Rosatom’s Uneasy Spring: Armenia Turns Away, Europe Hesitates, China Steps In

Bellona.org
May 29 2026

Russia’s nuclear ambitions abroad are increasingly colliding with geopolitical reality. In Armenia, Moscow’s once-dominant position in the nuclear sector is beginning to erode as Yerevan turns toward Europe. Across the EU, governments are still struggling in fits and starts to reduce their dependence on Russian nuclear fuel. And in Russia itself, Rosatom appears strangely reluctant to publicize the arrival from China of a major component for one of its flagship Arctic energy projects.

These are among the trends highlighted in Bellona’s April 2026 Nuclear Digest.

Armenia’s nuclear drift away from Moscow

Nowhere is the political dimension of nuclear energy clearer than in Armenia. Rosatom remains deeply involved in extending the life of the Metsamor nuclear power plant, whose second VVER-440 reactor was shut down in April for an unusually long five-month maintenance and modernization campaign. The work—carried out with the participation of multiple Rosatom subsidiaries—is intended to extend the plant’s operational life to 2036.

But while Russia still services Armenia’s aging Soviet-built reactor fleet, its chances of building Armenia’s future reactors appear increasingly slim.

“Russia and Rosatom traditionally play an important role in servicing the Metsamor nuclear power plant,” Bellona nuclear analyst Dmitry Gorchakov writes in the digest, noting Moscow’s continued role in supplying fuel, components, and modernization work. Yet he adds that “the prospects for Rosatom’s participation in Armenia’s new nuclear program remain extremely uncertain.”

That uncertainty is largely political. Armenia has accelerated discussions over building a new nuclear plant focused on small modular reactors, considering proposals from the United States, France, South Korea, and China alongside Russia’s. At the same time, relations between Moscow and Yerevan have deteriorated sharply as Armenia pivots toward the European Union.

“The current political dynamic and the likelihood of pro-European forces winning upcoming elections make the prospects for Rosatom building a new Armenian nuclear plant extremely low,” Gorchakov writes.

Europe’s sluggish nuclear divorce

Europe, meanwhile, continues its own uneasy disentanglement from Russia’s nuclear industry—though progress remains uneven.

Bellona’s digest shows that EU countries operating Soviet-designed VVER reactors are slowly introducing alternative fuel suppliers, primarily Westinghouse and Framatome. Westinghouse now has fuel supply contracts with every European VVER operator, while countries including Finland and the Czech Republic have already begun receiving non-Russian fuel deliveries.

But despite the political rhetoric surrounding energy independence after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Russian nuclear fuel continues flowing into Europe in substantial quantities.

“After peaking in 2023, purchases of Russian nuclear fuel have begun declining, and that trend continued in 2025,” Gorchakov writes. “But overall procurement levels still remain above prewar levels.”

Indeed, Bellona’s analysis notes that between 2022 and 2025, EU countries paid Rosatom roughly 70 percent more for nuclear fuel than during the previous four-year period.

The result, Gorchakov argues, is two distinct European strategies. The first includes countries such as Finland and the Czech Republic, which are shifting toward Westinghouse fuel and actively reducing Russian purchases. The second includes countries such as Hungary and Slovakia, which remain reluctant to break with Rosatom and instead are gravitating toward France’s Framatome as an alternative supplier.

Yet even that alternative comes with caveats. Framatome still lacks a fully independent fuel-production chain for VVER reactors and is preparing to assemble Russian-designed fuel under license at facilities in France and Germany. “This effectively preserves dependence on Russian technology in a more indirect form,” Gorchakov writes.

In other words, Europe’s nuclear decoupling from Russia remains partial, politically fragmented, and technologically incomplete.

Rosatom’s Quiet Dependence on China

If Armenia and Europe illustrate Rosatom’s geopolitical vulnerabilities abroad, developments in Russia’s Arctic suggest another problem: growing dependence on China.

In late March, according to industry publication SeaNews, the hull for a new floating nuclear power unit arrived from China at St. Petersburg’s Baltic Shipyard. The floating reactor platform is part of Rosatom’s ambitious plan to power the remote Baimskaya mining region in Chukotka using a fleet of floating nuclear reactors equipped with RITM-200S reactors.

But Rosatom itself said almost nothing publicly about the delivery.

“The arrival of the first hull for the floating nuclear power unit from China took place in an atmosphere of complete informational silence from Rosatom and its subsidiaries,” Gorchakov writes.

The silence is striking because the project is both strategically important and deeply symbolic. Rosatom has long promoted floating nuclear plants as a showcase of Russian technological prowess. But the first hulls are being built not in Russia, but at the Chinese shipyard Wison Heavy Industry because Russian shipyards lacked the capacity to complete the order on schedule.

The delays have been substantial. Under the original contract, the first hull was supposed to arrive in Russia by October 2023. Instead, it arrived roughly two and a half years late.

Why Rosatom has chosen not to highlight the delivery remains unclear. Gorchakov suggests several possibilities: security concerns, reluctance to expose Chinese partners to sanctions risks, or discomfort with publicly acknowledging that a major “prestige project” for Russia was substantially built in China.

Taken together, the stories in Bellona’s latest digest point toward a broader reality facing Rosatom in 2026. Russia’s nuclear industry remains globally active and technically capable. But geopolitical fragmentation, sanctions pressure, and shifting political alliances continue to complicate Moscow’s ability to dominate the nuclear landscape as confidently as it once did.

Russia suspends sales of Armenian mineral water as tensions rise with Yerevan

Reuters
May 29 2026
By Reuters

MOSCOW, May 29 (Reuters) – Russia has suspended the sale of ‌Armenian mineral water, its consumer safety agency said on Friday, the ⁠latest in a series of temporary restrictions imposed at a time when tensions between Moscow and Yerevan ‌are ⁠rising.
The ban, which Rospotrebnadzor, the consumer safety agency said was ⁠introduced over health concerns, will affect 64.5 ⁠million units of Jermuk water.

Armenia, Georgia: the Age of Breakability

The Times of Israel
May 29 2026

This year marks 108 years since the first independence of Armenia in 1918, and more than three decades since the rebirth of Armenian and Georgian sovereignty after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Yet these anniversaries are not merely political commemorations. They open a wider question concerning memory, continuity, and the survival of ancient civilizations in a world entering what might be called an age of breakability.

The Caucasus has never been a simple geographical frontier. Armenia and Georgia stood for centuries at the meeting point of worlds: Semitic, Persian, Byzantine, Turkic, Slavic, and Mediterranean. Their Churches belong among the oldest living Christian traditions on earth. Georgia approaches the commemoration of seventeen centuries of ecclesial continuity linked to Saint Nino and the Christianization of the ancient Iberian kingdom. Armenia became the first kingdom to adopt Christianity officially in the early fourth century through the witness of Saint Gregorios the Illuminator and older apostolic traditions associated with Thaddaeus and Bartholomew. Both peoples transformed faith into alphabet, rich chant, architecture, monasticism, exceptional manuscript culture, pilgrimage, and collective memory.

Yet neither Armenia nor Georgia can be understood solely through national history. Their deeper horizon remains connected to Jerusalem, Antioch, Sinai, Cappadocia, and the wider Christian East.

In Jerusalem, Armenians maintained one of the oldest uninterrupted Christian presences. Their Patriarchate survived conquests, schisms, massacres, imperial rivalries, demographic collapses, and repeated political upheavals. Armenian communities spread not only across the Middle East and Europe, but also toward Persia, India, Ethiopia, Southeast Asia, and the Mediterranean basin. Dispersion itself became one of the forms of Armenian endurance.

The Georgians followed another path. Medieval Georgian Christianity once occupied a remarkable place in Jerusalem and the Holy Land. Georgian monasteries, inscriptions, manuscripts, and monastic communities formed part of the spiritual fabric of the city. Over centuries, however, this presence diminished dramatically through invasions, imperial domination, poverty, fragmentation, confiscations, and historical displacement. Today, traces remain more than institutions. Stones, fragments of frescoes, scattered manuscripts, forgotten place names, and memories bear witness to a civilization that once flourished visibly in the sacred geography of Christianity.

Some peoples survive by dispersing everywhere. Others survive by becoming almost invisible.

Jerusalem itself still carries these fractured continuities physically. The Armenian Patriarchate remains anchored around Saint James Convent, with its immense manuscript collections, liturgical memory, and difficult balance between rootedness and dispersion. One still encounters there seminarians from the Caucasus, from Arab countries, from old diasporas now reduced or threatened, and increasingly from the Republic of Armenia itself. Some arrive speaking Arabic, others Russian, Armenian, Hebrew, English, or French. The Armenian presence survives not as folklore but as a demanding form of continuity lived under pressure.

Years ago, the burial of Patriarch Torkom Manoogian near Mount Zion revealed something of this deeper reality. He had been born in the Syrian desert while his parents fled the genocide of 1915. The child of refugees eventually became Patriarch of Jerusalem. Such destinies say more than abstract geopolitical analyses. They reveal how survival in the Christian East often passed through exile, displacement, memory, and stubborn fidelity to liturgy and place.

The Caucasus itself carries an even older symbolic resonance. According to biblical memory, somewhere in those mountain regions Noah and his “living families” emerged after the Flood. The Ark came to rest not in an imperial center, but in the mountains. Humanity began again there in fragility rather than triumph.

This image matters today.

The Ark is not a symbol of domination. It is a symbol of preservation through catastrophe. Noah survives not alone, but together with families, memory, creatures, and covenant. The first task after the Flood is not conquest but relearning how to inhabit the earth without destroying it again.

This is perhaps why Armenia and Georgia continue to possess significance beyond their size or political weight. They represent ancient forms of continuity maintained through liturgy, language, ritual, sacred time, and collective memory rather than uninterrupted power.

The breakability of civilizations did not begin with our toptech era. The Caucasus and the Christian East already endured earlier floods of destruction. The Seyfo/ܣܝܦܐ – the annihilation and deportation of Armenians, Assyrians, Syriacs, and Pontic Greeks during the collapse of the Ottoman world – shattered ancient continuities that had survived for centuries. Entire landscapes of monasteries, villages, dialects, pilgrimages, and local coexistence disappeared. Recognition remains incomplete, fragmented by geopolitics and selective memory. Yet without confronting these ruptures honestly, contemporary discussions about coexistence, Christianity, or regional stability remain fragile and unconvincing.

Nor were the ancient Churches of the Caucasus protected by Christian solidarity alone. Armenians and Georgians often found themselves marginalized between larger ecclesiastical and imperial forces – Greek, Latin, Russian, Persian, Ottoman, Soviet. Jerusalem itself preserves traces of these asymmetries. The Armenians maintained a remarkable continuity through stubborn institutional endurance, while much of the once-vast Georgian monastic presence faded into fragments, ruins, and scattered manuscripts. Christian history in the East was never purely harmonious. It survived through friction as much as through communion.

The local Churches of Jerusalem also continue, consciously or unconsciously, to live beneath older legal and political structures inherited from the Ottoman world. The Islamic Decree of Omar (647) still hovers over many realities of the Holy Land. Historical layers rarely disappear; they sediment and continue acting beneath modern political surfaces. Christians, Muslims, and Jews remain marked by decisions and balances that were established centuries ago and never entirely dissolved.

The same ambiguity marks relations with modern Israel. The State of Israel became responsible for the Christian Holy Places after 1948 and especially after 1967, yet relations between the Churches and the Jewish State remain deeply complex. Many local Churches had not anticipated the return of Jewish sovereignty or the rebirth of  free Hebrew public life. At the same time, Israelis themselves often remain cautious regarding the recognition of the Armenian genocide, partly because of geopolitical calculations and partly because the Shoah occupies such a singular place in Jewish historical consciousness. Beneath official diplomacy, older fears, theological suspicions, memories of supersession, and unresolved historical tensions continue to shape attitudes on all sides.

The former Ottoman space itself seems today to quake, shake, and quiver once again. From the Caucasus to the Levant, from Anatolia to Mesopotamia, older imperial landscapes continue to fragment and recombine. The same territories repeatedly become zones of unresolved memory, demographic shifts, religious tension, and geopolitical transition. Beneath diplomatic language and technological modernity, older historical energies remain active.

This also explains why memory itself has become embattled. Different peoples increasingly struggle not only over territory, but over recognition, legitimacy, and inherited suffering. Forms of “superseding” persist in political, national, and even religious narratives. One memory tends to absorb or eclipse another. Victims compete symbolically. Historical traumas become instruments of legitimacy. The inability to recognize the suffering of others without relativizing or appropriating it reveals another dimension of breakability: the weakening of shared moral language itself.

At present, however, the entire world seems to be entering a wider period of breakability.

Climate itself becomes unstable. Economies loosen. Alliances fracture. Wars become hybrid and permanent. Identities grow fluid. Mental life becomes fragmented under technological pressure. Family structures weaken. Relationships become provisional. Even the human body increasingly appears as something editable, transformable, technologically extendable, exo-robotable.

Breakability is not simply collapse. It is the progressive weakening of binding structures. Many things continue to exist outwardly while losing inner coherence.

States become breakable. Institutions become breakable. Cultures become breakable. Faith communities become breakable. Even memory itself risks becoming breakable.

Yet the roots of breakability are deeper still. Humanity continuously dreams of unity, peace, oneness, reconciliation, and universal fraternity while remaining trapped inside recurring movements of jealousy, rivalry, seizure, domination, imitation, exclusion, and fear. History repeatedly reveals this paradox. Human beings seek communion while simultaneously destroying the very structures that make coexistence possible.

The biblical narratives themselves already carry this tension: Cain and Abel, Babel, Joseph and his brothers, kingdoms splitting apart, disciples quarreling while proclaiming love, empires devouring one another while invoking civilization and order. The Flood belongs to this same tragic anthropology.

The Caucasus also belongs to a much older geography of movement. Like Ukraine and the great Eurasian threshold zones, it long served as both cradle and corridor — a space through which peoples, languages, armies, merchants, monks, refugees, and civilizations continuously passed. Ancient migrations, imperial expansions, deportations, and modern displacements all left their marks there. These regions were never completely fixed worlds. They were zones of transition where humanity repeatedly learned, often painfully, how to coexist, separate, merge, survive, and begin again.

This dimension may become even more significant in the coming decades. Climate instability, war, economic fracture, demographic shifts, and new migratory pressures are likely to transform Eurasian and Mediterranean realities profoundly. The Caucasus may once again become a region where the future shape of coexistence is tested under pressure. In that sense, the mountains of Noah remain not only a memory of survival, but also a threshold toward uncertain new beginnings.

In such a world, Armenia and Georgia acquire a significance that goes beyond geopolitics or religious nostalgia. Their importance does not lie in perfection, purity, or uninterrupted victory. Both civilizations were wounded. Both knew corruption, internal fractures, foreign domination, historical failures, and painful compromises. Yet something deeper continued to pass through them.

Several modern Orthodox and Jewish thinkers already perceived aspects of this growing civilizational instability. Father Alexander Schmemann warned repeatedly that modern humanity was losing the capacity to perceive the world sacramentally. Bread, time, body, language, and even creation itself gradually ceased to be received as gift and presence, becoming instead objects of use, consumption, and management.

In Jewish thought, Abraham Joshua Heschel similarly warned against the collapse of awe and reverence in technological civilization, while Yeshayahu Leibowitz insisted, after the catastrophes of the twentieth century, that neither religion nor civilization could be confused with moral innocence or historical guarantees. In different ways, all perceived that modern societies risk preserving external sophistication while losing the inner structures that bind human beings to reverence, responsibility, memory, and transcendence.

Faith is not merely identity, ideology, inherited custom, or emotional affirmation. Faith is also Presence. And presence requires reverence.

A society may survive disagreement, poverty, and even defeat. But when presence itself ceases to be respected – human presence, sacred presence, historical presence, embodied presence – everything gradually becomes interchangeable and disposable.

This is increasingly visible today. Human beings are treated as flows and statistics. Cultures become consumable contents. Religions become identity labels or political instruments. Relationships become temporary breakable negotiations. Historical memory becomes editable narrative. Sacred places become tourism or real estate. Even war is transformed into distant technological management.

Against this background, Armenia and Georgia still preserve another anthropology inherited from older Christianity and older civilizations of the Near East.

The liturgy embodies this. So do monasteries carved into mountains, manuscripts copied through centuries of invasion, chants transmitted orally across generations, pilgrimages maintained despite poverty and danger, and alphabets created in order to translate sacred words of revelation, prayer and knowledge into the language of a people.

The Caucasus reminds us that continuity is not maintained by force alone. It survives through rituals of presence.

This reflection acquires particular meaning near Eastern Pentecost.

Pentecost is not merely emotional enthusiasm or collective exaltation. It is the descent of Presence into fragile flesh, fragile languages, fragile peoples, and fragile communities. The Spirit does not abolish difference. It inhabits it.

Perhaps this is why the older Christian civilizations of the Caucasus still matter today. Not because they offer political solutions, nor because they embody some romantic lost world, but because they reveal another way of enduring historical fracture without entirely dissolving.

Armenia and Georgia show that truth does not survive through domination alone. It survives through wounded continuity.

Their existence itself becomes testimony that authentic continuity is born not from possession or total control, but from fidelity carried through rupture.

After the Flood, Noah receives no empire. He receives a covenant.

Perhaps, in our own age of breakability, this distinction matters more than ever.

Russia Targets Mineral Water in Latest Trade Restriction Against Armenia

The Moscow Times
May 29 2026

Russia’s consumer safety watchdog has blocked the sale of an additional 64.5 million bottles of Armenian mineral water, ramping up what appears to be an economic pressure campaign against Yerevan over its pursuit of closer relations with the European Union.

Rospotrebnadzor said Friday that it suspended all new sales of Jermuk, a popular Armenian mineral water brand. The move, effective May 28, brings the total volume of Jermuk water pulled from Russian store shelves and online marketplaces by the agency to more than 100 million units since the beginning of 2026, after the sale of 338,000 bottles was initially banned in April.

“Excessive levels of bicarbonate ions, chlorides and sulfates were detected in the water. This could lead to misconceptions about its medicinal properties and negatively impact health,” Rospotrebnadzor said in a statement.

Despite the official explanation of quality and compliance concerns, the suspension of sales is likely political in nature, as Russia recently restricted the sale or imports of Armenian produce, flowers and alcoholic products over various health and safety violations.

At the same time, Russia this week threatened to rip up a 2013 bilateral agreement guaranteeing Armenia duty-free natural gas and oil if it continues to pursue closer relations with the European Union, including membership in the bloc.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan shrugged off the energy threats, arguing that EU membership would eventually bring in far more money than Armenia would lose from higher energy costs imposed by Russia.

On Friday, Russia’s Economic Development Minister Maxim Reshetnikov said Armenian products are “too niche” for the mounting restrictions to have a significant impact on consumers.

“We cover most of [domestic] demand with our own production. And in these areas, our markets still have a well-diversified supplier base,” he told the pro-Kremlin newspaper Izvestia.

The diplomatic spat comes just ahead of parliamentary elections in Armenia next month, where Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party faces a challenge from an array of pro-Russian opposition groups.

Reuters, citing Western intelligence and government officials, reported on Friday that the Kremlin has discussed the possibility of sending Russia-based Armenians to vote for Pashinyan’s opponents. It was not immediately clear whether those alleged plans were being implemented.

Sources told Reuters that Russia’s preferred candidate in the upcoming race is Russian-Armenian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan, who is on trial for allegedly calling for a coup.

Friction between traditional allies Russia and Armenia has grown since Azerbaijan regained control of the breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023. Armenia accused Russia and its peacekeeping forces of failing to deter Baku’s military offensive and, in 2024, froze its participation in a Moscow-led regional security bloc.

President Vladimir Putin has warned Armenia that closer European integration carries the same risks faced by Ukraine, which Russia invaded in February 2022.


Sports: Armenian Spertsyan Receives Offer from Roshan League

YsScore
May 29 2026
Armenian Spertsyan Receives Offer from Roshan League
Negotiations for the transfer of Armenian player Eduard Spertsyan, a midfielder for Russian club Krasnodar, to the Saudi Roshn League have reached their final stages during the current period.

Press reports revealed that the player has agreed to all personal and financial terms offered by the Saudi club interested in signing him this summer.

The sources confirmed that the offer presented to Spertsyan impressed the player, as it included significant financial benefits that align with his future ambitions.

Despite the complete understanding between both parties, the deal is still pending on the stance of the management of the Russian club Krasnodar, which holds the final decision regarding the sale of the player.

The reason is the absence of a release clause in the Armenian star’s contract, which gives the Russian club the freedom to set the transfer fee or retain him.

The fans are eagerly awaiting the decision of Krasnodar’s president, Sergey Galitsky, who, according to reports, might agree to the player’s departure in appreciation of his contributions to the team over the past years.

Spertsyan is considered one of the most prominent midfielders in the Russian league, which has led several top clubs in the Roshn League to monitor his situation in preparation for finalizing the deal officially.

https://www.ysscores.com/en/news/13973936/armenian-spertsyan-receives-offer-from-roshan-league

Music: Oud Masters John Berberian & Antranig Kzirian to Perform at the Armenia

Watertown News
May 29 2026

The following announcement was provided by the Armenian Museum of America:

The Armenian Museum of America is pleased to present “Music in Color: Oudflections” on Thursday, June 11 at 7 p.m., an intimate and dynamic evening celebrating the rich traditions and contemporary evolution of Armenian music with two generations of oud players. This program is generously sponsored by Nancy R. Kolligian. 

This special duet performance brings together legendary oud virtuoso John Berberian and acclaimed contemporary musician Antranig Kzirian for a unique “East meets West” musical experience blending storytelling, classical compositions, Armenian folk traditions, improvisation, and modern interpretation. 

The oud is a fretless, pear-shaped string instrument that has been central to Middle Eastern and Armenian musical traditions for centuries. In Western Armenian music, the oud is held to be sacred due to its expressive, emotive sound and is often used to accompany traditional songs, dances, and community gatherings, helping preserve cultural memory across generations. Among Armenian-American communities, the oud remains an important symbol of heritage and identity, connecting diasporic families to Western Armenian culture through performances, celebrations, and the continuation of traditional music practices.

A pioneering figure in Armenian and Middle Eastern music, John Berberian is widely recognized as one of the foremost oud masters of his generation. A graduate of Columbia University, Berberian has performed internationally at renowned venues including Lincoln Center and The Town Hall (New York City) and has recorded with major labels such as RCA and Verve. Celebrated for his groundbreaking fusion of Armenian folk music with jazz, rock, and global influences, Berberian plays a vital role in expanding the reach and appreciation of Armenian musical traditions worldwide. 

Joining him is Antranig Kzirian, an innovative contemporary oud artist known for pushing the boundaries of the instrument through genre-crossing collaborations and experimental performance. Influenced by rock, jazz, classical, and folk traditions, Kzirian has collaborated with internationally recognized artists including Serj Tankian and performs extensively around the world. He is co-founder of TAQS.IM, teaches at UCLA, and continues to redefine the role of the oud in contemporary music.

“It’s an honor to perform with John at the Armenian Museum of America for such a special occasion to celebrate the richness of the Armenian oud. It is in this context that traditions are performed, interpreted, and renewed together across our generations,” said Kzirian. 

Together, Berberian and Kzirian represent two generations of artistry connected through mentorship, cultural heritage, and a shared commitment to musical innovation. Audiences can expect an evening that is both deeply rooted in Armenian tradition and boldly forward-looking.  “Music in Color: Oudflections” continues the Armenian Museum of America’s commitment to presenting programs that celebrate Armenian art, culture, and creative _expression_ across generations and disciplines. 

This is a ticketed event and space is limited. An RSVP via Eventbrite is required to attend. Tickets are $40, and free for current members. For tickets and additional information, please visit: www.armenianmuseum.org/oud

Russia’s Stealthy Maneuvers in Armenia’s Election: A Battle of Influence

DevDiscourse
May 29 2026

Russia allegedly intensifies clandestine operations to thwart Armenian leader Nikol Pashinyan’s re-election, fearing alignment shifts to the West. Covert measures include disinformation and mobilizing Russian-Armenians to influence the vote. Moscow’s preferred candidate, Samvel Karapetyan, faces charges of government overthrow, while Western nations express disapproval of Russia’s strategies.

Key Takeaways

  • Russia is ramping up covert operations to disrupt Armenian leader Nikol Pashinyan’s re-election campaign.
  • The Kremlin is employing disinformation tactics and plans to mobilize Russian-Armenians to sway the election outcome.
  • Samvel Karapetyan, Russia’s preferred candidate, is facing trial for allegedly inciting a government overthrow.
  • Western nations are expressing alarm over Russia’s interference in Armenia’s electoral process.

Russia is reportedly intensifying its covert operations to undermine Armenia’s leader Nikol Pashinyan’s re-election efforts, according to Western intelligence and government officials.

The Kremlin’s strategies include disseminating disinformation and planning to transport Russian-Armenians to influence the election, amidst Armenia’s growing ties with the West and NATO.

Moscow’s favored candidate, Samvel Karapetyan, stands trial over allegations of calling for a government overthrow, while Western countries voice concerns over Russia’s electoral meddling.

(With inputs from agencies.)

Russia is intensifying its influence activities in Armenia ahead of the parlia

Informat, Romania
May 29 2026
Cristiana Dida

Russia has intensified its influence campaigns in Armenia in order to weaken Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s position ahead of the parliamentary elections scheduled for June 7.

According to Western officials, the Kremlin fears a victory for Pashinyan, which could accelerate Armenia’s rapprochement with the European Union and NATO. The Russian campaign includes online disinformation, support for pro-Russian candidates, and mobilization of Armenian voters from Russia. Armenia, a traditional ally of Moscow, has begun to distance itself from Russian influence, and Pashinyan’s government has strengthened relations with the US and NATO.

In this context, Russia has exerted economic pressure on Armenia, threatening to restrict natural gas supplies. Moscow’s favorite in the elections is billionaire Samvel Karapetyan, who faces accusations of undermining the government. There are also concerns regarding Pashinyan’s security, with information about threats to his life.

Armenian section of Vatican Radio-Vatican News turns 60

Vatican News
May 29 2026
An Armenian music concert takes place at the Vatican to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Armenian section of Vatican Radio-Vatican News.

By Isabella H. de Carvalho

As 2026 marks 95 years since the foundation of Vatican Radio, it also commemorates the 60th anniversary of the creation of the Armenian section of Vatican Radio-Vatican News.

To celebrate this milestone, the Armenian section organized an Armenian music concert that was held at the Vatican on Thursday, May 28th.

“It is a joy to celebrate this 60th anniversary of the founding of the Armenian section,” said Andrea Tornielli, Editorial Director of the Dicastery for Communication, who pronounced his speech in Armenian and Italian.

“Christian identity has been a fundamental element in the history of your great people, who have experienced very troubled times, particularly at the beginning of the 20th century with the “Metz Yeghern,” and again in more recent times. Today we are called, also through the work of the Armenian section, to be a bridge of peace and dialogue with everyone.”


Vatican Radio launched its Armenian section on May 29, 1966, thanks to Armenian Cardinal Gregorio Pietro XV Agagianian, today a Servant of God. Armenian is one of 57 languages in which Vatican Radio-Vatican News offers coverage of the Pope, the Vatican, the Church and more.

The concert featured Armenian music ranging from the 1700s to the late 1900s and was performed by a group of Italian musicians, led by a Georgian-Armenian flautist, Veronika Khizanishvili. Accompanying the flute were a harp and a string quartet.

A credible and authoritative voice in a world of disinformation

Several representatives of the Armenian Catholic Church and Vatican Dicasteries were present at the concert and gave speeches.

“Know that your work is invaluable” especially “in a world where information is sometimes subject to manipulation, where disinformation has become a weapon used to destroy others, where the shouts of a powerful few drown out the whispers of millions of others,” emphasized the Patriarch of the Armenian Catholic Church, Raphaël Bedros XXI Minassian, who also sponsored the event, in a message read out by Monsignor Khatscig Kuyoumdjian, Rector of the Pontifical Armenian College. 


“The credible and authoritative voice of Vatican Radio – Vatican News continues to be a beacon and a guarantee that conveys the Gospel message, speaking of peace, speaking of social justice, speaking of fraternity and sharing, speaking of Gospel love.”

A bridge of communion

Cardinal Claudio Gugerotti, Prefect of the Dicastery for the Eastern Churches, highlighted in a message read out by the Secretary of the Dicastery, Archbishop Michel Jalakh, how the Armenian section has “served as a bridge of communion, brotherhood, and evangelical witness, keeping alive—even through the trials of history—the spiritual conscience of a people deeply rooted in the Christian faith.”

Cardinal Gugerotti thanked all those who have worked in the Armenian section and extended a special thought to the listeners “whose faces and names may often be unknown to us, but who are deeply present in the heart of the Church.”

“They are the true recipients of this mission of communication, through which they have been able to feel united with the Holy See and the Successor of Peter,” he continued.


A section in service to their people

Massimiliano Menichetti, Deputy Editorial Director and head of Vatican Radio – Vatican News, also highlighted how the Armenian section has helped to make known “the reality, the heart, the strength and the resilience of the Armenian population” and has contributed to building a work community centered on solidarity and fraternity.

Father Federico Lombardi, former director of Vatican Radio and of the Holy See Press Office, instead highlighted the importance of having an Armenian section and a radio program that spoke to the predominantly Christian population in the country.

“It wasn’t just any service, but one that the Armenian people particularly appreciated—at least that was my impression—and that was therefore generally loved and respected by everyone,” he said

Lastly, the head of the Armenian section, Robert Attarian, also expressed his gratitude for the 60 years of work. He also remembered and thanked his current colleagues and the heads of the section that preceded him, especially Michel Jeangey, who passed away exactly 10 years ago.  

Turning to the future of the Armenian section, Attarian concluded, “we will continue to announce the truth without fear.”

Moscow Plots to Mobilize 100,000 Russia Based Armenians to Vote Out Prime Mini

United 24 Media
May 29 2026

Authors

Roman Kohanets

Russia has launched a coordinated covert campaign to prevent Armenia from pivoting toward the West, deploying a voter-transport operation, disinformation networks, and threats against Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan ahead of parliamentary elections, Reuters reported on May 29.

The investigation, drawing on five Western officials and documentary evidence, identifies the Kremlin’s newly established Directorate for Strategic Cooperation and Partnership as the body overseeing the effort.

Russian authorities calculated the cost at approximately $50 million to transport around 100,000 Russia-based Armenians across the border to cast ballots against Pashinyan, three sources indicated. By mid-May, the Kremlin had issued regional quotas and instructed administrators to report on preparations, those officials added.

Moscow’s preferred candidate, three of the sources noted, is Samvel Karapetyan, a billionaire currently on trial for allegedly calling for the overthrow of the Armenian government. Karapetyan, who is Armenian-Russian, denies the charges.

The disinformation component involves the Social Design Agency (SDA), a Moscow-based PR firm already sanctioned by the US, UK, and EU for its links to Kremlin influence operations.

Reuters reviewed five Russian-language documents that the sources attributed to SDA. One proposed creating a media outlet called Yerevan1, built around the premise that Armenia could prosper only within a close alliance with Russia.

A Kremlin-affiliated bot network known as Storm-1516, previously linked to US election interference efforts, is also reportedly active in the campaign. Russia’s foreign ministry dismissed the allegations, telling reporters that claims of interference in Armenia’s internal affairs were unfounded.

“What Pashinyan is trying to do is a threat to Russia,” Thomas de Waal, senior fellow at Carnegie Europe, told Reuters. He warned that diversification of Armenia’s alliances threatened Russia’s long-held monopoly on influence in the country.

Pashinyan has accelerated Armenia’s westward shift since taking office in 2018, reaching a US-brokered peace agreement with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh last August and suspending participation in Moscow’s regional security alliance in 2024. This month, Armenia hosted NATO’s chief at a European leaders’ summit.

US President Donald Trump endorsed Pashinyan’s re-election bid on May 28. Secretary of State Marco Rubio flew to Yerevan this week, signing a minerals deal and an agreement on the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity, a proposed transport corridor through Armenia.

Three Western officials, including a senior US official, described serious and ongoing concerns about Pashinyan’s physical safety. A video circulating online in May showed masked men threatening to kill him; Armenian authorities are investigating the case.

Elements of the US government, including the CIA, have covertly aided Pashinyan’s personal protection in recent years, according to three sources with knowledge of the arrangement.

A recent poll suggested Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party leads with approximately 30% of the vote, against roughly 6% for Karapetyan’s Strong Armenia party in a crowded field.

Russia’s disinformation offensive against Pashinyan predates the current election cycle by months.

As early as March, fabricated social media videos began circulating with claims that a Pashinyan electoral victory would trigger armed conflict with Russia, with some clips falsely imitating reporting from established Western analytical institutions.

The campaign recruited US television actors through the Cameo platform, deploying them to promote manufactured narratives about a secret Pashinyan-France deal aimed at provoking Moscow.