Geramyan,
announced they had started a process to topple Kocharyan’s regime,”
said Viktor Dallakyan, a deputy with the Justice opposition party.
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“To that end, popular meetings will be organized. The opposition is
beginning a democratic revolution,” Dallakyan added as he was
addressing parliament.
The opposition had boycotted sessions of the parliament after it
failed to pass changes that would have allowed for a national vote of
confidence in Kocharyan.
Dallakyan said the opposition wanted to force Kocharyan to resign and
then intended to organize a new presidential election.
Armenia’s ruling coalition accused the opposition of trying to
destabilize the country.
“These calls for disobedience, which may bring about destabilization,
are unacceptable,” the Republican party, which belongs to the ruling
coalition, said in a statement.
In neighboring Georgia, mass rallies organized by US-educated
opposition leader Mikhail Saakashvili late last year resulted in the
peaceful overthrow of veteran leader Eduard Shevardnadze, following
controversial parliamentary elections.
Saakashvili was then elected president by an overwhelming majority of
voters in January, and his party went on to win parliamentary
elections held last Sunday.
Armenia’s opposition had contested Kocharyan’s April 2002 re-election
to the small Caucasus nation’s Constitutional Court. The court ruled
the election valid but, after mass demonstrations, suggested that a
confidence referendum be held.
Kocharyan’s re-election as president was marred by fraud, according
to international observers, and was followed by near-daily street
protests.
The tiny former Soviet republic of Armenia, in the Caucasus
mountains, was left impoverished after a war with neighboring
Azerbaijan in the early 1990s. It is heavily reliant on aid from the
West, which has taken a skeptical view of Kocharyan’s rule.