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    Categories: 2023

Embrace the 32 and demand the release of remaining hostages

The media currently is saturated with references to hostages but not in the context of Armenians. The term hostage refers to an abduction or forced incarceration, usually for the purposes of leveraging something in return. The Armenian military personnel, civilians and Artsakh government officials illegally detained against international protocols by the Azerbaijani government must be referred to as hostages and not prisoners. Last week, it was reported that a “prisoner exchange” took place, with 32 Armenians released for two Azerbaijani soldiers. Most of those released were detained during one of the fabricated Azeri “counter-terrorism operations” in late 2020 in Hadrut, Artsakh after the negotiated end of the 2020 Artsakh War.

The media has reported the exchange as a confidence building measure resulting from direct negotiations. This, of course, supports the narrative that Azerbaijan and Armenia are mutually engaged in peace negotiations. Although the release of Armenian hostages is a positive development, it is important to note that the exchange coincided with the visit of U.S. Deputy Secretary of State James O’Brien to Baku. It is reasonable to assume that Aliyev’s agreement was the result of western pressure, specifically from the United States. Given the racist and volatile position of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev towards Armenia, it would be naive to view this as an olive branch. Aliyev has been more isolated from the west in recent months, due to his continued aggression and refusal to participate in trilateral peace negotiations. Armenia has compromised, at the urging of the west, in order to entice Azerbaijan to participate in talks. Shortly after the prisoner exchange, it was rumored that both countries were open to discussing pulling their troops back from the border. Azerbaijan quickly refused to agree to such a proposal and is engaging in rhetoric around delimitation and demarcation of its border with Armenia. For its part, Armenia also removed its objection to Azerbaijan hosting the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP29). In return, Azerbaijan supported Armenia’s candidacy to the COP Bureau of the Eastern European Group. Outside observers, eager for good news, view these as confidence building measures, but they are generally a continuation of Azerbaijan’s policy of committing only to minor moves.

Western actors are forcing Azerbaijan to choose between the east and the west. Western nations, such as France and the United States, view the South Caucasus through the prism of the new Cold War with Russia. The end game for the west is to build a western-leaning support base in the southern backyard of Russia. Putting aside the rhetoric of supporting democracy, it is in the interests of Europe and the United States to bring the South Caucasus into the western sphere. Taking a page from their Turkish cousins, the Azeris have built their foreign policy on playing both ends of the east/west divide. Given the complex and volatile dynamics, Azerbaijan will find it difficult to leave the Russian orbit. Although Azerbaijan’s family dictatorship creates a value dilemma for the west, Azerbaijan’s energy leverage has enabled it to burn both ends of the candle with measurable success. 

Aliyev will continue attempting to buy time until the geo-political environment is more favorable. His recent decision to hold snap elections in early 2024 illustrates this point. Azerbaijan is a rogue, corrupt dictatorship with no democratic institutions. Parliamentary snap elections, in reality, are a mechanism for delay and can only have one outcome. It would be easy for Aliyev to postpone any further agreements and wait for the will of his people. Delay tactics are Aliyev’s primary weapon, given the trending support for Armenia in the current process. For decades, Armenians have asked when the Azeri abuse of power and lack of respect for international law will run their course. The tolerance of the west was on full display during the ethnic cleansing of Artsakh, but its patience has been depleted with Azeri aggression towards Armenia. The west senses an opportunity with the Armenia/Russia tension to alter the regional dynamics. It remains to be seen whether the western overtures will translate into security for Armenia, but some interesting options have been defined.

Recent history tells us that Azerbaijan has never implemented any bilateral agreements with Armenia and continues to hold hostages illegally and occupy sovereign territory of Armenia. Human rights advocate Siranush Sahakyan reported that Azerbaijan officially still holds 55 Armenian detainees, including 41 military personnel, eight former members of the Artsakh government and six civilians. Some unofficial reports claim the list of those held is as high as 80. Against all rules of civility, Azerbaijan offers little insight into the hostages’ current status. The recent release of the 32 Armenians is gratifying, but no credit should be given to the Azerbaijani government. It should not be interpreted as an act of benevolence, humanity or confidence building. Azerbaijan was forced to make a move to relieve some of the pressure of isolation. While the private negotiations continue, the Armenian public should have renewed focus on the outrageous nature of the incarceration.

Among the remaining hostages are political prisoners from the former Artsakh government. The eight Artsakh detainees are: David Babayan, former Minister of Foreign Affairs; Arkady Ghukasyan, former President; Arayik Harutyunyan, former President; Davit Ishkhanyan, chairman of the National Assembly; Davit Manukyan, deputy commander of Artsakh forces; Levon Mnatsakanyan, commander of the defense forces; Bako Sahakyan, former President; and Ruben Vardanyan, former State Minister.

These are not prisoners of war detained during a declared war. They are government officials who are political prisoners held illegally along with other soldiers and civilians. These are committed Armenians who served their nation and are being held in violation of international law by a criminal state. Remember their names…pray for them, advocate for them…demand for their release. The Armenian public should know their names, as well as those of all of the remaining 55 captives. 

During the time of the Artsakh government, Armenians held a variety of opinions on these state politicians. This is expected when people are in office and are experiencing the trials and tribulations of national life. Whatever your opinion, we need to focus on the humanity and patriotic element of their captivity. They were deported from Artsakh like the rest of the 120,000 Armenians, the difference being that the Azeris arrested them to demonstrate the subordination of Armenians and retain negotiating capital. We must remind the world of their captivity until they are free. These are the people who created a functioning democracy with a market economy within a blockaded state and without the benefit of global recognition. This is a remarkable accomplishment, and their courage and valor will always be a source of inspiration. Forget your disappointment and disagreements long enough to advocate for fellow Armenians in need. 

The character of a nation is often defined in times of adversity. The Azeri government has an obvious disdain for all Armenian hostages, but it holds particular contempt for those from Artsakh. They consider the Artsakh soldiers as rebels and the government officials as traitors. This is outrageous and must be vigorously opposed until their freedom is secured. A genocidal assault on the peaceful people of Artsakh under the false pretense of an “anti-terrorism operation,” which resulted in the deportation of all Armenians, can only produce victims. There is no legitimacy to holding any Armenian as a result of the Azeri campaigns of atrocity. A vicious dictatorship has violated international law, destroyed a functioning democracy and detained military and political personnel. This is why the debate between “territorial integrity” and “self-determination” is biased to support the status quo. All powers maintaining the need for territorial integrity began with a struggle for self-determination sometime in their history. As Armenians, we must resolve that there is no difference between detainees from Armenia and Artsakh, nor does it matter if they are common soldiers or political figures. They are all victims of illegal detention.

Protesters in Geneva demand the release of Armenian POWs and other detainees held by Azerbaijan, April 2021 (Iskender.Giragossian/Wikimedia Commons)

Freeing the remaining Armenian hostages in Baku prisons is an intersection of the regional geo-political dynamics with humanitarian empathy. In our cynical world, the latter is often a casualty of the bigger picture or subordinated from our view. Ruben Vardanyan is a visionary leader of our people. He took significant personal and political risk by surrendering his Russian citizenship and moving to serve Artsakh. After his brief tenure as state minister, he stayed to work for the nation in other ways. These men did not use their influence to abandon Artsakh. They are more than deserving of our respect and admiration. Who among us should judge them from our comfortable box seat in the diaspora while they are subjected to “Azeri justice”? Vardanyan, along with his partners, has brought much-needed vision to our global nation. Some of these illegally held soldiers were 18 or 19 when detained. While our children are home from university semester breaks, these young men are sitting in Azeri prisons because they faithfully served their nation. We should think about these people with families and dreams of a better life. We must translate the cold realities of political jousting into the names and faces of those impacted.

Next week we will celebrate western Christmas, and shortly thereafter Armenians will remember His birth and baptism. During our family celebrations of a religious and social nature, save some time to pray for our hostages. It is also an opportunity to respect anyone who serves our communities both in the diaspora and the homeland. It is one of the lessons of Artsakh. Unity starts with respect for each other. 

Columnist
Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.


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