Türkiye and Armenia remove restrictions on direct trade after 33 years

Chmshkian Vicken
May 14 2026
By Doğa Usanmaz
  • Türkiye and Armenia are restarting formal trade ties after 33 years, removing restrictions on declaring each other as final destinations for goods.
  • Trade still has to pass through a third country for now, but the move is expected to cut costs, improve transparency, and boost official trade flows.
  • The agreement is seen as a step towards normalised relations, with border reopening talks and a revived Kars-Gyumri railway link also under way.

Türkiye and Armenia are resuming formal trade relations following a 33-year hiatus, announced the Turkish foreign ministry on Wednesday, 13 May. 

Goods shipped from Türkiye were previously not permitted to list Armenia as their final destination, and vice versa. This restriction has now been lifted.  

Direct trade between the two countries has been halted since 1993, when Türkiye closed the border in support of its close ally, Azerbaijan, which was at war with Armenia over disputed territory in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. As a result, goods passing between Türkiye and Armenia had to do so via Georgia. 

Goods moving from Türkiye to Armenia will still need to pass through a third country, given the absence of a functioning border crossing between the two. However, exporters would initially list the third country as the destination; a second invoice would then be issued listing the actual destination. 

Taxes were also imposed as the goods were transited through the intermediary, making their sale more expensive. 

“The bureaucratic preparations regarding the initiation of direct trade between our country and Armenia have been completed as of 11 May,” said Turkish Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Öncu Keçeli. “The necessary bureaucratic and technical work for the border between the two countries to open is still ongoing,” he added.

Turkish exports to Armenia were recorded as $2.25 million in 2024, according to the United Nations (UN) Comtrade database. This reflects a significant drop from the previous year, which brought $22.6 million in exports. The decline is attributed to logistical and reporting barriers, alongside the 2023 reescalation of the Azeri-Armenian conflict. 

The recent initiative removes the need for expensive ‘middleman’ operations in third countries, brings transparency to the countries’ bilateral trade, and is expected to be reflected in official trade data.

“We would like to emphasise that this is an important step toward the establishment of full and normalised relations between the two countries, which could logically continue through the opening of the Armenia-Turkey border and the establishment of diplomatic relations,” said Armenian Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Ani Badalyan.

Last month, the two countries also agreed to jointly restore the operationalisation of the railway connecting Eastern Anatolia’s Kars and the Armenian city of Gyumri. The railway is seen as part of the ‘middle corridor’ linking South-East Asia and China to Europe. According to 2023 analysis by the World Bank, the full use of a functioning middle corridor would safeguard China-Europe supply chains and triple trade flows by 2030.

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Turkey approves new regulations to boost direct trade with Armenia

Maral Takmazian
JAM News
May 14 2026

“Significant step” in normalizing bilateral relations.

May 14, 2026

Turkey and Armenia have taken a major stride in settling their historical differences, agreeing on a bureaucratic framework to promote direct trade between the two states.

The Turkish Foreign Ministry announced May 13 that Ankara had approved streamlined regulations for goods moving to/from Turkey and Armenia via third countries. A ministry statement added that the two states are now working towards reopening their shared border.

“The necessary technical and bureaucratic studies for the opening of the common border between the two countries are still ongoing,” it stated.

Due to historical grievances, Armenia and Turkey have never had diplomatic relations. Their shared border has remained closed since 1993, when Turkey sealed it in a show of solidarity with Azerbaijan during the First Karabakh War, which saw Armenian forces secure the disputed Nagorno Karabakh territory, along with broad swathes of Azerbaijan proper. 

Turkish and Armenian officials have been engaged in a process aimed at normalizing relations since 2022. A previous joint initiative to establish diplomatic relations, launched in 2009, eventually stalled.  

Officials in Yerevan applauded the Turkish decision to ease trade rules, describing it as “an important step” in efforts to establish diplomatic relations.  

“This decision is essential from the perspective of expanding trade and business circles between the two countries, boosting economic connectivity in the region, and ensuring peace and prosperity,” read an Armenian Foreign Ministry statement. 


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Armenia Season – 2026 Parliamentary Election

Garnik Tadevosian
Commonspace.eu
May 14 2026
14 May 2026
Live blog 0 updates

The campaign for Armenia’s parliamentary elections began on Friday (8 May), with 17 parties and two electoral blocs competing for seats in parliament. They are seeking the support of around 2.5 million eligible voters across the country.

With the campaign now underway, political forces are already working to mobilise public opinion and define themselves against their rivals. The election campaign is being shaped by several major divides, including peace versus a reconsideration of the current peace process, European versus Russian geopolitical orientations, and populist versus democratic tendencies. Each party is targeting different sections of the Armenian electorate, hoping that its message and strategy will be enough to secure representation in parliament.

On commonspace.eu, we are closely following developments ahead of Armenia’s parliamentary elections, which will take place on 7 June. This page brings together our coverage, analysis, interviews and updates on the campaign. 

13 May, As Armenia’s election campaign starts, parties compete over rival visions for the country’s future

“The campaign for the Armenian parliamentary elections began on Friday (8 May), with 17 parties and two electoral blocs in the running. All are seeking to enter parliament and win the support of around 2.5 million eligible voters across Armenia. With the campaign underway, each party is already mobilising public opinion against the other. Parties are divided on different themes: peace vs reconsideration of the current peace process, European vs Russian trajectories, and populist vs democratic tendencies, among other political cleavages shaping the campaign. Each party is targeting different segments of the Armenian electorate and hoping that its strategy will secure seats in parliament.”

11 May, Monday Commentary: Europe goes to the Caucasus, but that is just the beginning of the story

“Dozens of European presidents, prime ministers, and other senior leaders descended on Yerevan last week to participate in the 8th Summit of the European Political Community (EPC). For a day or two, you could not go anywhere in the centre of the Armenian capital without bumping into a European leader and his entourage.

The summit itself was by and large uneventful, with seven-minute set-piece speeches, during which leaders heaped praise on Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. This followed the traditional welcome, whereby leaders were greeted individually by Pashinyan, which lasted for hours. There was an unusually long “red carpet’. NATO Secretary General, Mark Rutte sprinted the last part of his walk, remarking that this was the “longest red carpet ever”. But otherwise, the Summit was uneventful. There was speculation about the Azerbaijani participation in the Summit. In the end, President Ilham Aliyev addressed the summit online. It would have been nice if he were present in person, but clearly, not possible yet, and an online presence was the next best thing.|

11 May, Azerbaijan stand-off with the European Parliament

“On 30 April, the European Parliament issued a resolution titled “Supporting democratic resilience in Armenia”. The resolution focused primarily on Armenia’s upcoming elections on 7 June (EP resolution on 30 April).

However, the resolution also criticised Baku over the treatment of Armenian detainees, the rights of displaced ethnic Armenians, and the protection of Armenian cultural and religious heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh.

In response on 1 May, the Azerbaijan foreign ministry summoned the EU Ambassador, and the Azerbaijan Parliament cut institutional co-operation with the European Parliament, and its involvement with Euronest.”

8 May, A serious election, in which voters have clear options

“The registration process for parties and blocs participating in the elections has been completed. A total of 19 political forces—two blocs and 17 parties—will participate in the election race, which begins on May 8 and concludes on June 5. The electoral threshold is set at 4% for parties and 8% for blocs.

Although the official campaign starts on May 8 according to electoral law, many parties de facto launched their campaigns long ago, at least since January of this year.

Key Contenders:

The following forces have a realistic chance of entering the National Assembly of Armenia:

  • “Civil Contract” Party: Led by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.
  • “Strong Armenia” Party: Led by Samvel Karapetyan, an oligarch based in Russia.
  • “Armenia” Bloc: Led by former President Robert Kocharyan.
  • “Prosperous Armenia” Party: Led by Gagik Tsarukyan, an oligarch and close friend of Alexander Lukashenko.

It appears that administrative resources and financial capabilities grant these forces a significant advantage. Furthermore, the primary political struggle is unfolding between Nikol Pashinyan on one side and three pro-Russian forces—those of Karapetyan, Kocharyan, and Tsarukyan—on the other. Effectively, a bipolar model has emerged in Armenian domestic politics.”

7 May, LINKS Europe panel discussion – ‘Armenia between a historic summit and a crucial election’

“On 6 May 2026, LINKS Europe Foundation hosted an online webinar titled “Armenia between a historic summit and a crucial election.” The event was chaired by Alexandra Dumitrescu, International Coordinator at LINKS Europe, and brought together experts from Yerevan and Brussels to discuss Armenia’s evolving election environment and broader geopolitical developments.

The panel featured Johnny Melikyan, Senior Fellow at the Orbeli Center; Narek Minasyan, Associate Expert at the Armenian Council Research Center; and Amanda Paul, Deputy Head of the Europe in the World Programme and Senior Policy Analyst at the European Policy Centre in Brussels.”

6 May, Armenia’s parliamentary elections: Polarisation and hybrid threats

“The upcoming parliamentary elections in Armenia will undoubtedly be crucial for the country’s future. We can already observe significant social polarisation, the use of hate speech, and brutal media attacks by competing electoral entities on each other. Unlike Georgia or Moldova, Armenia is operating under intense and immediate security pressure following the end of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Border issues, normalisation of relations with Azerbaijan, and relations with Türkiye are not just foreign policy issues; they are existential political issues. This raises the stakes of the election and increases the likelihood of hardline rhetoric that could complicate post-election management.

Armenia continues to hold genuinely competitive, free elections. Compared to countries such as Russia, this remains an important strength. The main problem is not the lack of competition, but the quality of it.  Currently, politics is highly polarised and often based on support for or opposition to Nikol Pashinyan. This risks narrowing the political debate and turning elections into referendums on leadership rather than on future-oriented programmes.

There are real threats and risks of disinformation or hybrid interference in these elections.”

5 May, Armenia and EU agree on strategic co-operation, but the 7 June elections will define the future

“In a landmark diplomatic moment, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan hosted the first-ever bilateral summit between Armenia and the European Union at the presidential residence in Yerevan on 5 May. While it did not deliver any major announcements, the summit reflected the ongoing deepening of the bilateral  relation and a show of support from Europe for Pashinyan, who is seeking re-election in parliamentary elections in June.”

4 May, EPC summit in Armenia was an _expression_ of European support for Nikol Pashinyan

“Leaders from more than 45 European countries and beyond gathered today in Yerevan for the eighth summit of the European Political Community (EPC). The summit was the largest gathering of European leaders ever held in the South Caucasus. Apart from the set piece events in plenary session, many leaders also held private bilateral meetings. commonspace.eu special correspondent, Alex Verge, was at the summit, from where he filed this report:

European Union Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, France President Emmanuel Macron, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky were amongst the myriad of European leaders that gathered on Monday for 8th summit of the European Political Community. Prime Minister of Canada Mark Carney was also present, making him the first non-European leader to take part in an EPC summit.”

3 May, The European Parliament dips into the South Caucasus; Azerbaijan is not amused and cuts relations

“In support of the incumbent rule of PM Pashinyan, the EU has intensified its support to Armenia, particularly since the Strategic Agenda for the EU-Armenia Partnership was set in December 2025 to May 2026. On 29 January, the EU adopted the second assistance measure to Armenia within the framework of the European Peace Facility, doubling the total amount to 20 million EURO from the first assistance measure provided in July 2024. The next day the EU extended the European Union Mission in Armenia – an unarmed civilian monitoring mission deployed on the Armenian side of the Armenia–Azerbaijan border since January 2023 (continuing the EUMCAP established in October 2022) – for two more years, until 19 February 2027, with a budget of over €44 million. In March, the sides inked the financing agreement for the remaining amount (140 million EURO) from of the €270 million Resilience and Growth Plan for Armenia the EU adopted in April 2024. On 16–17 March 2026, Kaja Kallas announced that, following Armenia’s request, the EU would deploy a Hybrid Rapid Response Team to Armenia to help counter threats ahead of the elections, explicitly framing this as support against foreign interference. Separately, EU ambassadors reportedly approved in mid-April a new civilian mission to Armenia focused on hybrid threats, with later political endorsement expected by EU foreign ministers. The next summit of the European Political Summit is planned to be held in Yerevan on 4 May, followed by the first EU-Armenia on the next day.”

2 May, Opinion: Armenian June 2026 parliamentary elections: a test for national stability, regional peace and Russian influence in the South Caucasus

“When Armenians vote in parliamentary elections on 7 June, it will have been almost ten years since elections were last held on schedule. In the decade since the last regular parliamentary elections in 2017, the country has experienced a period of significant political upheaval and conflict. The 2018 Velvet Revolution forced out an entrenched political elite and set the country on a path of institutional and political reform. The conflict with Azerbaijan over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh in turn came to a decisive end, with Armenia suffering military defeat in 2020 and an Azerbaijani offensive in 2023 leading to the displacement of almost all of the local Armenian population – approximately 100,000 people – and the end of the Republic of Artsakh as a breakaway state.

The key national political figure over the course of this decade has been the current Prime Minister, Nikol Pashinyan, who is seeking re-election as the leader of the Civil Contract party. Then, a leading figure of the opposition, Pashinyan, first came to power during the 2018 revolution. He subsequently won snap elections in 2018 and 2021, with the latter held in response to the 2020 War and the last election in Armenia to date.”

2 May, Background information on the 7 June Parliamentary Elections in Armenia

“The Armenian Parliamentary Elections will be held on Sunday, 7 June 2026. Citizens who maintain a permanent residence in Armenia and are at least 18 years old can vote. These elections will be the first regularly scheduled national elections since 2017, following two snap elections held in 2018 and 2021 that were triggered by constitutional crises. In these parliamentary elections, the revised thresholds for entering the government are:

  • 4% for single parties
  • 8% for alliances of two parties
  • 9% for three and 10% for alliances of more parties.

Alongside these rules, up to four seats in parliament are reserved for national minorities to ensure their representation (one for each of the four largest national minorities, Yezidis, Russians, Assyrians, and Kurds). There is also no minimum turnout required for parliamentary elections to be considered valid. This means that regardless of how many people vote, the results of the election will still stand.”

30 April, Armenia’s Russia debate deepens ahead of 2026 elections

“For decades, Russia was Armenia’s main security and economic partner. But cooperation has weakened in recent years, with Armenia freezing participation in the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) alliance, Russian border guards withdrawing from some locations, and Yerevan expanding ties with the European Union and the United States.

A major point of dispute is Armenia’s railway system, operated by a Russian company under a concession agreement signed in 2008. In a press statement on 13 February, Pashinyan said Armenia could consider bringing in a third-country operator if Russia cannot modernise or restore key sections of the network. Russian officials reacted sharply: Security Council Secretary Sergei Shoigu reportedly called the idea “ill-conceived,” while Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova described it as “bizarre and unacceptable.””

30 April, Thursday Interview: Dr. Andrzej Klimczyk

“The Armenian parliamentary elections on 7 June are crucial in more ways than one. A fragile peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan is still at stake. While progress has been made since President Trump’s August 2025 meeting with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, where a peace agreement was initialled, much remains uncertain. Key elements of the settlement are yet to be finalised, and the political will required to sustain momentum will depend heavily on the outcome of the vote. The peace agenda is heavily politicised, adding further sensitivity to the process, as conduits for Kremlin policy continue to disseminate fear and uncertainty within Armenian society regarding the ongoing peace process with Azerbaijan.

In this week’s Thursday Interview, former Polish diplomat Dr. Andrzej Klimczyk draws on decades of experience across the post-Soviet space to reflect on Armenia’s upcoming parliamentary elections and the wider dynamics in the South Caucasus. He argues that while the European Union has the potential to play a stronger geopolitical role in the region, its approach remains too bureaucratic and insufficiently attuned to local realities.”

Armenian Election Monitor:

The ‘Armenia Election Monitor 2026′ will publish, twice a week, between 1 May and 15 June 2026, an analysis of events and developments around the 2026 Armenia Parliamentary elections. The nonpartisan and independent newsletter will monitor developments and present experts’ opinions to help provide an understanding of events and statements. The goal of the newsletter is to enhance democratic principles through fact-based, informed opinions.

The 12 newsletters will be produced by LINKS Europe Foundation, in collaboration with local partners. The issues will be sent to our Caucasus Concise Newsletter subscribers and added to our website here:

Issue 1: 1 May 2026 – Armenia Election Monitor 

Issue 2: 6 May 2026 – Armenia Election Monitor – The needs of the Armenian people must be centre-stage in the 7 June parliamentary elections

Issue 3: 8 May 2026 – Armenia Election Monitor – Europeans rally around Pashinyan, but the Russians are not amused

Issue 4: 13 May 2026 – Armenia Election Monitor – As Armenia’s election campaign starts, parties compete over rival visions for the country’s future

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Armenia’s parliamentary elections: Polarisation and hybrid threats

Emil Lazarian
Commonspace.eu
May 14 2026

This commentary was prepared by Dr Andrzej Klimczyk for the Armenian Election Monitor 2026. 

The upcoming parliamentary elections in Armenia will undoubtedly be crucial for the country’s future. We can already observe significant social polarisation, the use of hate speech, and brutal media attacks by competing electoral entities on each other. Unlike Georgia or Moldova, Armenia is operating under intense and immediate security pressure following the end of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Border issues, normalisation of relations with Azerbaijan, and relations with Türkiye are not just foreign policy issues; they are existential political issues. This raises the stakes of the election and increases the likelihood of hardline rhetoric that could complicate post-election management.

Armenia continues to hold genuinely competitive, free elections. Compared to countries such as Russia, this remains an important strength. The main problem is not the lack of competition, but the quality of it.  Currently, politics is highly polarised and often based on support for or opposition to Nikol Pashinyan. This risks narrowing the political debate and turning elections into referendums on leadership rather than on future-oriented programmes.

There are real threats and risks of disinformation or hybrid interference in these elections.

Not only during the campaign, but also on election day and afterwards. The greatest threat is the constant flow of hate-driven narratives, which reinforce existing polarisation rather than creating a stable pre-election environment.

Disinformation can also target the diaspora. Armenia’s large diaspora is an asset, but it also allows narratives to spread outside the country and return through social media platforms.

Armenia is partly prepared to counter external disinformation. For sure, Armenia is better prepared than it was a decade ago, but its defences against hybrid interference are still not fully integrated.

There are many organisations, civil society groups, and independent media outlets actively engaged in fact-checking and monitoring, often with support from the European Union. This is an important strength.

In this context is worth noting that on April 21, the EU approved a new civilian mission in Armenia, EUPM (EU Partnership Mission to Armenia), aimed at combating hybrid threats (election interference, cyberattacks, illicit financing).

The mission was created at the request of the Armenian side ahead of the parliamentary elections scheduled for June 7. Yerevan asked Brussels to deploy a “rapid response team” to protect against external interference.

The European Council established the EUPM Armenia within the framework of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), further contributing to efforts to strengthen Armenia’s democratic resilience and crisis management capacity. The mission will support Armenia in countering multifaceted threats, such as foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI), cyberattacks, and illicit financial flows. EUPM Armenia will provide strategic advice and capacity-building to various ministries and government institutions in developing policies to counter the threats facing society and government, as well as support the development of a horizontal, whole-of-government approach.

Key objectives of the mission are,

  • Combating disinformation and cyberthreats
  • Preventing illicit financial flows in politics
  • Advising security agencies

EUPM should help Armenia to fill out institutional gaps, including the lack of a fully integrated, state-led strategy that combines cybersecurity, strategic communications, platform engagement, and crisis response. Faster and clearer communication from authorities is needed to prevent information vacuums. Coordination across social platforms and closer cooperation with major technology companies may also be necessary to detect coordinated behaviour at an early stage.

The greatest risk is not that the elections will be technically manipulated, but that the information environment becomes so polarised that the outcome is widely questioned.

Another problem is low public awareness, which causes weak or poorly documented claims to quickly gain popularity.

There is a need for faster official communication. Clear, timely updates from authorities are necessary to prevent an information vacuum.

  • In summary, elections will be competitive in a very polarized electoral environment. Compared to countries like Russia, Armenia continues to hold truly competitive elections. The bigger problem isn’t the lack of competition, but the quality of it. Politics is highly polarized, largely based on support for or opposition to Nikol Pashinyan. This polarization risks narrowing the political debate and turning elections into referendums on leadership rather than on forward-looking agendas. On April 23, the Central Election Commission registered 19 entities: 17 political parties and 2 electoral unions, as candidates to participate in the elections. At present, I do not observe a real contest over programmes, but rather a contest over names. Voters are being asked to choose between party leaders, not between program proposals.
  • A specific problem for the opposition is its difficulty uniting. In Armenia, opposition forces often coalesce around protest movements but struggle to maintain cohesive electoral coalitions. This situation favours the ruling party, despite persistently high levels of public dissatisfaction with Nikol Pashinyan’s rule.
  • There are real threats, not only during the election campaign, but also on election day and the day after. In my opinion, the greatest threat is the constant flow of “hate” narratives that reinforce existing polarization rather than creating a stable and peaceful pre-election atmosphere.
  • Armenia has made real strides in electoral administration since 2018—better transparency, more credible vote counting, fewer blatant abuses of administrative resources compared to earlier periods. But public trust in institutions remains uneven. Many voters still suspect elite bargaining or external influence behind political outcomes, even when procedures are sound.  Post-election stability: Even a technically well-run election could be followed by protests if the result is politically contested.

The main challenge isn’t whether votes are counted correctly; it’s whether the outcome is broadly accepted as legitimate in a society under significant internal and external strain.

Armenia is better prepared than it was a decade ago, but its defences against hybrid interference are not yet fully integrated. The greatest risk isn’t that the elections will be “hacked,” but that the information environment will become so controversial that the legal outcome will be widely questioned—a problem that is both political and technical.

Source: Dr Andrzej Klimczyk is a former Polish diplomat with over 25 years of experience in post-Soviet countries. Dr. Klimczyk is an expert in fields such as the promotion of democracy and human rights pertaining to electoral systems, as well as freedom of speech in mass media. Moreover, he has broad experience in the security and defense sector. Dr Klimczyk is a former Political Officer in the OSCE Mission to Moldova (2001-2008) and Political Officer in the NATO Liaison Office in Georgia ( 2010-2017). Additionally, he has served as a former journalist and press attaché in the Polish Embassy in Moscow (1996-2000). Dr Klimczyk has significant experience observing general, local, and municipal elections in Russia, Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova. He is the founder of the“Anush Klimczyk Foundation”.The foundation was established in March 2025 in Yerevan, Armenia. 


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Kurdish Press: Armenian Women: guaranteeing women’s rights in constitution con

Vanyan Gary
Kurdish Press, Syria – May 14 2026

Armenian women affirmed that women will attain their rightful place in the new Syrian constitution through their struggle and active participation in building the country’s future. They called for the inclusion of the principles of the social contract specific to North and East Syria within the constitution, ensuring the protection of all women’s rights and strengthening their role in various state institutions.

Sevana Ebo, a member of the Armenian Social Council, and Silda Simonyan, a member of the Armenian Union Party, emphasized the importance of guaranteeing women’s rights in the new Syrian constitution, stressing the necessity of women’s participation in all stages of building the new Syria.

In a statement to ANHA agency, Ebo said that Syria is going through a sensitive and pivotal phase, explaining that this political stage reveals many issues and pushes towards integration. She added that women’s role in this integration is fundamental and crucial. She pointed out that women, since the beginning of the revolution until today, have achieved numerous gains in the regions of northern and eastern Syria, playing a prominent role in various fields, from the military and political spheres to diplomacy, and even representation in foreign parliaments.

She added, “In the new political phase that Syria is witnessing, women must obtain their rightful place in all fields and from all components of society Kurds, Arabs, Armenians, and all religious sects, so that they can play an active role in building the new Syria and ensuring their rights are enshrined in the new constitution.”

Sivan emphasized that achieving democratic integration is directly linked to women’s participation, stressing that any constitution that does not guarantee women’s rights “will be meaningless.”

In conclusion, she explained that Syrian women have made great sacrifices over the past years and continue to do so, and therefore their representation in parliament, the People’s Assembly, and ministries must be guaranteed, in addition to enshrining their rights in the new Syrian constitution.

For her part, Selda Simonyan, a member of the Armenian Union Party, stated that the region is going through a very sensitive phase, and affirmed that the agreements concluded between the Interim Government and the Syrian Democratic Forces have contributed to protecting the region from war. Silda emphasized the necessity of women’s participation in the national process and in shaping Syria’s future, stressing that democratic integration cannot be achieved without women’s presence and active participation in drafting the Syrian constitution.

She added, “Syrian women must earn their rightful place in writing Syria’s constitution through their struggle.”

She concluded by emphasizing the importance of the social contract in the regions of northern and eastern Syria, expressing her hope that it will be given special consideration within the new Syrian constitution, thus guaranteeing the protection of the rights of all Syrian women.

ANHA

https://hawarnews.com/en/armenian-women-guaranteeing-womens-rights-in-constitution-contribute-in-building-new-syria

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Iran airspace closure boosts Armenia overflight revenue

Khondkarian Raffi
Big News Network
May 14 2026

PanArmenian.Net
14th May 2026, 12:18 GMT+11

PanARMENIAN.Net – Against the backdrop of restrictions in Iranian airspace, transit flights through Armenia and related revenues have increased, Armenia’s Ministry of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure said, presenting data for January and March, Sputnik Armenia reports.

Daily revenue from aeronautical servicing of flights through Armenian airspace increased by more than 1,100 euros.

According to data from “HayAeronavigation” CJSC, due to the situation surrounding Iran, transit flights through Armenian airspace between March 1 and April 20 increased by an average of 43 flights per day compared with January-February 2026.

“During March 2026, the average daily revenue accrued for aeronautical servicing of en-route flights amounted to 30,374.04 euros, while in January 2026 it stood at 29,253.30 euros,” the ministry’s response stated.

The ministry added that April data will be calculated in the second half of May.

Source: PanArmenian.Net

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Armenian billionaire vows to build Noah’s Ark after construction of world’s t

Alex Nanijanian
OC Media
May 14 2026
by Nate Ostiller

Eclectic Armenian billionaire and opposition figure Gagik Tsarukyan has pledged to build a monumental Noah’s Ark memorial after he finishes the construction of the world’s tallest Jesus Christ statue, saying the sculptures will attract ‘millions’ of tourists. Earlier, Tsarukyan had dubbed his main campaign programme, called the ‘Proposal for Armenia’, a ‘political and civic Noah’s Ark’ that would guide Armenia to ‘salvation and rebirth’.

Campaigning in the Tavush region on Wednesday in characteristically flamboyant attire — and accompanying rhetoric — Tsarukyan castigated the policies of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

Tsarukyan also falsely claimed Pashinyan plans to allow 300,000 Azerbaijanis into the country, adding that in order to fulfill the alleged plans, ‘our compatriots [will] have nowhere to stay […] they must leave so that others can come and live there’.

Speaking more about his policies should his Prosperous Armenia party come to power, Tsarukyan suggested major world powers like Russia, China, India, or Pakistan — which only officially started diplomatic relations with Armenia in 2025 — could act as security guarantors. He did not specify how he planned to obtain their support.

Separately, he criticised Pashinyan over a comment he had made earlier this week about his son Nver Tsarukyan, who is wanted in Armenia over a 2024 shooting incident. After the criminal proceedings were announced, Nver Tsarukyan departed for Belarus and Russia on a ‘business trip’, and he has reportedly stayed there since. Armenia’s Prosecutor General’s office said on Tuesday that it had officially requested Nver Tsarukyan’s extradition from Belarus.

That same day, Pashinyan addressed Gagik Tsarukyan, saying he would ‘drag his son back from Belarus by the scruff of his neck and bring him to justice’.

Installation of the controversial Jesus Christ statue began in November 2025.

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Pashinyan orders dismissal of four school principals for letting teachers and

Khoyetsian Rose
OC Media
May 14 2026

Four school principals from Armenia’s Aragatsotn province have submitted resignation letters after Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan ‘instructed’ them to do so. The resignations came after election observers reported that they had allowed students and teachers to attend a Civil Contract rally during working hours.

In its extensive report, Akanates noted that its observers recorded on-site that principals and teachers from several schools in Aparan and nearby settlements participated in Civil Contract’s campaign during working hours.

‘Of particular concern is that, under direct instructions from school administrations and teaching staff, students were taken out of classes in order to welcome the Prime Minister and ensure participation in the campaign event’, the reports said.

The students were also reportedly provided with ‘mandatory instructions in advance regarding their appearance, clothing, and even hairstyles, being urged to wear braids’.

In some cases, observers ‘personally witnessed’ how the school principals and teachers, via phone calls, issued ‘loud and strict instructions’ demanding that children’s participation be ensured in ‘a mandatory and organised manner’.

In the village of Tsaghkashen, the students were also ‘given T-shirts bearing symbols associated with the ruling Civil Contract party and its political messaging’, the group said.

According to the group, one person named Edgar ‘actively coordinated’ the movement, ‘personally welcomed the children, distributed campaign-style flags, and gave clear instructions on where attendees should be positioned during the event’.

Armenian law prohibits political activity or campaigning in educational institutions, the observers stated, who further cited the Electoral Code that prohibits the ‘organisation and conduct of pre-election campaigning by employees of educational institutions while performing their duties or acting in an official capacity’.

Aside from the school, the mission also recorded the ‘organised presence’ of employees from the Gntuniq supermarket in Aparan at the campaign.

Karapetyan hits back at Pashinyan as more affiliates arrested on vote-buying charges

In a press briefing on Thursday, Pashinyan stated that the principals of the four schools involved had submitted their resignations ‘under his instructions’. He said their resignations would not be accepted until the conclusion of a formal investigation into the matter.

‘So that it does not appear that we are acting emotionally or unfairly toward anyone, we will carry out a service investigation, and where unlawful instructions were given, there will definitely be accountability’, Pashinyan said.

He further stated that the use of administrative resources to force people to attend any  gathering ‘cannot remain without consequences’.

Earlier on Wednesday, Armenia’s Education Ministry announced it launched an internal investigation into the incident, adding that they forward all their reports to law enforcement agencies. It emphasised the importance of maintaining the depoliticised functioning of educational institutions.

Separately, the Central Election Commission stressed the illegality of using administrative resources for the purpose of pre-election campaigning.

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Armenia allows construction of energy storage systems

Emil Lazarian
PV Magazine
May 14 2026

Amendments to Armenia’s Energy Law permits the development of energy storage systems for the first time, subject to licensing. Systems smaller than 1 MW, or those above 1 MW designed for self-consumption, are exempt from licensing.

May 14, 2026 Patrick Jowett

From ESS News

The Armenian government has passed legislation allowing the construction of energy storage systems.

The amendment to the country’s Energy Law, which has now passed a second and final reading in parliament, sets out the introduction of energy storage systems subject to licensing.

Speaking to Armenia’s national news agency Armenpress, the country’s Minister of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure, David Khudatyan, explained the license will allow, in accordance with market rules, the right to buy and sell electricity on the wholesale market and to provide storage services to market participants.

The new rules also stipulate that licensing will not be required for the development of energy storage systems when the system is up to 1 MW in capacity, or when the system is above 1 MW but is designed for self-consumption.

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As Canada plans to send election observers to Armenia, advocates warn of a dem

Boris Nahapetian
CBC, Canada
May 14 26

Group flags political prisoners as election campaign focuses on Russia, peace process with Azerbaijan

Raffy Boudjikanian · CBC News

As the federal government prepares to send election observers to Armenia, an advocacy group featuring the former president of Human Rights Watch is warning Canada and its Western allies of democratic backsliding prior to the June vote.

“We found a disturbing tendency on the part of the current government [of Armenia] to try to suppress opposition points of view and actually to undermine some of the independent institutions that might have served as a check on executive overreach,” said Kenneth Roth of the International Observatory for Democracy in Armenia (IODA), which conducted a fact-finding mission to Yerevan in March.

IODA also wrote letters to Prime Minister Mark Carney and Global Affairs Canada focusing on its findings, the group said.

Canada is looking to hire seven independent elections observers to send to Armenia ahead of its parliamentary elections next month, the Privy Council Office told CBC News in a statement. They will be part of a larger mission deployed by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). 

The move comes on the heels of Carney’s visit to Yerevan during a European Political Community (EPC) summit last week.

  • As Carney visits Armenia, experts urge deeper Canada ties in the Caucasus

The EPC, a body composed of the European Union’s 27 member states and other countries on the EU’s periphery, was an initiative of French President Emmanuel Macron in 2022, in the wake of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. 

Carney was the first non-European leader invited to the event. He spent about 30 hours on the ground in Yerevan meeting mostly with EU leaders, but also his Armenian counterpart, Nikol Pashinyan. 

“Our histories are deeply intertwined,” Carney said in a speech at the opening of the summit, noting the tens of millions of Canadians with European roots, “including more than 60,000 of Armenian descent.” 

He noted shared values, citing freedom, the rule of law, democracy and pluralism, and highlighted Canada’s role as “the only non-European participant in the European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA).” 

The EUMA is a civilian force set up to monitor the border between Armenia and neighbouring Azerbaijan, after two major wars in the last three decades between the two over the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Recognized under international law as part of Azerbaijan, but historically with a majority ethnic Armenian population, the conflicts ended with Baku’s victory and Karabakh’s Armenian population fleeing to Armenia in 2023. 

Pivot to the West a major campaign theme

“It’s as if … Western governments, including Canada, have basically decided that for geopolitical purposes it doesn’t matter if there’s democracy in Armenia,” said Roth. “As long as the government that emerges from it is on the West’s side.” 

IODA, which includes former Liberal MP Bryan May on its executive and former Alberta premier Jason Kenney on its advisory board, warned in March “of the [Armenian] government’s interference in the independence of the judiciary and religious establishment, as well as politicized prosecutions of perceived political opponents, including political leaders, media figures, lawyers and members of the clergy.” 

Among those imprisoned is Pashinyan’s main political opponent Samvel Karapetyan, a Russian-Armenian business tycoon currently under house arrest, as well as multiple members of the clergy including Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan, a Canadian citizen who spent a decade in Montreal as primate of the Armenian Diocese of Canada. 

Most of Pashinyan’s opponents have been critical of his pivot away from Russia, Armenia’s traditional ally, as well as what they see as too many concessions by the Armenian government in its quest for peace with Azerbaijan. 

Galstanyan and many others are facing charges of attempting to mount a coup against Pashinyan.

Carney did not publicly address Galstanyan’s imprisonment during his visit to Yerevan, and it is unclear if he raised it when he met privately with Pashinyan. 

A spokesperson for the Privy Council Office told CBC News that “consular officials have provided assistance to the individual and are closely monitoring the trial,” but said it could not disclose further information due to privacy considerations. 

“There clearly is a threat of Russian disinformation, but the idea of using that threat to fend off criticism of clearly anti-democratic practices on the part of the ruling party is basically a matter of trying to save democracy by defeating it,” Roth said. 

“And that has been a very successful strategy on the part of Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan because it has silenced Western critics and the European Union.” 

1st election since losing Nagorno-Karabakh

One set of issues about which Western countries including Canada have been more vocal than Pashinyan is the fallout from the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. 

The European Parliament passed a resolution days before the EPC summit, calling on Baku to release Armenian prisoners of war, for refugees from the enclave to have a right to return under security guarantees, and for accountability for the destruction of Armenian cultural and religious heritage. 

The resolution also happened to come days after Azerbaijan destroyed two churches in Karabakh’s former de facto capital city, known as Khankendi in Azerbaijani and Stepanakert in Armenian.

In a statement, Azerbaijan’s religious authority, the Caucasus Muslims Board, defended the move, saying the buildings were “illegally constructed in Khankendi during the occupation of Azerbaijan’s territories.” 

Speaking to journalists at a news conference in Yerevan, Carney pointed to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s virtual participation in the EPC summit as an “important sign of the commitment” to the peace process. 

“But it’s a process, and in any peace process there are always a series of issues, important issues, fundamental issues, humanitarian issues that need to be addressed over time,” Carney added.

He also pointed to how Pashinyan himself did not raise the issue of demolished churches during the summit. 

“I think this is, probably for Armenia, since the breakup of the Soviet Union, one of the more critical elections,” said Jack Sullens, a lawyer who lectures about election law at the University of Windsor, and has observed many elections as a Canadian member of the OSCE in eastern European countries. 

He pointed out that it’s the first election in Armenia since Azerbaijan completely retook Nagorno-Karabakh, where he visited in 2010 to observe parliamentary elections of the unrecognized ethnic Armenian republic that ran the place at the time. 

Sullens said the role of the observers sent by Canada and other countries will be crucial, and not just on the day of the vote. 

“It’s things such as campaign registration and candidate registration. These are kind of the key components of, are you actually running a real election, a real transparent election?”  

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Raffy Boudjikanian

Senior reporter

Raffy Boudjikanian is a senior reporter with the CBC’s Parliamentary Bureau in Ottawa. He has also worked in Edmonton, Calgary and Montreal for the public broadcaster.

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